EDITORIAL 20.01.10

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Editorial

month  january 20, edition 000408, collected & managed by durgesh kumar mishra, published by – manish manjul

 

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THE PIONEER

1. WITCH-HUNT WON'T HELP
2. DIPPING POPULARITY
3. THREE HEADS ARE BETTER THAN TWO - ASHOK K MEHTA
4. PROBLEM OF MIGRATION - MK BHAT
5. CHINESE CHECKERS - RUDRONEEL GHOSH
6. THUMBS DOWN FOR DEMOCRACY - GWYNNE DYER
7. GIVING HOPE TO THE DISABLED IN THE VALLEY - DILEEP BIDAWAT

MAIL TODAY

1. SORT OUT THE MESS IN HIGHER EDUCATION
2. A RUDDERLESS JOURNEY
3. COPENHAGEN ACCORD - BY DINESH C SHARMA
4. BOOMTOWN RAP - MAX MARTIN

THE TIMES OF INDIA

1. HIMALAYAN BLUNDER
2. SOME WAY TO GO
3. A PLACE TIME FORGOT - ASHOK MALIK
4. 'NATURE OUT THERE AND NATURE INSIDE US IS ONE AND THE SAME' - ANANTHAKRISHNAN G
5. THANK YOU, JYOTIDA - JUG SURAIYA
6. PLANE TRUTHS
7. FIRST-TIME FLYER

HINDUSTAN TIMES

1. WHERE THERE'S A PILL
2. FIRST DO THE HOMEWORK
3. LET THE FIGHT BEGIN - PRAMIT PAL CHAUDHURI
4. CHANGE CLIMATE CHANGE! - SAMRAT
5. WAGE A KURUKSHETRA - GURCHARAN DAS

INDIAN EXPRESS

1. DEEMED NOT TO BE
2. WEATHER THE ERROR
3. STILL HEATING UP - MIHIR S. SHARMA
4. HOW MUCH FOR ADVICE? - SHOBHANA SUBRAMANIAN
5. THE INTIMATE ENEMY - YUBARAJ GHIMIRE
6. THE SCIENCE OF CINEMA
7. IN DEFENCE OF THEIR LORDSHIPS - GOPAL SANKARANARAYANAN
8. VIEW FROM THE LEFT - MANOJ C G
9. THE INTIMATE ENEMY - YUBARAJ GHIMIRE
10. IN DEFENCE OF THEIR LORDSHIPS - GOPAL SANKARANARAYANAN
11. SPREAD THE DREAM

FINANCIAL EXPRESS

1. FAIR MINING
2. DEEMED UNFIT
3. MBAS CAN HELP FAMILY BUSINESSES - AJAY SHAH
4. IT'S BONUS TIME ON WALL STREET - SANJAY BANERJI
5. A YEAR INTO HIS PRESIDENCY, OBAMA GETS B+ - ALEXANDRA RICE

THE HINDU

1. THE AFGHAN QUANDARY
2. OLDEST FOUR-LEGGED ANIMALS
3. PAID NEWS, A DEEP-SEATED MALAISE - N. BHASKARA RAO
4. HAITI IS NOT ALONE IN ITS HOUR OF NEED - BAN KI-MOON
5. MORE EFFECTIVE EXTERNALLY THAN INTERNALLY - SIDDHARTH VARADARAJAN
6. MALAYSIA AND THE GROWING IMPORTANCE OF INDIA - P.S. SURYANARAYANA

DNA

1. LEVERAGING INDIA
2. FATE UNCERTAIN
3. OBAMA'S SANSKRITIC STATECRAFT HAS FEW TAKERS - VENKATESAN VEMBU
4. SINCERE THOUGHTS
5. THE UNDERLYING TRAGEDY - DAVID BROOKS

THE TRIBUNE

1. DEEMED VARSITY STATUS
2. TALIBAN CHALLENGE
3. GOVERNMENT ON A HOLIDAY
4. JYOTI BASU A POLITICAL ARCHITECT - BY HIRANMAY KARLEKAR
5. ON CYCLING - BY SARVJIT SINGH
6. ENSURING VOTING RIGHTS FOR INDIAN DIASPORA - BY RUP NARAYAN DAS
7. HAITI TESTS OBAMA'S DIPLOMACY - BY MARY DEJEVSKY
8. HAPPINESS SHOULD BE ON POLL AGENDA - BY GEOFF MULGAN

THE ASSAM TRIBUNE

1. WOOING NEPAL
2. TACKLING INSURGENCY
3. ULFA, PEACE TALKS AND BANGLADESH - SAZZAD HUSSAIN
4. DISASTER MITIGATION -  DR TARAKESWAR KATAKI

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

1. KRAFTY OVERTURES
2. A SMALL BEGINNING
3. SPY VERSUS CYBER SPY
4. ONE YEAR OF THE OBAMA PRESIDENCY - RAGHU KRISHNAN
5. HAVE YOUR CAKE AND EAT IT TOO - VITHAL C NADKARNI
6. ENSURE FULL ADOPTION TO AVOID DISTORTIONS - HARSH P SINGHANIA
7. IPCC IMPERIALISM ON INDIAN GLACIERS - SWAMINATHAN S ANKLESARIA AIYAR
8. I SENSE WINDS OF CHANGE AND THAT'S WHY I'M HERE: KAUSHIK BASU - ABHA BAKAYA

DECCAN CHRONICAL

1. 'DEEMED' VARSITIES: A NECESSARY CRACKDOWN
2. OBAMA'S FADING LUSTRE - BY INDER MALHOTRA
3. MODERN CHINA MAKES PEACE WITH ITS PAST - BY ROGER COHEN
4. MALAYS DEBATE LANGUAGE FOR GOD - BY SHANKARI SUNDARARAMAN
5. SHADES OF PREJUDICE - BY SHANKAR VEDANTAM
6. MAGICAL TALES OF BABA FARID - BY SADIA DEHLVI

THE STATESMAN

1. BOOKING BENEFITS
2. HAPPY POSSIBILITY
3. CURBING DISSIDENCE
4. WOMEN OUTPACE MEN IN EDUCATION, EARNING
5. HOW FAIR IS FAIR?
6. HIS BETTER HALF
7. A TWITTER JOKE WAS ALL IT TOOK

THE TELEGRAPH

1. STATE FUNERAL
2. BLINDING ATTACK
3. CHANGE FOR THE BETTER - K.P. NAYAR
4. LIKE A TROOPER - STEPHEN HUGH-JONES

DECCAN HERALD

1. REDEEMING ACT
2. AUCTION DRAMA
3. THE DRAGON'S NEW CLAW - BY RAJESWARI RAJAGOPALAN
4. SOME THOUGHTS UNDER BIG TOP - BY H N ANANDA
5. POLICY FOR URBAN AREAS NEEDS TO BE INCLUSIVE - BY KATHYAYINI CHAMARAJ

THE JERUSALEM POST

1. FOR A STRONGER YEAR TWO
2. LION'S DEN: WHY I STAND WITH GEERT WILDERS - DANIEL PIPES
3. TERRA INCOGNITA: A CLASH OF CULTURES OR IDEOLOGIES? - SETH FRANTZMAN
4. ENDING DEMONIZATION, THE CANADIAN WAY - GERALD STEINBERG
5. THE PEACE PROCESS WILL RESUME, BUT WHY? - YOSSI ALPHER
6. OCEANS APART, BUT CLOSER THAN YOU'D THINK - MARLENE MOSES

HAARETZ

1. OPPORTUNITY FOR TOLERANCE
2. NETANYAHU IS A HESITANT POLITICIAN TRYING TO PLEASE ALL - BY ALUF BENN
3. OF FREEDOM AND CULTS - BY AVIRAMA GOLAN
4. BEFORE NETANYAHU POPS THE CHAMPAGNE - BY AVI ISSACHAROFF
5. HOW TO IMPORT A SOCIAL TIME BOMB - BY ANSHEL PFEFFER

THE NEW YORK TIMES

1. POLICING INDECENCY
2. THE COAL ASH CASE
3. A LEANER BUDGET FOR LEAN TIMES
4. SECRETS OF THE IMMIGRATION JAILS
5. TAXING WALL STREET DOWN TO SIZE - BY DAVID STOCKMAN
6. RETURN OUR INVESTMENT - BY DOUGLAS W. DIAMOND AND ANIL K KASHYAP
7. IS CHINA AN ENRON? (PART 2)  - BY THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
8. THE TRIALS OF GAVIN NEWSOM - BY MAUREEN DOWD

I.THE NEWS

1. THE OTHER
2. WICKED WEATHER
3. OBAMA'S LOST MOMENTUM - SHAMSHAD AHMAD
4. BACHA KHAN'S LEGACY - SARTAJ KHAN
5. RULE OF LAW - DR A Q KHAN
6. THE HEALTHCARE BILL 2009 - SANIA NISHTAR
7. WHO'S AFRAID OF JUSTICE RAMDAY? - ANJUM NIAZ
8. BLAMING THE IMF - DR MEEKAL A AHMED

PAKISTAN OBSERVER

1. PRESIDENT SPEAKS LANGUAGE OF DEATH
2. TALIBAN DETERMINED TO FIGHT IN KABUL
3. INDIAN GIMMICK TO MILK US MORE
4. AMAN KI ASHA IS A DECEPTION - ASIF HAROON RAJA
5. POLITICAL POSTURING - RIZWAN GHANI
6. DESTABILISING PAKISTAN - SAEED QURESHI
7. MUNDANE MINORITY POLITICS - DR KHALIL AHMAD
8. PUT ON HOLD..! - ROBERT CLEMENTS

THE INDEPENDENT

1. INTERNECINE CLASHES
2. SMILE, MY CHILD
3. BRILLIANT SAFETY MEASURES..!
4. THOUGHTS ON HIGHER EDUCATION SYSTEM - KAWSER AHMED
5. GREEN DHAKA, CLEAN DHAKA - MD. MOZZAMMEL HAQUE
6. PROGRESS OF WOMAN IN INDONESIA - DR. TERRY LACEY
7. HASINA-MANMOHAN SUMMIT - ABDUL QUADER CHOWDHURY
8. FUTURE OF ASIA-PACIFIC REGION AND AMERICA -
9. EDUCATION: A SHORT VIEW – YUSUF AZAD

THE AUSTRALIAN

1. TESTING THE WATERS?
2. THE TALIBAN CAN BE BEATEN
3. PRODUCTIVITY TARGETS: THE DEVIL IS IN THE DELIVERY

THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

1. BIG THINKING FOR AUSTRALIA DAY
2. WHAT NEXT - THE HARBOUR BRIDGE?
3. A TEST OF SCHOOLS AND GOVERNMENTS
4. OBAMA'S ANNIVERSARY TALLY

THE GURDIAN

1. CADBURY: NOT SUCH A SWEET DEAL
2. IN PRAISE OF… BILL MCLAREN
3. HAITI: WAITING FOR WASHINGTON

THE KOREA HERALD

1. 'NUKE SOVEREIGNTY'
2. INTRA-PARTY SPARRING
3. EUROPEANS FEARFUL OF NONNATIVES - DOMINIQUE MOISI
4. BETWEEN TERRORISM AND WAR ON TERROR - KIM SEONG-KON

THE JAPAN TIMES

1. DPJ DRAWN INTO MR. OZAWA'S PICKLE
2. SWORDS CROSSED IN SRI LANKA - BY BRAHMA CHELLANEY
3. POVERTY REMAINS ENDEMIC - BY JOMO KWAME SUNDARAM

THE JAKARTA POST

1. IS INDONESIA A RELAPSE NATION? - RALPH TAMPUBOLON
2. TRANSFER PRICING PRACTICE IN INDONESIA - ROBERTUS WINARTO
3. ULEMA-NIZATION
4. LATENT BATTLE ON PRESS FREEDOM - SIRIKIT SYAH

CHINA DAILY

1. NASTY HOME PRICES
2. REV UP MEDICAL REFORM
3. HELP HAITI TO SEND A MESSAGE OF HOPE - BY BAN KI-MOON (CHINA DAILY)
4. OBAMA'S NEW DOCTRINE: EASIER SAID THAN DONE - BY YUAN PENG (CHINA DAILY)
5. HAITI'S PAIN FELT AROUND THE WORLD - BY ZHENG ANGUANG (CHINA DAILY)

MOSCOW TIMES

1. HAITI'S VOODOO RESCUE MISSION - BY YULIA LATYNINA
2. THE WELL OF SOVIET NOSTALGIA IS RUNNING DRY - BY FYODOR LUKYANOV
3. THE GOOGLE THAT CAN SAY NO - BY ESTHER DYSON 

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THE PIONEER

EDIT DESK

WITCH-HUNT WON'T HELP

UN PANEL MAY HAVE GOT ITS SUM WRONG

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has no doubt been embarrassed by the disclosure that one of its key findings about Himalayan glaciers disappearing on account of global warming has no scientific basis. The IPCC, which is the designated UN body to collate scientific evidence of global warming for action on climate change, had said in its Fourth Assessment Report that Himalayan glaciers would disappear by 2035, "if not earlier". The Fourth Assessment Report, released in 2007, is used as the main reference point for climate change science. The IPCC could argue that it had cited a World Wildlife Fund report of 2005 to make its point on Himalayan glaciers, but that would convince few. For, the WWF had based its report on an interview with the Indian researcher, Syed Iqbal Hasnain, published in the New Scientist in 1999 — he is now associated with The Energy and Resources Institute, headed by Mr RK Pachauri and intimately linked to work done by IPCC. The WWF, in a clarification issued on Monday, has said that its 2005 report was based on "erroneous information" and that the prediction about Himalayan glaciers disappearing altogether in less than a quarter century has been "proved to be incorrect". Apparently, Syed Iqbal Hasnain, whose assertion was taken more seriously than vigorous denials by scientists working for the Government of India, had made an exaggerated claim without adequate scientific proof to back it up. As much was said in a Government document prepared before the Copenhagen climate change conference. Strangely though, it required the WWF to disown its own finding for the truth to sink in. Worse, now that a key assertion of the IPCC has been found to be based on unsubstantiated 'evidence', allegations by certain individuals working with the UN body about 'fixing' of evidence related to climate change issues are likely to gain credence. Needless to say, that would serve nobody's purpose.

While it would be foolish to ignore facts and legitimise alarmism by acting on cockamamie theories on global warming, we would do well to bear in mind that the other extreme — to be in denial — serve's no one's interest, least of all India's. The fact remains that climate change is undeniable and global warming is happening: Its effects can be felt in more ways than one. It is also true that with enhanced tools of research and analysis, many of the 'findings' which were believed to be correct will require to be recalibrated. Nobody is denying that Himalayan glaciers are retreating; what remains unresolved is the reason causing the retraction. These are still early days for climate change science and it is entirely possible that much of what is known today will stand repudiated in the coming days; today's facts will be replaced by new evidence. However, that is not going to change the process of global warming; at best, the sums will need to be redone. It would, therefore, be wise not to launch a witch-hunt and target individuals, but call for greater application of diligence while processing data and looking for causes. Indeed, Minister for Environment and Forests Jairam Ramesh should desist from gloating over IPCC's 'lapse' or over-glorifying official findings which more often than not have been found to be erroneous, over-stated or under-stated. A case in point is the stock-taking of our wildlife: Official statistics on the country's tiger population have turned out to be entirely spurious. If babudom can err, so can an institution of repute.

 

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THE PIONEER

EDIT DESK

DIPPING POPULARITY

OBAMA FINDS SLOGANS AREN'T POLICY

As US President Barack Obama completes one year in the White House, his job approval rating seems to be dipping. According to a January 16 Gallup poll, only 50 per cent of Americans approve of Mr Obama's innings so far, down by 18 per cent from the day he assumed office. All talk about 'hope' and 'change' which had become synonymous with Mr Obama's election has disappeared. What is left is a man who is struggling to come to terms with the realities of his job. For, Mr Obama is fast realising that the fantastic promises that he had held out to the people of America during his election campaign sound much more achievable when made in a speech before party supporters. In fact, most of the policies that he had promised are yet to materialise. To be honest, barring the freak Nobel Prize for Peace, Mr Obama has little to show for his first year in office. The American economy, though better off than what it was when he took charge, is far from robust and healthy. The unemployment rate has decline but is still hovering around 10 per cent. Healthcare reform, one of Mr Obama's major pre-election promises, is yet to be implemented. The one-year deadline for the closure of the Guantanamo Bay detention camps will be missed. The war in Afghanistan, in spite the announced surge in troops, is not going well. Mr Obama's AfPak policy has proven to be a disaster. It is a measure of things that the US President's best performance has actually come on the climate change front where he has at least managed to change the direction of American policy on the issue. But apart from this, Mr Obama's towering image of a man who was to rewrite American history is severely bruised and dented. The Americans are realising he is just a mortal.

It would be fair to say that for Mr Obama the honeymoon period is over. What lies ahead is the treacherous road of political survival. If the falling approval ratings are a true reflection of the American mood, then Mr Obama better watch his step. The mid-term elections in November might prove to be a good opportunity for his detractors to punish him. On the other hand, this might force Mr Obama to delay pushing through some tough but much-needed policies in order to shore up his public standing. This can hardly be positive in the long run. All said and done, the US President might be a good orator, but he will find it difficult to talk his way out of the predicament that he presently finds himself in. With the first year over the tough phase of the presidency begins.

 

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            THE PIONEER

COLUMN

THREE HEADS ARE BETTER THAN TWO

ASHOK K MEHTA

The idea of a trilateral dialogue between India, Pakistan and Afghanistan has been on the cards much before the US came up with its AfPak policy. The bold and, some would say, unlikely to take off initiative figured on the Track II circuit in 2007 when the Taliban on both sides of the Durand Line began stepping up their offensive, especially after the Lal Masjid episode in Islamabad. What has held back the trilateral dialogue is the stalemate over the India-Pakistan composite dialogue, Pakistani concern of India increasing its footprint in Afghanistan, and the Indian fear that it would get sucked into the Richard Holbrooke AfPak strategy from which it had extricated itself.

Despite these misgivings, the trialogue has made progress with meetings held at Delhi and Kabul last year and more proposed in Berlin-Brussels and possibly Islamabad this year. Increasingly, policy-and-opinion-makers and civil society in the three countries are beginning to realise the common challenge posed by the Taliban and the need to collectively combat them. What has changed is that Pakistan is no longer in denial and its people, especially, are unashamedly admitting that "our pets have begun biting us". It will take much more than the wave of Taliban suicide attacks which has reached PoK and had consumed 3000 people in 2009 for the Pakistani military establishment to abandon its pets.

From the trialogue it was clear that none of the three wants to see the return of the Taliban in Kabul. Yet, no one objects to the Taliban if they give up the gun and accept the Afghan Constitution to democratically fight for Government. Is the rejection of the hardcore Taliban and its brand of terrorism a sufficiently strong glue to make the three stick together? A more potent motivation for the combined war against the Taliban is the economic spinoffs — cooperation in trade and investment is seen as the key driver of peace and stability in the region.

Last May, US President Barack Obama hosted in Washington a meeting with Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari and Afghan President Hamid Karzai to hammer out by the end of 2009 a trade and transit treaty with a clause for movement of goods from Afghanistan to India and vice-versa. The bilateral discussion has spilled over as Pakistan is unwilling to allow Afghan trucks to Pakistan and on to the Indian border. Instead, it has offered to transfer at the Afghan border cargo into its own trucks but disallow transit of goods to and from India.

There are intellectual differences too. Besides deep distrust and suspicion, Afghans take serious issue with Pakistan over the Durand Line and Taliban sanctuaries on its soil against whom it is loath to act. Pakistanis have long held that the US-led war against the Taliban in Afghanistan, reinforced by the recent troop surge, has spilled over and catalysed the war on their side of the Durand Line.

They are also convinced that Indians and Afghans who enjoy good relations are colluding against them. Unfortunately, as there is no Track II between Pakistan and Afghanistan and nothing like an official composite dialogue (the Americans take care of that), they are mutually oblivious of issues and sentiments that divide them. The Afghans are very appreciative of New Delhi's work in the socio-economic development of their country which, surprisingly, Islamabad endorses. Further, many Pakistanis now acknowledge that as a regional power, India has legitimate interests and goals in Afghanistan even though some worry over India's 'over-ingress' into their strategic backyard.

The Afghans express dismay over India and Pakistan squabbling over their strategic goals in their country. Rather, the two should engage in joint projects in IT, health, education, power and communications. But central to implementing these ideas is New Delhi and Islamabad allaying mutual concerns in Afghanistan.

An India-Pakistan dialogue on Afghanistan (with Baluchistan appended after Sharm-el Sheikh) has been considered for at least two years and at one stage was planned as the ninth item in the composite dialogue. But 26/11 spiked the conversations altogether. Pakistan's security concerns in Afghanistan are ably managed by Chairman US Joint Chiefs of Staff, Adm Mike Mullen, and US overall force commander in Afghanistan, Gen Stanley McChrystal. Both have been pumping for an early resolution of the Kashmir dispute which they see as the problem distracting Pakistan from its fight against the Taliban.

Pakistani Senator Afrasaib Khattack who is a key member of the trialogue has urged that India resume the composite dialogue so as to allow it to focus on its fight against the Taliban. The Senator believes that "forces of peace must cooperate as forces of terror have done". "There is no alternative to India, Pakistan and Afghanistan uniting to fight terrorism," he adds.

Bilateral dialogues have enough problems, so what are the chances of walking the talk in a trialogue? Very little, it would first appear. But shifting attitudes in Pakistan on the Taliban since the flogging of a young girl in Swat and the attack on the GHQ mosque in Rawalpindi has made the difference. The composite dialogue should and could be resumed in weeks in India's self-interest, probably in a new format focussed on terrorism, Kashmir and engagement between the two militaries.

Elsewhere, India-Pakistan cooperation is abundant. They have cooperated in multilateral fora, UNPKO and bilaterally too. The Indus Water Treaty and the new year exchange of lists of nuclear facilities, renewing the pledge not to attack them, are sterling examples. Recently, other taboos were broken in Kabul when Pakistani delegates were smuggled by their Indian counterparts into the popular Gandermack pub, posing as Indian kafirs. Siachen, Sir Creek and Tulbul were solved in half an hour. Single Malt whisky is good substitute for political will.

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THE PIONEER

COLUMN

PROBLEM OF MIGRATION

MK BHAT

The sentiments in Maharashtra against north Indian job-seekers need serious introspection as they have significant implications for the unity and integrity of the country. They hint at bad economic policies adopted by successive Governments.

It is noteworthy that 43 per cent of the people in Bihar live below the poverty line while the figure is 47 per cent for Orissa. In such a scenario, migration from economically backward States to prosperous ones is only natural. The second reason for migration is disparity in wage rates. In States like West Bengal an unskilled worker gets paid Rs 40 per day while working in the agriculture sector or in a factory, whereas his counterpart gets paid more than Rs 100 per day in States like Punjab, Delhi, Haryana and Rajasthan. The third reason for migration is better facilities in urban areas.

Over the years, the problem of regional disparity has not been properly addressed, leading to patches of prosperity in certain areas and pathetic conditions in others. The antipathy towards economically weaker sections of the society stands exposed by the fact that even though the economic growth rate has increased from 4.5 per cent in the pre-liberalisation era to 7 per cent now, the rate of employment has not grown at the same pace. In the post-liberalisation era, competition has lead to labour-saving techniques. In specific terms, employment elasticity in 1980 and in the early 1990s was 0.5 per cent but decreased to 0.16 per cent in late-1990s.

There has been no coordination between population growth and employment growth. Our population increased from 84.63 crore in 1991 to 102.88 crore in 2001, an increase of over 21.56 per cent. Contrary to this, the percentage of workers in the total population increased from 37.12 per cent to 39.11 per cent over the same period.

It is tragic that 60 per cent of our cultivable farms depend on rainfall and not irrigation systems. There has been a deceleration in the expansion of irrigation infrastructure, especially since 1980. The rate of increase in gross irrigated area dropped from two million hectare a year to below 0.5 million hectare by the late-1980s and early-1990s.The average irrigation potential came down from 3 per cent per annum during 1950-51 to 1.2 per cent in 1989-90.

The above figures indicate the failure of the Government to include everyone in the economic growth of the country. Poverty anywhere is a threat to prosperity everywhere.

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THE PIONEER

OPED

CHINESE CHECKERS

WITH THE DRAGON BREATHING FIRE DOWN ITS NECK, GOOGLE SAYS IT WANTS TO GET OUT OF CHINA. BUT THAT IS UNLIKELY TO SOFTEN BEIJING'S POLICIES. THE ONLY WAY TO BREACH THE 'GREAT FIREWALL OF CHINA' IS TO PUT PRINCIPLES BEFORE GREED AND FORCE THE CHINESE TO GUARANTEE BASIC STANDARDS OF ETHICS

RUDRONEEL GHOSH

 

Does China allow free Internet access to its citizens? The operative word in that question is 'free'. With Internet giant Google publicly announcing its displeasure about cyber attacks on its account holders and threatening to shut down its Chinese operations, the question of Internet freedom and, by association, general freedom of expression in China is once again in the limelight. There is little evidence to prove, contrary to what the Chinese would have us believe, that the Internet in China is 'free'. Most Internet companies like Google will confirm that doing business in China can be a bit of a headache. Anything to do with access to or publishing of information is subject to strict scrutiny. China is said to have in place the largest Internet censorship programme in the world and content on the World Wide Web is strictly monitored. As a result, access to certain websites — especially those relating to Tibetan separatism and the 1989 Tiananmen massacre — and material deemed 'sensitive' is prohibited in case you happen to be a Chinese citizen.

So why do Internet companies still want to do business in China? The answer to that is simple: Greed. For, the allure of the Chinese Internet market with its huge number of Internet users — 350 million is the estimated figure — is too strong to resist. The only reason why Internet companies such as Google chose to subject themselves to Chinese censorship is because profit, or at least the notion of it, outweighed the costs.

Nonetheless, that understanding is fast changing. Although Google is the first company of its kind that has publicly accused the Chinese authorities of excessive censorship and alluded to an organised spying programme, there are many that would second the Internet giant's contention. For long now Beijing has been suspected of running an elaborate cyber hacking set-up to illicitly gain access to confidential information across a wide range of fields. Reportedly, servers and computer networks of several Government institutions of different countries — including that of India's — have been at the receiving end of Chinese cyber attacks. In a recent interview, former National Security Adviser MK Narayanan asserted that his office was targeted by Chinese hackers in mid-December, the same time the cyber attacks on Google took place. If these charges against Beijing are true, and there is a strong possibility that they are, it is definitely a cause for concern for anyone doing business with China.

At the heart of the issue is the idea of freedom of information, a concept that is fundamental to the democratic way of life. And the Internet is perhaps the purest embodiment of that idea. But to the Chinese Government, the Internet is the antithesis of what it represents. Thus, it views the Internet as a handy tool to further its agenda and uses it to curb dissent and opposition. In that sense, the Chinese Government has managed to effectively use the Internet to do exactly the opposite of what the medium was meant to achieve and create barriers for its people instead of breaking them down.

In fact what the Chinese have managed to do with the Internet is symbolic of Beijing's handling of globalisation. For years China had remained behind the bamboo curtain, isolated from the rest of the world. But in the late-1980s and through the 1990s, the Chinese leadership realised that globalisation was fast becoming a reality and could not be ignored. What followed appeared to be the 'opening up' of China. But in reality Beijing was able to mould the forces of globalisation to its advantage and do business with the outside world on its own terms. The West was so upbeat about China's 'opening up', thinking that democracy would follow globalisation, that it completely overlooked the fact that the Chinese were actually consolidating and strengthening their position. Thus, China was left to transform itself into a robust democracy, even though it was doing exactly the opposite.

There is no denying that Beijing's curbs on the Internet and associated nefarious cyber activities are condemnable. But things have come to this pass because of years of wrong thinking. The Internet has simply given the Communist regime in China extra ammunition to not only firmly enforce its diktat on its people but also use it to open up another front in the war against the democratic world.

The US State Department is contemplating issuing a démarche to the Chinese Government to add strength to Google's protest. But this could very well play into the hands of the Chinese. It is true that the last thing that Beijing wants is for the international business community to view China as a hostile place for investments. In fact, it maintains that China is welcoming of foreign companies that want to do business according to its rules. But if the US Government is to openly get involved and appear to be batting for companies like Google, the Chinese will simply portray the issue as a case of American imperialism. This defensive position will not only give Beijing an advantage but also do nothing to erode away the allure of the huge Chinese market.

The only way to corner the Chinese on this is if the international business community is able to put principles before greed and refuse to do business with China unless and until it guarantees certain basic standards of human rights and ethics. Perhaps then Beijing might be willing to negotiate.

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THE PIONEER

OPED

THUMBS DOWN FOR DEMOCRACY

TOAST. UKRAINIANS HAVE GROWN CYNICAL ABOUT DEMOCRACY UKRAINE'S ORANGE REVOLUTION THAT TURNED VIKTOR YUSHCHENKO AND YULIA TYMOSHENKO INTO DEMOCRATIC HEROES IS NOW

GWYNNE DYER

Yushchenko, Tymoshenko and Yanukovych were once called the 'eternal triangle' of Ukrainian politics, and it was not a compliment. But eternity is not what it used to be: One side of the triangle is about to disappear.

Five years ago, when the 'Orange Revolution' in Ukraine turned Mr Viktor Yushchenko (now President) and Ms Yulia Tymoshenko (now Prime Minister) into democratic heroes, the villain of the piece was Mr Viktor Yanukovych, the former Communist apparatchik who tried to steal the 2004 election. But it hasn't been a happy five years in Ukraine since then, and it's even possible that Mr Yanukovych will win the presidency fair and square this time.

It's certain that Mr Yushchenko will lose it, and in the most humiliating manner imaginable: He persists in running for re-election, but he is unlikely to get more than two or three per cent of the vote. He has been a very weak President except in one area: His obsessive feud with his former ally, Ms Yulia Tymoshenko, which has all but paralysed the Government of Ukraine for five wasted years.

It's likely that she bears as much of the blame as he does for this disastrous clash of personalities, but she is a much more vivid personality and an adroit politician, so the public has turned against Mr Yushchenko. He will all but vanish from the political scene after the election on January 17, while 'Yulia' (as she is known to everyone in Ukraine) will slug it out with her old enemy Mr Viktor Yanukovych in the second round of voting on February 7.

Last time round, this was a confrontation that seemed to matter. It was a great story: The young democratic heroine Tymoshenko in her trademark braid, committed to modernising Ukraine and bringing it into the European Union and the Nato military alliance, versus the corrupt and colourless Yanukovych, who wanted to drag Ukraine back into collectivist poverty and political subjugation to Russia. But things look different this time.

The greatest difference is that there no longer seems to be such a difference between their policies. It's now clear that Ukraine will never join Nato: The alliance does not seek a confrontation with Russia, and only 20 per cent of Ukrainians would support membership in Nato anyway.

It is equally obvious that the EU has no intention of expanding this far east. It is already suffering severe indigestion from its last round of expansion in eastern Europe, and taking in an even poorer country with a population of 46 million people would not rank very high on the EU's list of priorities even if it were not also reluctant to annoy the Russians. So Ms Tymoshenko and Mr Yanukovych no longer have much to disagree about in foreign policy.

Whether Mr Yanukovych or Ms Tymoshenko wins hardly matters economically. Only massive loans from the International Monetary Fund are keeping the economy afloat at the moment, and for some time to come it will be the IMF, not the new Government, that makes the key economic decisions. So what's left? Well, they could fight over national identity.

The west of the country is Ukrainian-speaking, and deeply nationalistic; the east is mostly Russian-speaking, heavily industrialised, and would welcome closer ties with Russia. So this is the ground on which the two leading presidential candidates have chosen to fight, with Ms Tymoshenko promising to keep Ukrainian as the sole official language and Mr Yanukovych promising equal status for the Russian language.

Given the demography of Ukraine, this probably means that Ms Tymoshenko wins the presidency in the second round of voting. (The nationalist vote is split too many ways in the first round, with a total of 18 candidates running.) But who cares, apart from Ukrainians?

With so little room for manoeuvre abroad, and such rampant corruption at home (it is said that 400 of the 450 members of Parliament are millionaires), Ukrainians have grown very cynical about democracy. Indeed, a recent poll disclosed that only 30 per cent of Ukrainians think that the change to democracy has been good for their country, whereas 50 per cent of Russians think so.

And only 26 per cent of Ukrainians say that they are satisfied with their lives. Democracy does not cure all wounds.

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THE PIONEER

OPED

GIVING HOPE TO THE DISABLED IN THE VALLEY

ALL THE NEWS FROM KASHMIR ISN'T BAD. THERE ARE GOOD THINGS HAPPENING TOO, WRITES DILEEP BIDAWAT

She Hope Disability Centre, run by Mr Sami Wani since 2001, is not just a centre for disability but a centre of hope for many differently-abled persons who have either limited or no access to healthcare facilities.

 

The centre offers physiotherapy and corrective surgery and provides hearing aids and low-cost prosthetic legs to patients. The latter has been pioneered by Mobility Equipment Needs of the Displaced, a New Zealand-based organisation. Housed in a single-storey, four-room brick building, the centre has treated more than 700 people in last two years.

In 2008, She Hope had its own reasons to hope. It was among 12 finalists shortlisted from 1,200 nominees in the BBC World Challenge, a global competition organised by BBC and Newsweek which selects the best projects and small businesses demonstrating innovation and enterprise at the grassroots level and awards them with financial aid.

Though it gave a tough competition, it lost out on the number of votes. Mr Wani was counting on the $ 20,000 prize money to set up a hostel for patients in remote areas and to pay his staff salaries, which have now gone unpaid for the last three months.

"The cost of treatment is prohibitive," he explains. "We provide hearing aids free of cost and also take on the post-operative care of our patients. Their rehabilitation is also our responsibility."

In the post-operative care ward of the centre, 14-year-old Rihana, whose left leg was shorter than her right one, smiles happily at the idea of returning to school without any embarrassment and prospect of being taunted by other children. The number of disabled persons in Kashmir has sharply increased over the last two decades, further overstretching the already-inadequate healthcare facilities offered in the region.

According to an article published by Combat Law in 2008, there are 302,670 persons with disabilities, constituting about three per cent of the total population of the State, as per the Census of 2001. Unofficial estimates overtake that figure, as it only takes into account persons that are registered as differently-abled. Based on its own calculations and numbers served, She Hope estimates that 20,000 people urgently await basic assessment.

Since childhood, Mr Wani nurtured a deep desire to do something for the disabled. After training to be a physiotherapist at a college in Manglore, Mr Wani returned to Kashmir in 2001. With the help of Mr Rob Buchanan, director of MEND, he opened a single-room community-based rehabilitation programme in his hometown Vyail, around 20 km from Srinagar. Every week he visits a new village with his staff and creates awareness about various disabilities. This is followed by identification, assessment and referral of disabled people to his centre.

"I was really pained to see the lack of awareness, especially among people in remote areas. Poverty and the high cost of treatment made things even more difficult for them," says Mr Wani. The social stigma attached to disability, particularly among women adds to the complexity of the problem. Wani recalls an incident where villagers told him about a family with a deaf girl. "We approached her parents to help her, but they refused to admit that she had a hearing problem. After a few days, her mother came to our centre for help."

In the summer, the centre is converted into a special school for the disabled where every child is given individual attention and taught as per his or her specific requirements.

 

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MAIL TODAY

EDITORIAL

SORT OUT THE MESS IN HIGHER EDUCATION

 

THE Union Human Resources Ministry's decision to withdraw ' deemed university' status from 44 institutions validates public skepticism over the mushrooming of such institutions across the country. By accepting the recommendations of a review committee constituted by it after a sting scandal involving one such institution last year, the HRD ministry has implicitly agreed that the ' deemed university' status was literally up for grabs during the tenure of the first United Progressive Alliance government which cleared 85 such institutions. There are enough grounds to presume that money and political influence — some of them are indeed run by politicians — was what worked in their favour. The role of the University Grants Commission is also under a cloud because this could not have come about without its concurrence.

 

The scale of wheeling- dealing is evident from the fact that out of the 126 deemed universities examined by the

HRD committee, only 36 could wholly justify their continuance. Many of the 44 derecognised institutions were found to be run by ' families' rather than academics, with norms being flouted by them in vital aspects like functioning and infrastructure.

 

There are three challenges facing the Union government and the Supreme Court which is hearing the case. First, the future of the over 2 lakh students enrolled in the derecognised institutions — a good many of whom, there is reason to believe, paid capitation fees under the table to get admission — has to be secured. The HRD ministry has set up a task force for the purpose which has mandated affiliation of the institutions to state universities, so that the degrees obtained by their students enjoy recognition. But since this involves state governments, the responsibility to carry the process through rests on the HRD ministry.

 

Second, the HRD ministry must lay down strict guidelines for the grant of ' deemed varsity' status in the future so that the farce before us is not enacted again. Third, and this will require serious commitment since the last HRD dispensation was also run by a Congress leader, accountability must be fixed for the scandal that has been unearthed in Mr Sibal's watch. Those who sold the country's higher education sector must be punished and if this includes political bigwigs, so be it.

 

 

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MAIL TODAY

A RUDDERLESS JOURNEY

 

INDIA'S conventional diesel- electric submarine programme has been jinxed from the mid- 1980s when in a fit of misplaced morality, the Rajiv Gandhi government banned agents in defence deals. This led to the cancellation of the German HDW Class 209 Type 1500 submarine project in which India had already invested a great deal of money. A decade and a half later, the East Yard at Mazgaon Docks in Mumbai set up to build this submarine was rusting and the special skills its personnel had acquired, especially in the area of welding, atrophied.

 

Things haven't gone right since. The plan to produce two new types led to the selection of the French Scorpene, but the second stream, which was originally expected to be the Russian Amur class, has yet to take off. Unfortunately, the Scorpene project has also been in trouble from the beginning. As the Comptroller & Auditor General pointed out in his report for 2008- 2009, " Despite the Indian Navy's depleting force level, Ministry [ of Defence] took nine years to conclude a contract for the construction of six ( Scorpene) submarines." Thereafter the project has been plagued by poor management resulting in serious delays in its delivery schedule.

 

It is certain, therefore, that the Indian conventional submarine fleet will shrink in the coming decade. This is bad news because that is the period in which the Navy's challenges are going to increase.

 

More than that, the lack of diesel- electric submarines will seriously imbalance a fleet which will otherwise be adding nuclear propelled ballistic missile vessels, as well as new aircraft carriers.

 

Submarines are vital for the protection of a fleet at sea, as well as for their ability to deny a stronger enemy the free use of the oceans. A depleted fleet will seriously hamper the Indian Navy's operational profile.

 

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MAIL TODAY

COPENHAGEN ACCORD

A FRAUD ON US

BY DINESH C SHARMA

 

IT IS hardly a month that the Copenhagen Accord was unveiled at the United Nations Conference on climate change in the Danish capital. India was a key player in the midnight drama that gave birth to the Accord, much to the chagrin of poor and least developed countries.

 

It is now slowly becoming clear that the Accord is not an innocuous piece of paper — as it was being made out to be by its promoters — but a divisive attempt to tie up the world's poor into an unfair and inequitable development regime for all times to come. Far from being a harmless ' political statement' of intent to fight climate change, the Accord has turned out to be a new instrument to achieve what the world's biggest polluters want — a licence to further pollute the atmosphere. True, it is not a legal treaty or protocol like the Montreal Protocol or TRIPS. It is worse. It is an operational document, which seeks to force all countries to quickly fix their emission reduction targets and submit them to an international register, make them available for verification and subject the targets to a review at a later date.

 

Space Above all, by fixing the limit to temperature rise at 2 degrees the Accord has sought to cap greenhouse gas emissions to a certain level without any commitment on fixing responsibilities for such reduction or the timeframe to do so.

 

At the crux of the global climate debate is the issue of access and rightful use of atmospheric space which is a limited resource.

 

Science tells us that it is the cumulative global emissions of gases such as carbon dioxide that drive atmospheric concentration of greenhouse gases and global temperatures, and it will be our total emissions of these gases between now and 2050 that will determine our success in limiting warming to below two degrees so as to avoid catastrophic impacts. The overall atmospheric capacity for carbon dioxide and its equivalent greenhouse gases has been estimated to be between 1356 and 1500 billion tonnes for the first half of this century ( 2000- 2050). This may seem like a lot, but a quarter of this budget has already been used in the last nine years alone. This means we are actually left with 1017 to 1125 billion tonnes for the next 40 years. So, the atmospheric space is a finite resource if we wish to avoid climate catastrophes in the future.

 

The climate change regime that the world has been discussing for the past two decades was supposed to decide how much will be the share of each country in using up atmospheric space. While devising rules and fixing targets for using this atmospheric space, let's bear in mind that much of this space has already been consumed or occupied by the industrialised world in the past century. That's where the principle of historical emissions comes in. On the other hand, poor countries of the world have not used even a part of their legitimate share of the atmospheric space. Some 400 million people in India do not have access to electricity as yet. Any treaty to cut down emissions, in other words regulate access to the atmospheric space, therefore, should be based on the principle of ' common but differentiated responsibility'. The Kyoto Protocol recognised both the principles of historical emissions as well as ' common but differentiated responsibility.' Emission reduction by industrialised countries by 2020 as an interim measure and long term goals for reducing emissions by 2050 by all were the twin objectives of the climate negotiations till the midnight of December 19 when the Copenhagen Accord was born.

 

India

 

The Accord, in one shot, replaced this architecture with an unjust and weak system of ' pledge and review' — putting all countries in the same basket irrespective of their level of development or their ' quota' of atmospheric space. It is amazing how Prime Minister Manmohan Singh who swore by the Kyoto architecture in the afternoon became a party to a paper that killed that very architecture by midnight.

 

The somersault done by Singh in Copenhagen is, in fact, reflective of our shoddy approach to climate change. Just before leaving for Copenhagen, environment minister Jairam Ramesh announced emission intensity cuts of 20 to 25 per cent by 2020, and proclaimed that this was a purely voluntary measure not subject to any international framework. Now, it would seem this was done with a purpose. The target — along with the one announced by China — was touted by the US as ' positive action', prodding other developing countries to do the same. Significantly, the Indian target also finds a mention in the papers attached with the Copenhagen Accord, effectively translating a domestic policy measure into a subject of an international accord.

 

Ramesh's announcement itself was knee- jerk and done without any homework.

 

It was only after returning from Copenhagen did Ramesh announce that a panel of the Planning Commission would work out how to achieve the cuts.

 

Clearly, Ramesh has committed the country to a certain way of economic growth and development without any basis, roadmap or blueprint. This also shows that the issue of climate change is not getting the attention it deserves from policy makers and the top leadership.

 

They are not realising that climate change is directly linked to India's future and that it is not a trivial matter to be left to bureaucrats at Paryavaran Bhawan.

 

Having brokered the Accord, along with China, Brazil and South Africa, India is now in a fix. It has become the proverbial gale ki haddi which you can neither swallow nor spit.

 

Accepting the accord, as Denmark and the UN would like India to do as one of its sponsors, would be like signing the death warrant for India's development and economic growth. India will be giving up rights to its share of the atmospheric space, by foregoing the principles of historical emissions as well as ' common but differentiated responsibility'. Instead of demanding payment of ' climate debt' from the industrialised world for its undue usage of the atmospheric space so far, we will be allowing them continued, unbridled access and will be agreeing to a minor share of the same. India must demand vacating and redistributing the remaining atmospheric space by those who have been occupying it — the US, Europe and other developed countries.

 

The only option left for India now is to reject the Copenhagen Accord, in toto. Any response short of this would be meaningless.

 

This would also help India regain some of its lost credibility among the world's poor and developing countries, and gain leadership in future climate talks.

 

People

 

This is not something on which we should think in terms of gaining some diplomatic or strategic brownie points. It is too serious a matter to be left to strategists or a handful of bureaucrats. In any case, Prime Minister Singh or Minister Ramesh have no moral authority to mortgage the atmospheric rights of one billion people to gain favours from the world's largest polluters.

 

By all means, India should do its bit to save the planet, but it should be the result of a well thought out, debated and discussed plan. " This piece of paper is going to decide whether India will grow at 8 percent in future or not" — this is what India's top negotiator told me waving the negotiating draft in Copenhagen.

 

I think this is the bottom line. Unfortunately, this level of understanding seems to be missing in the top echelons of the government.

 

If India accepts the Accord — or any other framework not based on Kyoto principles — it would amount to — to borrow the phrase used by Republican Congressman Charles Boustany — " unilateral economic disarmament".

 

Dineshc. sharma@ mailtoday. in

 

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MAIL TODAY

BOOMTOWN RAP

MAX MARTIN

 

TECH STUDENTS FEEL THE SHIVER

THE Centre's move to pull the plug on 44 deemed universities is sending shivers down the spines of thousands of students here. Six institutions in Karnataka, including Bangalore's prestigious Christ University, have been derecognised.

 

Thank God, these institutions can get affiliation with local universities and students will not lose precious time.

 

At the same time, the issue brings to light standards in higher education in several fields — to be precise, entry norms. Bangalore being the capital of professional education in the private sector, students from all over the world come here for medical, paramedical, engineering and other technical degrees. While institutions here and their products are reputed internationally, there are also groups that offer admissions just for a price.

 

There is often an agent who you can meet and fix a deal with and the next day you become a professional student. This may sound a little too simple — but you can actually get in if you have passed your plus two in science from anywhere in the world with a specified minimum grade and can spare a few lakhs.

 

About four years of rigorous work can instill some sense of professionalism into any student. But the medical courses are no cakewalk.

 

While in college as a life sciences undergraduate, this reporter once attended a class at a medical college through an exposure programme — and failed to understand a single line that was taught.

 

It is not that grades are everything — but there is this notion of minimum qualification fixed by experts. We now find that entry barriers are being lowered consistently in professional education.

 

Whatever may be our criticism of the education system, its norms, once fixed, should be followed. Or as a society we must take the trouble to change the norms and make them better. Won't you be scared to think that your doctor is actually someone who would have fitted in the cast of the film 3 Idiots . ( The movie 3 Idiots is the story of three engineering students — a satire on Indian education. On a stormy night, they turn a college hall into a labour room with improvised equipment and help a professor's daughter deliver her baby.) However creative and resourceful he or she may be, won't you rather go to someone who has studied it all more conventionally? This is not to suggest that Bangalore has a lot of quacks. No. Our professionals here are brilliant and many move in and out of the international circuit with ease. But then, disturbingly, we also hear stories about the other lot. A neighbour who went to a doctor to treat a fever simply fainted after a dose of pills. Another got a puffed face for several days after a tooth extraction. This reporter also heard firsthand the experience of this young lady who went to a medical college hospital after a minor accident — while cleaning and treating her wounds, the young lady doctor ran out to consult her colleagues on each step. It is not a nice feeling to see that your doctor needs a second opinion while cleaning a cut. It can be painful.

 

Institutions that thrive merely on capitation fees also produce engineers, technicians and aeronautical crew. So, logically, many unqualified people come out after getting admission merely on the basis of wads of currency and somehow going through the motions of professional education.

 

One wonders how they pass the exams and, even if they do, whether they will remember anything that was taught at all.

Scary indeed.

 

KANNADA ACTOR NO MORE

VETERAN Kannada actor Ashwath, 85, passed away in a Mysore hospital on Monday. Karaganahalli Subbaraya Ashwathanarayan had also been a freedom fighter. He entered the film industry as a hero and specialised in roles of exemplary men, becoming a ' character' actor.

 

One of his great roles was that of Chamaiah Meshtru ( master) in the famous film Nagarahavu . The master is a father figure who tries to give a good life to the anti- hero, Ramachari, played by Vishnuvardhan.

 

He often acted as the father of the star, Rajkumar too. All the three great actors have left the scene now.

 

Industry veterans say roles like that of Chamaiah Meshtru clicked as Ashwath was a disciplined and modest gentleman in real life too.

 

" For us actors, he was a mentor," said the actor, Ramesh Bhat.

 

Mysoreans have a lot of stories to tell about his modesty.

 

For a long time he insisted on travelling in a ' tonga' ( horse cart) in Mysore. After over 600 films in six decades, it is curtains for the master.

 

Scientists bust eclipse myth on food

 

THE recent annular solar eclipse showed how fearful many of us are about natural phenomena. Several schools in this tech hub declared a holiday and some small restaurants remained closed. There was even pressure on the government to declare a public holiday. For, some people believe it is not a good idea to go out and that food gets spoilt during an eclipse.

 

One ' expert' on a local television channel told people not to keep food over the duration of the eclipse.

 

To dispel the myth, scientists at the Jawaharlal Nehru Planetarium here made it a point to distribute free lunch and snacks to volunteers and visitors even as the sun was shadowed.

 

The scientists disproved the theory that there is no free lunch. Just that it happens once in many years.

 

IPCC DRESSED A CASUAL REMARK AS ' TRUTH'

 

A POSSIBLY careless statement made by a scientist while talking on telephone with a British reporter ten years ago has snowballed into a controversy that questions the credibility of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change ( IPCC), the UN panel. Erstwhile JNU professor Dr Syed Iqbal Hasnain's claim that all glaciers in the central and eastern Himalayas could disappear by 2035 was picked up by The New Scientist , a WWF report and, in turn, IPPC. Later Hasnain reportedly said the date was " speculative" and he had never published it.

 

While the controversy rages, Hasnain remains a very active researcher, climbing high mountains with colleagues. This reporter met him in Leh last year. He got off a plane from Delhi and drove to Khardung La, a snowy pass 18,380 feet above the sea level, with a team of reporters.

 

It took more than a day for the rest of us, who had reached earlier, to get acclimatised and move out of the hotel.

 

Hasnain was very considerate to the journalists, telling the whole story of glacier melting and what he thought about it all. He was frank enough to say that he was still collecting evidence and politely refused to part with his presentation, saying it still had to be published. Now people, including those who wrote and published the IPCC report, are blaming him for his 10- year- old media statement. But one wonders if it was proper for a scientific body to pick up a snatch of a telephone conversation reported in a popular magazine.

 

On the flip side, the whole episode humbles our tribe, who get to talk to people who do important work, and report it, contributing to policies that shape our world. So this reporter's belated New Year resolution is to ask all sources this basic question very emphatically: " Are you sure?" former

 

max. martin@ mailtoday. in

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THE TIMES OF INDIA

COMMENT

HIMALAYAN BLUNDER

 

It appears now that the United Nations' Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) grossly exaggerated the rate at which Himalayan glaciers are melting, striking a blow to the credibility of climate change science. In a much-publicised 2007 report, the IPCC had claimed that if current warming trends continued, the glaciers would be gone by 2035. It now transpires that the estimate was based on a 10-year-old interview with one climate scientist and that there is no actual scientific data to back the claim.

An Indian governmental report released late last year - rubbished at the time by R K Pachauri, the IPCC head - had in fact suggested that the retreat of Himalayan glaciers had slowed, describing the IPCC estimate as alarmist. The IPCC is the world's premier body for the study of climate change, and its reports are the basis for formulating global policy. This makes its loss of credibility troubling, especially when there's no reason to doubt its overall conclusion that the planet is warming and urgent action is necessary to forestall this.

In a similar incident, recent reports revealed the World Health Organisation (WHO) might have overstated the threat posed by the H1N1 virus, or swine flu, tracing links between members of WHO's vaccine board and big pharmaceutical companies. The ties between the members of the board and pharma majors have prompted speculation that the WHO colluded with drug manufacturers to panic governments into buying vaccines. While that may not necessarily be true, at the very least such ties do amount to a significant conflict of interest.

While these cases prove that supranational agencies are not without flaws, science itself is not the villain. Most scientists accept that Himalayan glaciers are melting. It is only the degree of the recession that is under dispute. The flawed estimate raises questions about the IPCC's review processes, and there is certainly room for improvement on that front. Whenever scientific studies have massive policy implications, it is necessary for them to be absolutely above board. Any taint of ideological or monetary motivation will render them suspect. For that reason, members of WHO's board need to be transparent about their links with big pharma. Not all science is exact. To retain the public's trust, scientists must be careful to separate hype from fact.

 

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THE TIMES OF INDIA

COMMENT

SOME WAY TO GO

 

Two years ago, presidential hopeful Barack Obama made a pitch for change. So when Obama was elected by a decisive margin and inaugurated as the 44{+t}{+h} US president this day last year, expectations of him - from Americans and global citizens - were stratospheric. Since then his ratings have dipped dramatically, from 80 per cent ayes he had at this time last year, to less than 50 per cent now. But any assessment of Obama's first year in office must be placed within the context of the circumstances in which he inherited the mantle. The financial crisis had become a full-blown disaster, while America was enmeshed in a quagmire created by itself - Iraq. The Obama administration has been able to extricate America somewhat from the legacy of the Bush years, although more needs to be done.

By embracing a multilateral approach while dealing with the world, Obama has restored some of the shine to America's tarnished image. He has reached out to countries with which the US has had testy relationships - from Russia to Iran, Cuba and Venezuela. He made a historic speech in Cairo to the Muslim world and pledged to fight the negative stereotyping of Islam. Importantly, Obama has shifted US focus and resources from the Iraq war to the Af-Pak region, the epicentre of global terror. By making US military aid to Pakistan conditional to Islamabad's record in taking on the Taliban, he signalled a crucial shift in Washington's policy towards Islamabad. From India's perspective, the Obama presidency has not given any reason for concern yet and he seems committed to nurturing bilateral ties, which hit the high notes during Bush's regime. Obama now has to ensure that America stays the course in the Af-Pak region.

Obama's foreign policy record is not without glitches. No concrete West Asia initiatives have been forthcoming and the Middle East remains violently deadlocked. Obama's approach to the climate change issue has also been disappointing. When he assumed presidency, he pledged that America would lead the way in working out a responsible deal in Copenhagen. That did not happen and the US continues to shirk its responsibilities.

On the domestic front, Obama's challenges keep mounting. Though the US economy has stabilised somewhat, unemployment remains high and the budget deficit is growing. Global recovery hopes depend on how quickly he can restore the US economy to health. From New Delhi's point of view it's important that his administration should continue engagement with it, hold the line against populist protectionism at home, and not cut and run from the Af-Pak theatre. Domestically, he can restore his cachet by improving the economy and transforming health care, for which there's hope yet. He has three more years in his term, in which he could still surprise his critics.

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THE TIMES OF INDIA

TOP ARTICLE

A PLACE TIME FORGOT

ASHOK MALIK

 

Only a hard heart would not have been moved by the idea of a proud, imperious man on a hospital bed, valiantly fighting all that nature threw at him. Jyoti Basu was chief minister of West Bengal for 23 years. In 1996, he almost made it to 7 Racecourse Road. In the eyes of his devotees, he remains the finest prime minister India never had.

In the past few weeks, these devotees were very visible. Some wrote maudlin articles. Others, such as H D Deve Gowda - who got the job Basu's party forced him to turn down in 1996 - made the pilgrimage to Kolkata. Ironically, the most fervent praise came from outsiders. Those who experienced Basu's Bengal, as opposed to those who idealised it from afar, would prefer a more cold-blooded assessment.

Many of these people don't live in Kolkata, or West Bengal, anymore. A contraction of opportunities, educational and economic, and a closing of the Bengali mind have long forced them to relocate. From Bangalore to Boston, about every buzzing city has its share of refugees from Bengal. Perhaps posterity will call them "Basu's children", a once-great state's lost generation(s).

West Bengal is not a location of contemporary relevance; it is the place time forgot. Kolkata is a museum piece; somebody cruel once called it "the world's largest old people's home". You go there if you're a heritage tourist, a nostalgia junkie or have a particularly beloved patriarch to visit one final time. As Basu's health deteriorated, this harsh verity made itself apparent. In his twilight hours, he began to resemble his terrifying legacy.

Sympathetic fellow travellers tend to dismiss criticism of Basu as limited to a small Kolkata elite he disempowered. He is worshipped by millions in Bengal's rural heartland, they argue. How true is this?

Certainly, the worst of the CPM's 'cadre-cracy' was reserved for the city. In the 1970s and 1980s, the world gradually began to turn. The Asian tigers began to embrace technology and trade and move out of misery. They gave a slumbering continent a new economic model. This was precisely the time Basu chose to finally bury the Bengal renaissance. Business was hounded out, computers were resisted. English was abolished in government primary schools, depriving young Bengalis of a massive comparative advantage.

What was the result? As an early industrial state, West Bengal should have led the march into post-industrialisation. With its educational institutions and its middle class, it should have been a services sector natural. The first IT companies and the IT-enabled services boom should have started in Kolkata. Basu didn't allow this. History will never forgive him.

The point is Basu should have known better. Even before he became chief minister in 1977, he was a well-travelled man. He knew the global currents. He understood the implications of driving out technology and English, all in the name of anti-elitism. In contrast, his successor had a provincial background. Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee had to learn a lot of lessons the hard way, lessons that came easily to Basu. Yet, to be fair to Bhattacharjee, he tried. Basu didn't bother.

How successful was Basu in village Bengal? The state has 18 districts; 14 of these are among India's 100 poorest. Inequality - the gap between supposedly pampered Kolkata and the hungry hinterland - was the Left's war cry. As economists Bibek Debroy and Laveesh Bhandari emphasised in their paper 'A Story of Falling Behind'(2009), "Uttar Dinajpur, which is West Bengal's poorest district, has a per capita SDP that is only 33.6 per cent that of Kolkata [the richest district]. For all its talk about equity and removal of inequalities, the West Bengal government hasn't been able to improve the lot of the people in the worst-off and backward districts."

Basu's biggest failing was lack of conviction. He mocked those he opposed as well as those he led. In the late 1960s, the CPM entered government in alliance with Congress rebels. Basu was deputy chief minister and in-house saboteur. Almost every day, his party would lampoon the governor, Dharma Vira, as a reactionary agent of Delhi. Almost every evening, after the slogans were done, Basu would reportedly turn up at Raj Bhavan for a drink with Dharma Vira and their common friend Ranjit Gupta, former chief secretary and the brother of CPI leader Indrajit Gupta. Was this a careful separation of the personal from the political - or was it plain hypocrisy? How would you describe Basu's visits every summer to London, ostensibly to "seek investment", visits so important that he often missed August 15 in India?

The most illuminating story comes from the day of the funeral of Pramod Dasgupta, CPM strongman, in 1982. According to an eyewitness account, immediately afterwards a tired Basu went to a certain relative's house and, there, he sat down with a book: George Mikes' How to be an Alien. Considering how he looked at Bengal, and what he had reduced it to, that's rather telling.

The writer is a political commentator.

 

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THE TIMES OF INDIA

QNA

'NATURE OUT THERE AND NATURE INSIDE US IS ONE AND THE SAME'

ANANTHAKRISHNAN G

 

Friends call him a Green Monk. An engineer by training, John Seed got interested in Buddhism and Advaita philosophy and, these, according to him, gave new insights into nature and human relations and the first lessons in "Deep Ecology". Soon he was fighting for rainforests in Australia and rolling out songs in celebration of nature. Seed is the founder of the Rainforest Information Centre in Australia.

What brought you into nature conservation?

I've been involved with this since 1979 when in Terania Creek in New South Wales, close to where i lived, there was a protest to stop rainforest logging and i somehow found myself there. It changed my life.

How do you see today's environmental campaigns?

I would say they have run out of steam in Australia. The environmental movement has become more professional, but it has lost its passion. It's not enthusiastic and visionary. We are in the middle of the sixth mass extinction that has taken place on this planet since life began. Five times before, we lost at least half of the species. Unless some miracle happens, i think that's going to repeat.

How do we stop this?

We will have to change everything about our lives. I truly don't believe that this culture of consumption or greed is actually making anyone happier. Advertising has lied to us to make us think that we will be happier only if we had this or that thing. How happy we are depends much more on the quality of our relationship with out friends, our partner, our children, whether we are satisfied with the work we are doing or whether we are doing a meaningless thing, but becoming richer doesn't make any difference whatsoever.

Only a revolution in consciousness can save us from this catastrophe that we have initiated. The kind of things people are doing to protect that environment is definitely a way to change consciousness. That's how my consciousness changed. I was moving in a totally different direction in 1979. I somehow became involved in a project for the protection of nature and my whole life changed direction.

Deep Ecology deals with the illusion that nature and we are different. This illusion is the underlying cause of all environmental problems. We need to understand that the nature out there and the nature inside us is one and the same. The reason for this illusion of separation is anthropocentrism or human-centredness. Human beings think they are at the centre of everything. But what the science of ecology says and what indigenous people have always understood is that the world is not a pyramid but a web and human beings are only a strand in that web. If we destroy one strand, we destroy the other strands and thus destroy ourselves.

 

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THE TIMES OF INDIA

THANK YOU, JYOTIDA

JUG SURAIYA

 

Though we never met, I have much to thank Jyoti Basu for. Had it not been for him or rather, for the party that he so eminently represented for so many years, even before he became Bengal's chief minister in 1977 I may not have been in Delhi, working for the TOI, and writing this column. It was thanks to Jyotida, and the policies of the party that he stood for, that I like many middle-class professionals had to leave what was then called Calcutta as an economic refugee and try and make a new life for myself in distant and alien Delhi.

 

I was brought up in Calcutta, and I never wanted to leave. In a way, I never did leave Calcutta; it left me, and many others like me, like an ebbing tide leaving us stranded on whatever shore we could find to call home. In my case, this was to be Delhi, a place which, in the 23 years that i've been here, has got inured to me, as I have to it.

 

Delhi is so different from the Calcutta that was, and from the Kolkata that is. The Calcutta or at least, the middle-class central Calcutta that I grew up in was a gracious, civilised city, in many ways the leading city of India. It was a safe and clean city. Every afternoon, the streets would be washed down with hosed water to settle the dust. Along public footpaths, flower beds bloomed and children walked unescorted to schools. The best educational institutions both schools and colleges were in Calcutta. Calcutta University was the foremost university in the land, and the jewel in its crown was Presidency College. I couldn't get into Presidency, my school-leaving marks (from La Martiniere) weren't good enough but I did make it into St Xavier's, where Jyoti Basu had himself studied as a schoolboy more than 30 years before me.

 

Jyotida was very much a product of the cultural sense and sensibility that was fostered not only by St Xavier's but by the city as a whole: urbane, cosmopolitan and liberal-minded. In some ways, Calcutta wasn't just a city but a world view, a perspective that Jyoti Basu reflected so well, the quintessential Calcuttan equally at home with Shakespeare and Tagore, the pucca sahib in an elegantly pleated bhadralok dhoti.

 

How did Calcutta become a Cinderella in reverse, the glittering belle of the ball turn into a provincial drab? The CPM had a stock reply to that question: stepmotherly treatment by the Centre. By this simple formula the party absolved itself of all responsibility for Calcutta's growing ills that saw the city transform itself from a hub of industrial and intellectual activity into an economic and professional backwater whose stagnancy bred little other than the mosquito bites of daily frustrations.

 

Jyotida was chief minister for 23 years; his party has ruled Bengal uninterruptedly for over 30 years. During this time it presided over the so-called flight of capital from Calcutta, as industry and business sought safe havens far from Bengal's increasingly intractable labour unions.

 

The CPM did undertake one of the most successful rural land reform movements in the country. But Operation Barga came at a price: neglected Calcutta sank into a quagmire of despair. And in the countryside, those who dared to vote against the Marxists were in danger of having their hands chopped off; a macabre reminder not to vote for the Congress's hand symbol. Absolute power had corrupted absolutely.

 

I was first offered a job in TOI in Delhi in early 1986. It took me till July 1987 to accept the offer; I didn't want to leave Calcutta. When I did leave, people accused me: How can you betray Calcutta like this? A little later the same people asked me if I could find them a job in Delhi. Who had betrayed whom? Had we betrayed Calcutta, or had Jyotida's Calcutta betrayed us?

 

Delhi, for all the savagery of its climate and its denizens, has been good to me, as has the TOI. I'm grateful to both. And to Jyotida, for having forced me to fly the nest of Calcutta and find a new home elsewhere. I'm also grateful to his politburo, who didn't let him become PM. Because if he had, where would I have fled to then?

 

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THE TIMES OF INDIA

PLANE TRUTHS

FIRST-TIME FLYER

 

Until one turned 21, the closest one came to an airplane was when watching Hollywood action movies. I couldn't wait to embark on my first flight as the scenes whetted my curiosity. I had to go for my MBA interview, and luckily, had the chance to fly. My mother and me were agog with excitement. A bright spring morning saw us standing outside Delhi's glittering airport clutching our ticket printouts, like two school kids on the threshold of an amusement park. I spotted a sparkling array of luggage trolleys and ran to get one. I managed to disentangle it with a little difficulty and then, face shining with pride, started to push it towards my mother. It didn't budge. My smile faltered a bit. I rolled up imaginary sleeves and gave a massive shove. It remained motionless. It was then that a passer-by dryly remarked that the handle had to be pushed down to make it go forward. Who would have thought of that?

Once inside, we made our way to the 'womanned' ticket counters. I handed over the tickets and the girl at the counter looked up. "Ghost!" i shrieked, causing a neighbouring passenger to drop her heavy suitcase on her husband's foot. "Psst, it's just make-up, son," whispered my mother giving an apologetic smile to the apparition behind the counter. I calmed down slightly and digested the sight of a pound of dark eye shadow on each eyelid, half a tin of rouge on each cheek and an inch-thick layer of lipstick. And to think my friends had said that stewardesses were supposed to be attractive! To whom? Vampires? Finally, after having overpriced coffee in the lobby, we boarded the cute little bus that would take us to the airplane. The driver had obviously not heard that the shortest distance between two points is a straight line. He insisted on lumbering along a highly circuitous route and took a full 10 minutes to reach the plane. Which just happened to be standing a hundred metres away from where we had boarded the bus in the first place. The flight was terrific, of course. Rising above the clouds and soaring in the sky was sheer bliss. I was miffed, though, that they didn't allow me to put my hand out of the window. Maybe next time?

 

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HINDUSTAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

WHERE THERE'S A PILL

 

Real estate in the country's capital enters the realm of the surreal when an apothecary offers to pay a million rupees a month for the privilege of dispensing medicines at the doorstep of the All-India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS). Drugs constitute nearly three-fourths of an Indian's healthcare expenditure, an opportunity no self-respecting pharmacist will miss. Even if it means paying Rs 7,120 per square foot every month to store a box of cough syrup. Organised retailers in India spend between 20 per cent and 40 per cent of their operating expenses on real estate and earn profits in the region of 25 per cent. The undisclosed bidder for the glorified telephone booth outside AIIMS will obviously make serious money.

 

AIIMS and Safdarjung Hospital, with a combined budget of Rs 900 crore (4.26 per cent of the central government's expenditure on health this year), are even more obviously not bothered when business walks out of the door. A UN study finds that every second patient reports prescribed medicines are not available in India's state-run hospitals. The taxpayer ought to be relived that his taxes are at least paying for cheap diagnosis, if not treatment. One in five respondents in the UN study, however, said they had to pay bribes for services at government hospitals.

 

All this is not to take away from the entrepreneurship of the drug dispenser who will walk into the renters' hall of fame. London's West End cannot match this rate, nor can Tokyo's Ginza strip. And they ought not to. For the boutiques on Fifth Avenue are merely selling lifestyles. The poky shop outside two of the best hospitals in the country is dispensing something far more precious — life.

 

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HINDUSTAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

FIRST DO THE HOMEWORK

 

Like the Lord, the government giveth and the government taketh away. The latest example of this is the decision to de-recognise 44 deemed universities, which have around two lakh students on their rolls. A review committee of the human resource development ministry has recommended revocation of deemed status to 44 universities and given 44 others three years to correct their anomalies. The government has put the onus on the affected institutions to get affiliations with other universities to ensure that the students don't suffer. In case the institution is unable to secure an affiliation, the government airily recommends that students can opt to migrate to other institutions. And as for the costs involved, the de-recognised institution is expected to pay up.

 

Predictably a task force has been set up to look into all these complications. This is cold comfort to the students who have been hit by the directive since it is no secret that task forces have rarely come up with any worthwhile suggestions in time to salvage any situation like this. The government's promise, that it will ensure that the students don't suffer, sounds like noble philosophy but without any workable plan of implementation. Whatever the outcome of this present crisis, it is time to seriously re-examine the criteria for deemed university status.

 

It is passing strange that the very government that grants deemed university status to institutions finds them wanting later. This means that the criteria are elastic and that there is no feasible regulator to ensure that these outfits stick to the straight and narrow. Such problems only serve to erode faith in the higher education system. Given the painfully slow pace at which things move, it is unlikely that the students affected will be holding their breath for redressal from the government.

 

It is quite possible that the road ahead will be marred by litigation and further chaos and confusion. The government admits it has no power to ensure that deemed universities must secure affiliation with other universities. Which makes it all the more inexplicable as to why they were granted this status without far more rigorous scrutiny in the first place. It is no secret that many such institutions belong to politicians, a fact that no doubt made it easier to bend the rules. The last priority for the government seems to be the students with whose lives it is playing ducks and drakes. They are the fulcrum of the education system, not an incidental or dispensable part of it. It is little wonder then that many are willing to literally risk their lives to go abroad and earn degrees in dodgy educational institutions.

 

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HINDUSTAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

LET THE FIGHT BEGIN

PRAMIT PAL CHAUDHURI

 

During last year's G-20 summit in Pittsburgh, US President Barack Obama said that "global fiscal imbalances" had to be addressed for the world to get over its economic hangover. This wasn't a Madison Avenue turn of phrase. But in its nerdiness was embedded a big geopolitical subtext. This manifest itself in the next few months as the US and China go for each other's jugular. Godzilla versus Destoroyah. It doesn't get bigger than this.

 

The origin of what one Washington lobbyist called "a tectonic shift regarding China in the US" is a consensus within the Obama administration that the source of the financial crisis, the reason the recovery has been jobless, and the primary reason why the crisis may happen again, is "fiscal imbalance".

 

This school of thinking argues that during the Lehman Brothers Era the world was economically divided between those with China-like qualities and those with US-like ways and means. The China camp exported like crazy and used the resulting currency reserves to subsidise consumption in the American-style countries. The Americans lived off the cheap credit, imported like crazy but also used the money to blow up asset bubbles. Such imbalances are not unknown. In a market environment, however, the resulting imbalance corrects itself through exchange rates. But in one where the Chinese government pre-empts the market and deliberately keeps the yuan low, the result is crisis.

 

Washington pundits say the US has concluded that putting the Great Recession out of the way, once and for all, means putting the Great Currency Fix out of the way as well. The Democrats' favourite Nobel economist Paul Krugman has calculated that Chinese 'mercantilism' will cost America 1.4 million jobs over the next few years.

 

China must export less if the US is to save more. That means the yuan must rise. This, not love, will make the world spin this year.

 

Obama held his fire earlier because he needed Chinese assistance on a host of other international issues. Beijing was less than helpful on Iran and North Korea. It humiliated Obama during his November visit to Beijing, though he angered many in the US by refusing to meet the Dalai Lama beforehand. Insiders say Obama described the atmosphere of his meeting with Hu Jintao as "frigid".

 

The straw that broke Obama's patience was Copenhagen. The US believes it had a pre-summit deal with China on climate change. But Beijing reneged and dumped the US. It then rubbed salt in the backstab. It sent low-level officials to meetings with Obama and prepared the ground for the US president to go back home empty-handed.

 

The Danish caper proved a step too far. The Democrats, remember, include human rights activists, green types, labour unions, Free Tibet people and a lot of people uncomfortable with the Chinese government. Their congressional supporters have been restrained from taking action against Beijing only because the Obama administration would whisper the words 'climate change' and 'T-bills' to them.

 

Copenhagen removed the first inhibition. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is a known Sinophobe in the US system. But she kept quiet during her visit to China last year. "You know why? Because climate change was more important to her," said a former member of the US climate change negotiating team. "Now she sees no reason to hold back."

 

The second inhibitor, the T-bill issue, refers to the fact that China holds a quarter of the US public debt in the form of some $800 billion worth of US Treasury bills. The standard view is that China is now 'the US's banker' and has the sole superpower by the short and curlies.

 

This was always exaggerated. The present view in Washington is that it doesn't matter. If China dumps Treasury bills, it will stab itself because the value of its holdings will fall and US consumers will buy less Chinese stuff. More to the point is that the world is knee-deep in capital right now and there are enough alternative buyers of T-bills. Krugman is one of those who argue the T-bill threat is a bluff. "It would probably weaken the dollar against other currencies — but that would be good, not bad, for US competitiveness and employment. So if the Chinese do dump dollars, we should send them a thank you note."

 

The US is preparing to fire broadsides into the Chinese economy. The ebb of any political support to at least keep Beijing cooperative was evident when the US imposed tariffs on imported China tyres and steel. It was overt during the recent contretemps between Google and the Chinese authorities over internet censorship. The White House publicly supported the US search engine company. The lobbyist explained the significance: "Recall that along with labour unions, Hollywood, the Jewish community and trial lawyers, Silicon Valley — and Google specifically — is one of the financial pillars of the Democratic Party." China is responding in kind. "Note that China is not sending anyone senior to the latest Permanent 5+1 meeting on Iran."

 

A senior US multinational executive said that the Obama administration has warned US companies to "button down" their investments in China by April. "That's when the fur is going to fly."

 

When others close to the Obama administration were asked whether the US president would try to restrain the momentum against China. They said, "He believes Beijing has done nothing but kick him in the teeth since he became president."

 

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HINDUSTAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

CHANGE CLIMATE CHANGE!

SAMRAT

 

Ever since the Copenhagen climate summit, I've been very worried about climate change. I check my car's Pollution Under Control certificate every day, walk to the grocer's, and generally make little sacrifices to make the world a better place.

 

I was starting to think all my efforts — and those of countless unsung others — are beginning to pay off. I've been feeling rather cold for the past month. In fact, very cold. My legs are often frozen all the way up to my unmentionables. I have to drink a stiff vodka before I can work up the courage to enter the bathroom in the morning. In other words, the part of the globe I live in — Delhi — has not exactly been hot.

 

However I am only a layman, and I believe in experts, so I didn't buy a heater. In fact, I even postponed buying a new sweater. Surely global warming can't have turned tail already, I kept telling myself. The Himalayan glaciers are melting. Soon, it will be warm. Next year, Delhi will probably have no winter, and I will have to walk to office to reduce my carbon footprint and bring the fog back. The year after that, we may even celebrate New Year's by the beach in Gurgaon, since as you know, sea levels are rising alarmingly.

 

Now I'm a little mortified to read that the glaciers may not be melting after all. What's more, a bunch of scientists I had not heard of before are saying an ice age could be on its way. This winter has been bitterly cold across the northern hemisphere, and the hitherto unheard of gurus of climate change are saying it's only the start of a cooling trend.

 

A Russian astronomer named Khabibullo Abdusamatov from St Petersburg has predicted the next ice age will start between 2035 and 2045 due to a decline in solar activity. He also says the warming trend in recent years was simply because the sun was pumping out more heat. Apparently, the sun has its hot and cold periods. Abdusamatov's not a fan of carbon trading, I think.

 

Less Russian sources — like, for example, the US National Snow and Ice Data Centre in Colorado — have reported a jump in the Arctic summer sea ice by 26 per cent over the past two years. It had hit a low in 2007, but has recovered spectacularly since. And this was before Copenhagen, before I even started walking to the grocer's.

 

"Just months — that's how long it took for Europe to be engulfed by an ice age. The scenario, which comes straight out of Hollywood blockbuster The Day After Tomorrow, was revealed by the most precise record of the climate from palaeohistory ever generated," said New Scientist last November.

 

The most precise record of the climate showed that 12,800 years ago there was an ice age funky scientists call the Big Freeze. It froze up most of the northern hemisphere in less than a year. The scientists from Canada who carried out the study said the effect would be like "taking Ireland and moving it up to Svalbard in the Arctic". I guess if we moved Delhi by a few notches less than that, we'd end up in cool, scenic Ladakh.

 

Thing is, now I'm no longer sure what I should do for the planet. How do I make the world a better place today? Should I try to warm it because an ice age is coming, or cool it because global warming is upon us?

I think for starters I will throw an uttapam at a scientist today.

 

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HINDUSTAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

WAGE A KURUKSHETRA

GURCHARAN DAS

 

Ruchika Girhotra did not die in vain. She has energised the moral imagination of a new and assertive India, disproving the lazy, unthinking belief that our middle class is purely self-absorbed, consumerist and callous. It says something about our changing society that an event that took place 19 years ago has become the source of outrage today and has provided the nation with intense emotional release and catharsis. Oddly enough, dharma may be rising rather than falling in our country.

 

It began on December 22 when I read about a police official sentenced to six months in jail for molesting a 14-year-old girl. That evening I remarked cynically to a friend that this was just one of those stories that would soon die. He shook his head sadly and asked, "What will it take to improve governance? A Kurukshetra-like war?"

 

But the story did not die. An ugly tale emerged on how the highest police official in Haryana, the Director-General of Police Shambhu Pratap Singh Rathore, molested Ruchika Girhotra, arrested her brother falsely, had him tortured in jail, sent her courageous family into hiding, and forced her to commit suicide.

 

Just when we had begun to believe that India was a rising, vibrant democracy and a fast growing economic power, we were crudely reminded that at least in parts of the nation we may be closer to a tinpot dictatorship in Africa or Latin America. When my friend suggested if it would take a 'Kurukshetra' to fix the system, he was reminding us that the Mahabharata also had a problem with the self-destructive kshatriya institutions of its time. It had to wage a war to cleanse them.

 

When Draupadi was molested in the Sabhaparvan, she challenged the rulers in Hastinapur and called for accountability in public life. She asked about the dharma of the ruler. Draupadi and, in this case, Ruchika's friend Aradhana Prakash, who has fought relentlessly for justice for 19 years, ought to be our inspiration.

 

New trials are going to take place and laws may be amended. Now the law must take its course. The media may be guilty of having gone overboard, but think of it as democracy's way of waging a war at Kurukshetra.

 

Does this mean that we are making moral progress? The idea of dharma sounds quaint. Many people shy away from 'morality' because moral certitude reeks of intolerance and bigotry. The middle class  still yearns for a sense of dharma and a life of dignity. People want civic life to be shaped not

 

by who is powerful, or by who stands to lose and gain, but by what is right.

 

People can distinguish between what is and what ought to be. Torture, bonded labour, brutality against women and Dalits were common-place once, but they are not acceptable anymore. To be a Dalit or even an OBC was to be condemned. Now a Dalit woman rules our largest state. Although the gap between the 'is' and the 'ought' will never close, Ruchika's story shows that imperceptibly and imperfectly we may be moving towards a more attainable dharma.

 

Gurcharan Das is the author of The Difficulty of Being Good: On the Subtle Art of Dharma

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

DEEMED NOT TO BE

 

Even if you haven't visited five-room deemed universities or read glossy college catalogues in fiction, here are statistics that say all. In the 35 years between 1956 and 1990, only 29 institutions were "deemed-to-be universities" by the Central government. In comparison, in the last five years, as many as 36 institutions have been granted this status. The spate of hasty approvals sparked accusations that Union Human Resource Development Minister Kapil Sibal sought to address last year, when he ordered a review of all deemed-to-be universities. When this three-member review committee recommended 44 deemed-to-be universities for derecognition, the writing was on the wall. The Centre's affidavit to the Supreme Court on Monday, accepting that recommendation, is both welcome and necessary.

 

Looking forward, the immediate concern is about the estimated two lakh students who will be affected by this step. In its affidavit, the Centre states that these below par institutions can continue as "affiliated colleges" to a state university, so that students can complete ongoing courses and exit with a degree. The HRD minister has also assured that no student will suffer. The "task force" preparing a plan to "safeguard" these students must be careful not to punish them for the follies of others. The other concern is for action on those responsible for this impasse. Who in the UGC and the HRD ministry gave the approvals that are now shown to be faulty, with stipulations clearly not followed? It is important that a thorough inquiry names the guilty and that they are punished.

 

Section 3 of the University Grants Commission Act permits the Centre to grant "deemed-to-be university" status for educational institutions on the recommendation of the UGC. The Centre's decision to derecognise will hopefully result in the sparing use of this section. But to prevent its use altogether might be self-defeating. The original purpose of this provision was to reward well-performing colleges with the autonomy that university status brings. Top-class deemed universities like Birla Institute of Technology and Science, Pilani or Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai must be distinguished from more recent fly-by-night operators. It is hoped that the Centre accompanies this bold decision with a comprehensive overhaul.

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

WEATHER THE ERROR

 

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) finds itself embarrassed and undermined, as its landmark 2007 report, which claimed that the chances of Himalayan glaciers "disappearing by the year 2035 and perhaps sooner is very high", was revealed as a transparent fib that had wriggled its way in there via an old and speculative news report. This is not a minor error — the 2007 document is the foundation underpinning climate change negotiations that will determine how countries act, allocate their resources and map out their futures. The IPCC would have been expected to only include peer-reviewed information that has already been thoroughly vetted by scientific journals — so these revelations puncture the climate scientists' central conceit, that they have rigour on their side. So far, the IPCC has been thought to take a highly considered, even conservative view of events — in the way it under-reported rise in sea-levels in the same report, for instance. The review community's failure is manifest, and it must be urgently fixed. This comes close on the heels of another scandal, when leaked e-mails from the East Anglia's climate research unit revealed the slapdash methods and arrogance of a section of climate scientists.

 

However, this episode should not effectively tar all climate science with the same brush, but remind us to refocus on the integrity of the science. The coordination between regional chapters and the entire spectrum of scientific specialities must be perfected, and the peer-review process itself should be faultless. However, that the glacial melt is proceeding at a more glacial pace than we were led to believe (in fact, is off by a few hundred years from IPCC's stopwatch) should not end up feeding the climate change sceptics, because that would be all-round destructive. If this incident has highlighted the chance of human error, it should only be to galvanise effort towards minimising mistakes.

 

And, in that sense, maybe it's a good thing that the world's attention has been drawn to the science behind our most pressing policy issue. In coming decades, climate change action will make enormous demands of us. Inevitably, lobbies and pressure groups of every kind and scale will try and tinker with data, and telling the science and skulduggery apart will be the challenge of our times. We need the IPCC, as the only body of its kind, to live up to these great expectations and make its claims unassailable.

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

COLUMN

STILL HEATING UP

MIHIR S. SHARMA

 

Far to the south, in New Zealand's Southern Alps, glacier-abutting tourist towns that once made a living selling equipment to alpine climbers are adjusting to a new, slightly different life: as destinations for sailors on the giant new lake that has replaced their glacier. Farther south, scientists confirmed this week that one of Antarctica's largest glaciers will irreversibly lose half its ice this century.

 

But, in Delhi, we're more busy scoring political points over precisely when our own will disappear.

 

Remember this: nobody really wants to act on climate change. It will cost money. It will cost political capital. It will require new regulations. None of these are welcome. So, of course, people will look for reasons not to act. And the easiest is to claim the "science is not conclusive". But then, science never is, or it ceases to be science. Yet when there's as much of a consensus in any field as there is in climate science, you'd better have a pretty good reason to ignore it.

 

Is one massively stupid error in the 2007 report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, or IPCC, enough? For those who want to throw stones at the gloomy prophets of doom, much less would have been enough. After all, the absurd little syllogism would run: something in the report is wrong. But then anything could be wrong. The scientists are lying to us! Now can we have our cheap petrol, please?

 

This tendency will be compounded by the silliness of the error itself. One scientist, in a phone interview with a journalist, may or may not have come up with an (absurdly close) date at which Himalayan glaciers vanish. That journalist writes a story, gets it published. The story gets noted in the IPCC report. And eventually people get round to noticing that Tibet definitely won't be ice-free by 2035, and the stone-throwing sets in.

 

And it gets worse: that scientist now heads the team spending $500,000 to investigate vanishing Himalayan glaciers in TERI, the institute that IPCC head Rajendra Pachauri calls home.

 

But stories that imply corruption in climate science always run up against one big logical error. There's simply so much more money in saying that things are OK as they are.

 

So, even if the date was ludicrous, the concern might not be. Are the Himalayan glaciers shrinking? Well, many are far enough above the zero-degree line that they're relatively safe. But others aren't. And there's no scientific doubt that they are, indeed, losing increasing amounts of ice on average. (The scientist who publicised the error: "There is no room for reasonable doubt that glaciers in the Himalayas and Karakoram are losing mass.") Where's the debate? On whether that is happening faster in the Himalayas or at the same rate as in the Arctic — or New Zealand.

 

So let's place the 2035 date in perspective as an error. It appeared only in the 1000-page full IPCC report in 2007; it was eliminated from the much smaller official briefs that were actually used to attempt to influence policy. Here's the other thing that's important to mention: the main movers in a (long-standing) attempt to fix the date are scientists who are in many cases major contributors to the IPCC reports. In August last year, for example, Al Gore advisor and glaciologist Richard Armstrong publicly told the Nepal government that the IPCC had incorporated "misleading quotes" on glaciers receding, that they weren't sure how the quotes got in, and that

 

they would be taken out of the next report.

 

That being said, there's no excuse for it being in the text at all. Science works like this, yes — something is published, it is reviewed, it is falsified, and we progress — but the IPCC report is not supposed to contribute to the scientific debate, but instead to summarise it, to collate already reviewed information. The IPCC, and Rajendra Pachauri, have a lot of explaining to do. Several big names in glacier science publicly attacked the Himalayas section last year, saying it contained a "catalogue of errors" because of insufficient due diligence. (These activist scientists out to mislead the world have pretty sneaky methods.)

 

And errors like this offer ammunition to those we don't want too empowered.

 

One such person is Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh. The moment last year people started talking

particularly loudly about the 2035 error, Ramesh happily added his voice to the chorus. Understandable, even perhaps laudable. But he, of course, overextended himself. Going a lot further than the error warranted, he announced that a one-man report (based on only two years of data) that his ministry released "proved" that not only was the projected date incorrect — but that climate change may not be affecting Himalayan glaciers at all. That spin, both unnecessary and unjustified, caused an avalanche of mockery to descend on India's environment ministry, and severely hampered India's credibility and perceptions of its seriousness heading into Copenhagen. (Chinese authorities, in contrast, accept that Tibet has shown particular vulnerability to warming.)

 

That lack of credibility attaches too, therefore, to Ramesh's latest attack on the IPCC. The problem is that it is clear that the constituent governments of the IPCC should definitely ask for a review of what else got into the full review that was problematic — but asking in a way that actually questions the report's methodology as a whole, as Ramesh did, lays one open to ridicule.

 

Climate change science is somewhere no science has been before. On the one hand, absolutely everybody with an interest in the status quo desperately wants it to be wrong. On the other, it simply can't take ages to reach conclusions to be at all effective in framing policy.

 

So, here and there in a 1000-page report, someone will cut corners. And when errors are discovered, the deniers will explode in happy self-justification. Now, as ever, we need to ignore them.

 

There will be errors. It might even be the case that there is some groupthink, or that the occasional person is corrupt. But, because of these, not acting with urgency, the urgency that the entire scientific community is pleading with us to show? That is simply unconscionable.

 

mihir.sharma@expressindia.com

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

COLUMN

HOW MUCH FOR ADVICE?

SHOBHANA SUBRAMANIAN

 

The mutual fund industry may have seen its assets under management (AUM) nudge Rs 8 trillion in 2009, double of what it was at the end of 2008, but much of this, as CRISIL points out, was because banks did not know else what to do with their deposits. And of course, with the stock market on a roll — the BSE Sensex returned 80 per cent during the year — the rise in share values helped. The bad news is that from August onwards, every single month saw money moving out of equity schemes. It's true that only for a very short period in the history of mutual funds has the ratio of money in equity and debt schemes been less skewed than the current ratio of 2:5 in favour of debt. But the fact that people are not keen to buy into equity schemes, at a time when the markets have been hitting new highs, is somewhat surprising.

 

Or maybe not. After all, mutual-fund schemes' sales in India have always been driven by distribution. But distributors have lost out their fees since the capital market regulator decided in July that buyers would not be charged the 2.25 per cent of the value of the purchase. It was this entry load that used to be passed on by the fund houses to distributors as commissions. In the good days the top seven or eight banks earned Rs 150-200 crore apiece every year. The recent exodus of a wealth management team, from a foreign bank, shows how bad things are. Even before the entry loads were done away with though, life insurance companies were walking away with the bulk of equity investments. Over the past four years, investments into Unit Linked Insurance Plans (ULIPs), premiums of which are typically invested in equities, have dwarfed those into mutual funds. That happened because distributors were able to earn commissions, of anywhere between 20 and 40 per cent of the premium paid. All at the cost of the investor of course. Also, many investors believe that parking their savings in an ULIP is almost like saving for their retirement and the protection element brings added comfort. Even in big markets like the US, more than two-thirds of investments in equities are channelled through retirement plans such as the 401K.

 

The ban of entry loads and the new regime of allowing investors to decide how much they want to pay agents for advice and services may be a good idea conceptually. After all, an investor should decide how much he would like to pay for any advice and service. But in the near term, it's a nightmare for fund houses, with equity money barely trickling in and only fund houses that have a banking channel to

 

back them are able to reach out to customers.

 

High-end and premium customers may not mind paying for advice but the smaller investors might. Consultancy firm McKinsey estimates that, under a certain commission structure, the profitability of mutual funds could drop to as low as one basis point this year, improving only gradually to 13 bps in 2011-12. Or it could range between 7 bps and 12 bps over the same period in a somewhat more affordable commission structure. That cannot be encouraging for an industry which is already in bad shape. Of the 37 AMCs in the market, about half are expected to post losses for 2008-09. And by a rough reckoning, there could be at least three or four that have been around for 10 years — a fair length of time to be able to get one's act together — and are still struggling. Given this, it's not surprising that players like Bharti want out.

 

According to McKinsey, industry profitability, measured as basis points (bps) of the average AUM, dropped from approximately 22 bps to approximately 14 bps last year. Obviously, most funds haven't been able to build corpuses that are large enough for them to be able to defray the expenses which can be high in an industry that has traditionally been driven by distributor commissions. To be able to cover expenses and come up with a surplus, a fund should have a minimum corpus of around Rs 10,000 crore, say experts, but barely half the funds can boast that kind of size. Now with the regulator doing away with entry loads, it will be harder to build scale. The bulk of the money, especially in the fixed income piece, is sourced from corporates, who are making the most of tax sops. Should the government decide that these large institutional investors need not be pampered, fund houses will be in even bigger trouble.

 

Duplicating a network of brick and mortar offices across the country is unlikely to be cost effective; somehow fund houses must team up to support smaller distributors. As it is, there are fewer dollars left now to spend on distribution. The Internet will become an important channel but only over time; right now, it's the independent financial agents alone who can drive sales. Fund companies in Australia and parts of Europe have had great success with this model and seen disproportionately high flows from these platforms. It can't hurt for Indian fund houses to try.

 

The writer is resident editor, 'The Financial Express', Mumbai

shobhana.subramanian@expressindia.com

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

OPED

THE INTIMATE ENEMY

YUBARAJ GHIMIRE

 

Three months after the Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoists (UCPN-M) entrusted key ideologue Baburam Bhattarai to lead the 'decisive people's movement' that may even overthrow the current government, the party chief has suddenly turned on him. "India keeps pressurising us to make Bhattarai the prime minister", he said publicly.

 

For a party still going through the hangover of its revolutionary years, which lasted almost a decade, and one which joined the democratic process at India's mediation in November 2005, anti-Indianism is a way of preserving its legacy. Even during the last four years of peace, the Maoists had enmities — perceived or real —that solely dictated political outcomes in the country.

 

First it was the king that the Maoists projected as the 'enemy', and nearly all the signatories to the New Delhi agreement shared this belief. But that didn't stop the Maoists from inventing more. Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML), the two biggest democratic parties, became the next target. And now it's Bhattarai — 'India's man' — who is being cast as the enemy within.

 

The relationship between Bhattarai and Prachanda now spans more than 15 years, and has seen many ups and downs. The fluctuations have at times confused even party rank and file. This is not the first time that Bhattarai has been branded an 'Indian agent' by Prachanda. Way back in late 2004, Bhattarai was put in a labour camp as his political line — that Maoists must join hands with pro-democracy forces in the country and secure international support for its transformation into a peaceful party — was defeated in the party around then. Prachanda, who had the backing of the majority then was in favour of the Maoists and the monarchy joining hands against the forces of imperialist hegemony. But with King Gyanendra's takeover in February 2005 with the avowed objective of fighting and defeating 'terrorism', Prachanda was left with no option than to toe the Bhattarai line. This made the anti-monarchy front possible, which the Delhi agreement formalised. Naturally, Bhattarai and not Prachanda was the spokesperson of the new alliance and the pivot of Nepal's emerging politics.

 

The Maoists then monopolised the right to influence the political course, warning other parties — mainly the Congress and the UML — that they would meet the king's fate if they did not fall in with the Maoists' 'progressive' politics. They also emerged as the biggest party in the constituent assembly election and Bhattarai, a quiet aspirant for the PM's post, gave way to Prachanda's ambition. But in the days that followed, Bhattarai tried to project himself as the most radical 'revolutionary' and indicated that the party's joining the peace process was just tactical. In his writings and speeches in the party forum, he said the party was determined to ultimately establish the people's republic. On May 4, when Prachanda resigned as prime minister in protest against the president reinstating army chief Rookmangud Katawal within hours of his being sacked by the PM, Bhattarai lambasted India for supposedly instigating the army and president against the Maoist-led government.

 

Many thought Bhattarai wanted to be in Prachanda's good books and become prime minister as the UCPN-M was still the biggest party in the constituent assembly. Prachanda helped Bhattarai nurture that ambition up to a point by stating that somebody else from the party, not Prachanda himself, would be PM once 'India's puppet regime' led by Madhav Nepal was ousted. Entrusting the movement's leadership to Bhattarai was the party's endorsement of that message.

 

But in Nepal's politics, Prachanda is now seen to be as megalomaniacal as G.P. Koirala. Ever since a secret understanding between Prachanda and Koirala in Singapore — when the latter was admitted to a hospital there — that the 86-year old Koirala will be president and someone from the Maoist party would be prime minister, Prachanda's lust for power was on display again. The best way to achieve that was to deliver a politically mortal blow to Bhattarai, and what could be more effective than branding him an Indian agent?

 

In fact, Prachanda used Bhattarai very cleverly in the last few months in the renewed anti-India politics that the Maoists call a 'struggle for freedom'. Prachanda even told India's Minister for Exernal Affairs S.M. Krishna how betrayed he feels by India after 'it supported the regressive forces represented by the president's army and Madhav Nepal'. That was a clear message that in the days to come, the Maoists would pursue anti-India politics, perhaps pro-China by extension. Krishna may have guessed that Prachanda still calls the shot in the Maoist Party, if not in the country. Nepal will enter a new phase of trouble if it fails to promulgate its new constitution by the May 28 deadline. Bhattarai and his comrades have said that in that eventuality, the Maoists would capture power — an unacceptable situation to other players inside and outside the country. India's response will be crucial.

 

The fact that Bhattarai has not yet given up and challenged Prachanda means that he is prepared to take on a political and ideological fight within the party. The message that he is likely to be trying to convey is that he commands enough clout in the party to not have to go to the labour camp this time round. But in the past four years, in the politics of power and deceit, Bhattarai has lost much more. In the intertim, he has reduced himself to the status of Prachanda's sidekick. He surrendered too much to appease Prachanda. He refused to recognise the fact that as someone who played a crucial role in bringing Maoists and democratic parties together on the anti-monarchy platform, such servility would leave his fate solely to Prachanda's whims. And Prachanda has spoken — almost decisively.

 

yubaraj.ghimire@expressindia.com

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

OPED

THE SCIENCE OF CINEMA

 

When watching a Hollywood movie that has robed itself in the themes and paraphernalia of science, a scientist expects to feel anything from annoyance to infuriation at facts misconstrued or processes misrepresented. What a scientist does not expect is to enter into a state of ecstatic wonderment, to have the urge to leap up and shout: "Yes! That's exactly what it's like!"

 

So it is time for all the biologists who have not yet done so to shut their laptops and run to the movie theatres, put on 3-D glasses and watch the film Avatar. In fact, anyone who loves a biologist or may want to be one, or better yet, anyone who hates a biologist — and certainly everyone who has ever sneered at a tree-hugger — should do the same. Because the director James Cameron's otherworldly tale of romance and battle, aliens and armadas, has somehow managed to do what no other film has done. It has recreated what is the heart of biology: the naked, heart-stopping wonder of really seeing the living world.

 

Avatar is well within reach of becoming the highest-grossing film of all time. There have, of course, been many films that have depicted the excitement of scientists during discovery (think of Laura Dern in Jurassic Park, gleefully sticking her hand into a pile of dinosaur dung), and, from Lord of the Rings to Star Trek, there has been no shortage of on-screen fantastical floras and faunas.

 

But Cameron somehow has the audience seeing organisms in the tropical-forest-gone-mad of the planet Pandora just the way a biologist sees them. We are reminded of organisms we already know, while marvelling over the new and trying to put this novelty into some kind of sensible place in the mind. It is a mental tickle, and wonderful confusion sparks the thought, "Oh, that looks like a horse, but wait, it has six legs and it's blue, and whoa, that looks like a jellyfish but it's floating in the air and glowing."

 

The clues that we are "not in Kansas anymore," can be seen in every aspect of the life of Pandora. If there is one color that is most decidedly not a classic Earth tone, it might just be neon blue. Another thing we do not expect from most living things is light. Yet on Pandora, life glows everywhere in the night, including the long, pulsating Spanish-moss-like strands elegantly dangling off branches and the brightly glowing green and purple ferns. And touching closest to home, Cameron has put a version of ourselves on Pandora, the Na'vi people.

 

To so strongly experience these kinds of wonderfully shocking similarities and dissimilarities among living things is the kind of experience that has largely been the prerogative of biologists — especially those known as taxonomists, who spend their days ordering and naming the living things on Earth. But now, thanks to Cameron, the entire world is not only experiencing this but also revelling in it.

 

Maybe it takes a dreamlike ecstasy to break through to a world so jaded, to reach people who have seen David Attenborough here, there and everywhere, who have clicked — bored — past the Animal Planet channel hundreds of times without ever really seeing the animals. Maybe it takes a lizard that can glow like fire and hover like a helicopter and a staring troop of iridescent blue lemurs to wake us up. Maybe Avatar is what we need to bring our inner taxonomist back to life, to get us to really see.

 

And waking up and seeing is what Avatar is about, as its characters tell us repeatedly, as when the marine hero, Jake Sully, struggles to make sense of his love interest's passion for life on Pandora."Try to see the forest through her eyes," urges Dr. Grace Augustine, played by Sigourney Weaver, head of the Avatar project.

 

And here we have yet another reason for scientists to love this movie. Who has not tired of seeing scientists portrayed as either grant-greedy maniacs or naïve dangers to humanity? In films, scientists are often assumed to be inhuman to some degree, and if they become more human as a film proceeds, it is by becoming less of a scientist.

 

Instead, in Avatar, Dr. Augustine begins as usual, abrasive and obsessed with her own project. But the audience begins to like her more and more, not because she becomes less involved with the life on Pandora, but because we become more involved with it. And — spoiler alert! — that is why when she arrives at the most sacred and most biologically important site on Pandora, it is with a sympathy and respect that we laugh when her first thought is that she really needs to take some samples. There is no line between her wonder, her love of the living world and her science.

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

OPED

IN DEFENCE OF THEIR LORDSHIPS

GOPAL SANKARANARAYANAN

 

On September 1 2009, Neeraj Kishan Kaul stepped down as a judge of the Delhi High Court — a mere four months after being sworn into that coveted office. Exactly two months later, Justice V. Giri of the Kerala High Court followed suit, being the first permanent judge of that court to do so. At a time when brickbats are cast on the courts by social activists and judge-baiters, it is a matter of concern that some of the finest judicial talent decline the gavel. Some reflections on the life of a judge in India, could perhaps explain why the Bench is losing its allure.

 

Overworked: Every week, the average superior court judge is expected to peruse a hundred paperbooks — tightly stitched files containing the fate of the litigant — some of which run into thousands of pages. Coupled with this are the actual court hearings from 10 am to 4:30 pm every weekday, many of which require elaborate, well-reasoned judgments, citing appropriate precedent, culled out through meticulous research. After all, the law of the land is being laid down. In addition are various social engagements, lectures, committee meetings and teaching assignments. Such being the lot of a judge's life, little time is available for self and family.

 

Outcast: Thanks to an ill-conceived and overly moralistic resolution passed by the Supreme Court in 1997, those elevated to man the courts are advised to "eschew" contact with members of the Bar and to "practice a degree of aloofness". Spare a thought for one who has spent the past 20 years in the lap of a convivial Bar with fellow lawyers, only to now be asked to isolate oneself from those very companions of many a tea-room chat.

 

Obsolescent: In a tongue-in-cheek remark that formed a part of one of his judgments, the English judge, Lord Bridge had said "the populist image of the geriatric judge, out of touch with the real world, is now reflected in the statutory presumption of judicial incompetence at the age of 75". In India, with Constitutionally prescribed retirement ages of only 65 for the Supreme Court and 62 for the High Courts, judges are presumed to be past their "sell by" date when that golden birthday arrives, even if all their contemporaries at the Bar are still at the peak of their powers. Simply put, if Ram Jethmalani had accepted judicial office, he would have retired 22 years ago.

 

Impoverished: While a judge in Singapore earns a million dollars a year and his British counterpart makes almost half that amount, as per the recently enacted High Court and Supreme Court Judges (Salaries and Conditions of Service) Amendment Act, 2009, the Chief Justice of India sits pretty at the top of the Indian judicial ladder with about $ 26,000. That amount is just a little less than what the nation's reputed corporate firms offer graduating law students. For a more direct perspective, the top 20 lawyers in the country earn that amount in a single day's hearings. It is little wonder then, that each of them had declined judgeship when offered.

 

Accused: Enough homilies have been delivered, especially in the recent past, on the conduct of the judiciary. Some arguments have had merit, while others have been plainly motivated. Yet, in all of this, when the integrity of judges have been questioned and the institution's lack of transparency attacked, little thought is given to the vast majority of honest and industrious members of the Bench who have sacrificed much to be of service to the nation. To weather all of this in the grim knowledge that only silence is permitted requires rare mettle.

 

Kaul and Giri have returned to enrich the Bar, both commencing practice at the Supreme Court. Their reasons for demitting office remain personal. Yet, one cannot help but wonder that if the factors enumerated above had been different, the result might have been otherwise. Unfortunately, in today's India, a judge's chamber no longer possesses the warm hearth on which justice curls up to rest for the night. It is a cold, wet floor, where the silence is only broken by the ticking of a relentless clock.

 

The writer practices law at the Supreme Court of India

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

OPED

VIEW FROM THE LEFT

MANOJ C G

 

Spread the dream

Marxist legend Jyoti Basu's most cherished dream was to see the CPM spread its wings outside Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura. In his lifetime, he could not see the party achieve this goal.

 

Recalling Basu's contributions in an article appeared in party dailies, General Secretary Prakash Karat exhorted comrades to work towards realising Basu's dream and consider it his last wish. Basu used to point to the need for strengthening the party outside the three traditional strongholds. "It is our responsibility to make his dream come true," Karat said.

 

All the five dailies of the CPM carried articles by senior leaders recollecting the contributions made by the former West Bengal chief minister. In Deshabhimani, the CPM's Malayalam daily, Chief Minister V.S. Achuthanandan said Basu was always an inspiration for comrades in Kerala. He also recounted his long association with Basu — starting from his first meeting with him in 1958 when the two were members of the undivided Communist party's National Council — while state secretary Pinarayi Vijayan said Basu's memories would inspire the CPM to fight the all-round attack against it in Bengal.

 

Ritual purging

In the latest issue of party mouthpiece People's Democracy, Karat tries to bring some clarity on the party's position on its cadre practicing religion. One of its former MPs recently resigned from the party opposing a diktat barring leaders from organising religious ceremonies or personally conducting rituals.

 

Karat says the CPM does not bar persons who have religious faith from joining the party and many of its members do go to temples, mosques or churches. But party members should eschew all social, caste and religious practices that are alien to Communist norms.

"Party members are not being asked to give up their religious faith or practice. But if there is any religious custom or practice which goes against Communist norms such as practice of untouchability, depriving women of equal rights or obscurantist customs such as preventing widows from remarriage etc. which are given religious sanction — these are to be given up," he says.

 

As far asleaders are concerned, they have been asked not to organise religious ceremonies or personally conduct religious rituals. "Leading party cadres such as leaders of state committee, district committee, zonal or area committees etc are expected to uphold progressive values in their personal and social lives. They should not organise religious ceremonies, or, personally conduct rituals...Communist Party leaders cannot profess something in public and do something else in their personal life."

 

Frontier logic

For once, the CPI has given a thumbs up to New Delhi's foreign policy. In an editorial in party weekly organ New Age, the CPI says India's effort to improve its ties with Bangladesh including the one billion dollar line of credit augurs well for relations between the two countries.

 

The editorial talks extensively about the joint communiqué issued by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and his Bangladeshi counterpart Sheikh Hasina Wajed and treaties inked by the two countries during her visit and sarcastically remarks that these positive reports were pushed to the inside pages by leading dailies for obvious reasons.

"A section of the Indian media is once again playing the old dirty game on foreign policy matters", it says pointing out that while the media treated the attacks on Indians in Australia as a "routine matter", the happenings on the Indo-China and Indo-Pak border is reported out of proportion. It says the tirade against China is not much different from what was witnessed a couple of months back when stories about Chinese intrusion published and relayed in Indian media were so unfounded and cooked up that the foreign ministry officially snubbed these stories and threatened the journalists with legal action.

 

On improving Indo-Bangla ties, it says "from the point of view of New Delhi, softening at least one source of trouble in our neighbourhood will allow the government to take up issues with our other neighbours."

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

OPED

THE INTIMATE ENEMY

YUBARAJ GHIMIRE

 

Three months after the Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoists (UCPN-M) entrusted key ideologue Baburam Bhattarai to lead the 'decisive people's movement' that may even overthrow the current government, the party chief has suddenly turned on him. "India keeps pressurising us to make Bhattarai the prime minister", he said publicly.

 

For a party still going through the hangover of its revolutionary years, which lasted almost a decade, and one which joined the democratic process at India's mediation in November 2005, anti-Indianism is a way of preserving its legacy. Even during the last four years of peace, the Maoists had enmities — perceived or real —that solely dictated political outcomes in the country.

 

First it was the king that the Maoists projected as the 'enemy', and nearly all the signatories to the New Delhi agreement shared this belief. But that didn't stop the Maoists from inventing more. Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML), the two biggest democratic parties, became the next target. And now it's Bhattarai — 'India's man' — who is being cast as the enemy within.

 

The relationship between Bhattarai and Prachanda now spans more than 15 years, and has seen many ups and downs. The fluctuations have at times confused even party rank and file. This is not the first time that Bhattarai has been branded an 'Indian agent' by Prachanda. Way back in late 2004, Bhattarai was put in a labour camp as his political line — that Maoists must join hands with pro-democracy forces in the country and secure international support for its transformation into a peaceful party — was defeated in the party around then. Prachanda, who had the backing of the majority then was in favour of the Maoists and the monarchy joining hands against the forces of imperialist hegemony. But with King Gyanendra's takeover in February 2005 with the avowed objective of fighting and defeating 'terrorism', Prachanda was left with no option than to toe the Bhattarai line. This made the anti-monarchy front possible, which the Delhi agreement formalised. Naturally, Bhattarai and not Prachanda was the spokesperson of the new alliance and the pivot of Nepal's emerging politics.

 

The Maoists then monopolised the right to influence the political course, warning other parties — mainly the Congress and the UML — that they would meet the king's fate if they did not fall in with the Maoists' 'progressive' politics. They also emerged as the biggest party in the constituent assembly election and Bhattarai, a quiet aspirant for the PM's post, gave way to Prachanda's ambition. But in the days that followed, Bhattarai tried to project himself as the most radical 'revolutionary' and indicated that the party's joining the peace process was just tactical. In his writings and speeches in the party forum, he said the party was determined to ultimately establish the people's republic. On May 4, when Prachanda resigned as prime minister in protest against the president reinstating army chief Rookmangud Katawal within hours of his being sacked by the PM, Bhattarai lambasted India for supposedly instigating the army and president against the Maoist-led government.

 

Many thought Bhattarai wanted to be in Prachanda's good books and become prime minister as the UCPN-M was still the biggest party in the constituent assembly. Prachanda helped Bhattarai nurture that ambition up to a point by stating that somebody else from the party, not Prachanda himself, would be PM once 'India's puppet regime' led by Madhav Nepal was ousted. Entrusting the movement's leadership to Bhattarai was the party's endorsement of that message.

 

But in Nepal's politics, Prachanda is now seen to be as megalomaniacal as G.P. Koirala. Ever since a secret understanding between Prachanda and Koirala in Singapore — when the latter was admitted to a hospital there — that the 86-year old Koirala will be president and someone from the Maoist party would be prime minister, Prachanda's lust for power was on display again. The best way to achieve that was to deliver a politically mortal blow to Bhattarai, and what could be more effective than branding him an Indian agent?

 

In fact, Prachanda used Bhattarai very cleverly in the last few months in the renewed anti-India politics that the Maoists call a 'struggle for freedom'. Prachanda even told India's Minister for Exernal Affairs S.M. Krishna how betrayed he feels by India after 'it supported the regressive forces represented by the president's army and Madhav Nepal'. That was a clear message that in the days to come, the Maoists would pursue anti-India politics, perhaps pro-China by extension. Krishna may have guessed that Prachanda still calls the shot in the Maoist Party, if not in the country. Nepal will enter a new phase of trouble if it fails to promulgate its new constitution by the May 28 deadline. Bhattarai and his comrades have said that in that eventuality, the Maoists would capture power — an unacceptable situation to other players inside and outside the country. India's response will be crucial.

 

The fact that Bhattarai has not yet given up and challenged Prachanda means that he is prepared to take on a political and ideological fight within the party. The message that he is likely to be trying to convey is that he commands enough clout in the party to not have to go to the labour camp this time round. But in the past four years, in the politics of power and deceit, Bhattarai has lost much more. In the intertim, he has reduced himself to the status of Prachanda's sidekick. He surrendered too much to appease Prachanda. He refused to recognise the fact that as someone who played a crucial role in bringing Maoists and democratic parties together on the anti-monarchy platform, such servility would leave his fate solely to Prachanda's whims. And Prachanda has spoken — almost decisively.

 

yubaraj.ghimire@expressindia.com

 

***************************************

INDIAN EXPRESS

OPED

IN DEFENCE OF THEIR LORDSHIPS

GOPAL SANKARANARAYANAN

 

On September 1 2009, Neeraj Kishan Kaul stepped down as a judge of the Delhi High Court — a mere four months after being sworn into that coveted office. Exactly two months later, Justice V. Giri of the Kerala High Court followed suit, being the first permanent judge of that court to do so. At a time when brickbats are cast on the courts by social activists and judge-baiters, it is a matter of concern that some of the finest judicial talent decline the gavel. Some reflections on the life of a judge in India, could perhaps explain why the Bench is losing its allure.

 

Overworked: Every week, the average superior court judge is expected to peruse a hundred paperbooks — tightly stitched files containing the fate of the litigant — some of which run into thousands of pages. Coupled with this are the actual court hearings from 10 am to 4:30 pm every weekday, many of which require elaborate, well-reasoned judgments, citing appropriate precedent, culled out through meticulous research. After all, the law of the land is being laid down. In addition are various social engagements, lectures, committee meetings and teaching assignments. Such being the lot of a judge's life, little time is available for self and family.

 

Outcast: Thanks to an ill-conceived and overly moralistic resolution passed by the Supreme Court in 1997, those elevated to man the courts are advised to "eschew" contact with members of the Bar and to "practice a degree of aloofness". Spare a thought for one who has spent the past 20 years in the lap of a convivial Bar with fellow lawyers, only to now be asked to isolate oneself from those very companions of many a tea-room chat.

Obsolescent: In a tongue-in-cheek remark that formed a part of one of his judgments, the English judge, Lord Bridge had said "the populist image of the geriatric judge, out of touch with the real world, is now reflected in the statutory presumption of judicial incompetence at the age of 75". In India, with Constitutionally prescribed retirement ages of only 65 for the Supreme Court and 62 for the High Courts, judges are presumed to be past their "sell by" date when that golden birthday arrives, even if all their contemporaries at the Bar are still at the peak of their powers. Simply put, if Ram Jethmalani had accepted judicial office, he would have retired 22 years ago.

 

Impoverished: While a judge in Singapore earns a million dollars a year and his British counterpart makes almost half that amount, as per the recently enacted High Court and Supreme Court Judges (Salaries and Conditions of Service) Amendment Act, 2009, the Chief Justice of India sits pretty at the top of the Indian judicial ladder with about $ 26,000. That amount is just a little less than what the nation's reputed corporate firms offer graduating law students. For a more direct perspective, the top 20 lawyers in the country earn that amount in a single day's hearings. It is little wonder then, that each of them had declined judgeship when offered.

 

Accused: Enough homilies have been delivered, especially in the recent past, on the conduct of the judiciary. Some arguments have had merit, while others have been plainly motivated. Yet, in all of this, when the integrity of judges have been questioned and the institution's lack of transparency attacked, little thought is given to the vast majority of honest and industrious members of the Bench who have sacrificed much to be of service to the nation. To weather all of this in the grim knowledge that only silence is permitted requires rare mettle.

 

Kaul and Giri have returned to enrich the Bar, both commencing practice at the Supreme Court. Their reasons for demitting office remain personal. Yet, one cannot help but wonder that if the factors enumerated above had been different, the result might have been otherwise. Unfortunately, in today's India, a judge's chamber no longer possesses the warm hearth on which justice curls up to rest for the night. It is a cold, wet floor, where the silence is only broken by the ticking of a relentless clock.

 

The writer practices law at the Supreme Court of India

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

OPED

SPREAD THE DREAM

 

Marxist legend Jyoti Basu's most cherished dream was to see the CPM spread its wings outside Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura. In his lifetime, he could not see the party achieve this goal.

 

Recalling Basu's contributions in an article appeared in party dailies, General Secretary Prakash Karat exhorted comrades to work towards realising Basu's dream and consider it his last wish. Basu used to point to the need for strengthening the party outside the three traditional strongholds. "It is our responsibility to make his dream come true," Karat said.

 

All the five dailies of the CPM carried articles by senior leaders recollecting the contributions made by the former West Bengal chief minister. In Deshabhimani, the CPM's Malayalam daily, Chief Minister V.S. Achuthanandan said Basu was always an inspiration for comrades in Kerala. He also recounted his long association with Basu — starting from his first meeting with him in 1958 when the two were members of the undivided Communist party's National Council — while state secretary Pinarayi Vijayan said Basu's memories would inspire the CPM to fight the all-round attack against it in Bengal.

 

Ritual purging

 

In the latest issue of party mouthpiece People's Democracy, Karat tries to bring some clarity on the party's position on its cadre practicing religion. One of its former MPs recently resigned from the party opposing a diktat barring leaders from organising religious ceremonies or personally conducting rituals.

 

Karat says the CPM does not bar persons who have religious faith from joining the party and many of its members do go to temples, mosques or churches. But party members should eschew all social, caste and religious practices that are alien to Communist norms.

 

"Party members are not being asked to give up their religious faith or practice. But if there is any religious custom or practice which goes against Communist norms such as practice of untouchability, depriving women of equal rights or obscurantist customs such as preventing widows from remarriage etc. which are given religious sanction — these are to be given up," he says.

 

As far asleaders are concerned, they have been asked not to organise religious ceremonies or personally conduct religious rituals. "Leading party cadres such as leaders of state committee, district committee, zonal or area committees etc are expected to uphold progressive values in their personal and social lives. They should not organise religious ceremonies, or, personally conduct rituals...Communist Party leaders cannot profess something in public and do something else in their personal life."

 

Frontier logic

 

For once, the CPI has given a thumbs up to New Delhi's foreign policy. In an editorial in party weekly organ New Age, the CPI says India's effort to improve its ties with Bangladesh including the one billion dollar line of credit augurs well for relations between the two countries.

 

The editorial talks extensively about the joint communiqué issued by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and his Bangladeshi counterpart Sheikh Hasina Wajed and treaties inked by the two countries during her visit and sarcastically remarks that these positive reports were pushed to the inside pages by leading dailies for obvious reasons.

 

"A section of the Indian media is once again playing the old dirty game on foreign policy matters", it says pointing out that while the media treated the attacks on Indians in Australia as a "routine matter", the happenings on the Indo-China and Indo-Pak border is reported out of proportion. It says the tirade against China is not much different from what was witnessed a couple of months back when stories about Chinese intrusion published and relayed in Indian media were so unfounded and cooked up that the foreign ministry officially snubbed these stories and threatened the journalists with legal action.

 

On improving Indo-Bangla ties, it says "from the point of view of New Delhi, softening at least one source of trouble in our neighbourhood will allow the government to take up issues with our other neighbours."

 

Compiled by Manoj C.G

 

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FINANCIAL EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

FAIR MINING

 

The stand taken by the commerce & industry minister against an export tax on iron ore is spot on, based on the first principles of international trade. Soft duties have fuelled a massive boom in iron ore exports, which have grown more than threefold during the current decade, encouraging a massive growth in mining. Reforms in the sector have goaded private sector investments, because of which there are now 265 mines with assorted companies, compared with just 35 mines with the public sector. The process should be further accelerated. But at the same time as iron ore exports have boomed in this decade, the downstream steel industry has run a complete business cycle. One of the steel industry's chief complaints during the downturn is the stickiness of ore prices downwards, which clips its profit margins. This position was articulated by the steel minister, too, but it has been rebutted now. Ore export prices have remained sticky because of the growing demand from China. The nervousness of steel companies can be understood given that iron ore exports have shot up from 38 million tonne at the start of the decade to 106 million tonne in the last fiscal. And iron ore exports can only add to the price pressures, especially since the domestic steel production capacity is expected to go up sharply from 124 million tonne in 2011-12 to 296 million tonne by 2019-20.

 

While there is a case that Indian steel producers must compete for iron ore with global players—the known resources would last between 150 and 200 years—there is a need to create a level playing field between the two sectors. The steel industry invests in a lot of value addition, which has both investment and employment potential for the economy, just as the mining industry too offers a strong employment potential. In fact, the logic for an export tax on iron ore is that excavation of ore from the mines to the pit heads only accounts for a part of the value addition in the mining sector. A large part of the value of the excavated minerals gets created only when they are transported from the mines to the exporting points. So it is only fair that exporters meet at least a part of this burden by paying export taxes, as the need for additional resources to balance the budget is really acute by all standards.

 

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FINANCIAL EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

DEEMED UNFIT

 

Such are the systemic deficiencies in the Indian training system that only 5% of the workforce has some kind of certification as compared with over 85% in developed countries. Clearly, India's much-anticipated demographic dividend is in real danger of turning rancid unless it is fertilised with a concerted outlay on skills enhancement. Such a programme has complicated requirements, including more short-duration technical courses and increased interaction between industry and academic institutes. But, first the foundations of existing systems need to be fortified. Deemed universities, or at least the mockery into which they have mutated in recent years, represent a major blight on these foundations. During 1956-95, only 36 such entities came into being. But by February 2008, their number had risen to 103. Why were as many institutions anointed as deemed universities in the preceding four years as had been granted similar status in the preceding five decades? Anecdotal evidence of big bribes having changed hands has remained heavy on the ground. Anyway, the Yashpal committee showed the way forward by recommending the scrapping of a status that had allowed below-par institutions to increase fees without provisioning for a commensurate increase in faculty strength and other academic infrastructure. When UPA-2 handed over the HRD ministry to Kapil Sibal, sorting out the deemed university mess was one of his first promises. The minister wisely ordered a review eschewing precipitate action as there were issues concerning objectivity and the fate of the affected students. What the mess also shows is how the wreckage of a wrong policy take ages to clear up, even with determined intentions to do so.

 

The review committee of experts has recommended 44 deemed universities for derecognition, based on an analysis of both their past performance and their promise for the future. Affected institutions are spread across 13 states and union territories. And as The Indian Express reported yesterday, they are being unprofessionally managed by families rather than professionals, violating the principles of teaching and research excellence, abusing the rights to admit and command fees, and so on. Based on these findings, the HRD ministry has filed an affidavit before the Supreme Court, and the government must not show any laxity in ensuring that the said underperforming institutes no longer boast of being deemed universities. If India really means to move up the global value chain, it simply cannot afford to play footsie with education.

 

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FINANCIAL EXPRESS

COLUMN

MBAS CAN HELP FAMILY BUSINESSES

AJAY SHAH

 

How well-run is the typical family-run business in India? While divergences from scientific management methods are obviously present, do these reflect the native genius of the entrepreneur responding in iconoclastic ways to a unique set of problems? Or would the typical family-run business in India benefit greatly by bringing in scientific management methods? A recent experimental study that examined Indian textile companies finds big gains by bringing in top-end consulting inputs.

 

There is a certain unmistakable native genius in Indian entrepreneurs. The traditional CEO operates in a very difficult environment: limited financing, a hostile government, difficulties in labour law etc. To survive in this environment requires remarkable capabilities. This leads us to think that the decisions of the traditional CEO are on the right track.

 

Some think otherwise. It is argued that traditional family-run Indian business is often incompetent. Excessive centralisation goes with a weak HR process comprising hiring, training, evaluating and firing. Second-rate people recruit third-rate people, so gaps in staff quality become endemic. Technological capabilities lag the frontier by a decade or more. There is insularity bordering on arrogance, where there should instead be an attitude of constant learning, self-criticism and self-improvement. Such firms survive in competition against imports, or in the export market, owing to the labour cost advantage that outweighs mismanagement.

 

This quarrel between the present and the past perennially rages in India. Some argue that the traditional family business knows what it is doing, and denigrate the fancy-pants MBAs and consultants. Others argue that the state of the art in scientific management has a lot to offer. In a remarkable recent paper, a team of five economists (Bloom, Eifert, Mahajan, McKenzie, Roberts) brought new evidence to the table.

 

The authors set up a free consulting programme for 17 randomly chosen textile weaving firms in Umbergaon and Tarapur. These were large firms with an average of 270 employees, 1.6 plants and Rs 34 crore in sales. Each of these firms was given consulting inputs from a top-end global consulting firm. One month of diagnostic work was followed by four months of intensive implementation support for recommendations. The market price of these consulting services is Rs 2 crore. The consulting inputs were 'the treatment' that was applied to 17 companies. In parallel, a set of six firms were 'the control sample': their outcomes were measured in the absence of consulting inputs.

 

The results were impressive. There was a rise in profit of the treated companies by Rs 1 crore a year. Even if the market price—of Rs 2 crore—were paid for the consulting, it would pay for itself within two years.

 

There is selection bias at the outset. Of the 66 firms that were offered this free consulting, only 17 signed up for it. It is likely that these 17 firms were more open-minded about change.

 

The remaining 49 firms—who turned down free consulting inputs worth Rs 2 crore—are probably in even more dire need of a management transformation.

 

How much can these results be generalised? We can now say with confidence that consulting inputs worth Rs 2 crore from a global consulting firm are well justified for a 270-man family-run textile company. But we do not have a comparable ability to make statements about 135-man or 540-man firms, about other industries, and about other kinds of consulting inputs.

We can, however, venture into some interesting speculation. These results support the idea that there are serious deficiencies in management by traditional family-run companies in India. The wily old-school CEO is not actually doing such a great job. More openness to modern management ideas would help.

 

Translating this into action is, of course, not easy. New ideas can be put into business in a few different ways. It can be done by recruiting better people—but it is not easy for family-run companies to identify the right people and to empower them. This can be done by bringing in consultants—but it is not easy to choose the right consultant with the right mandate. There is huge heterogeneity in quality and price among MBAs and among consultants—choosing the right inputs is not easy.

 

This evidence encourages a style of private equity investing where the investor gets a controlling stake in the firm and brings in the necessary knowledge and human resources to achieve business transformation. This is a lot of work when compared with an investor who only puts in capital. But if the core impediment to progress is the stasis of a family-run company, then this could be of essence.

 

The author is an economist with interests in finance, pensions and macroeconomics

 

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FINANCIAL EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

IT'S BONUS TIME ON WALL STREET

SANJAY BANERJI

 

Wall Street banks are set to do it again. It's bonus time. The top 5 banks of the Magnificent Seven (US investment banks that got TARP money) have parked $90 billion for compensation. Almost half of it will be paid as bonuses in the current year, with the rest going to salaries and other benefits. Reportedly, Goldman Sachs will pay $5,95,000 on average and JPMorgan Chase, $4,63,000. AIG is said to have paid $3 million to consultants to justify inflated compensation and lacklustre performance.

 

Last year, Citi paid $5.33 billion in bonuses while losing $27 billion with plummeting stock and receiving $45 billion from TARP. Bank of America paid $3.3 billion in bonuses and received the same figure from TARP.

 

All this is happening as the US economy reels from 10% unemployment. Fearing public outcry, some investment banks reduced the percentage of revenue reserved for bonuses. Goldman Sachs reduced that percentage from 50% in the first quarter to 43% in the last quarter of 2009. However, many investment banks did extremely well in 2009 with record-breaking revenues, hence the magnitude of compensation will soar even if the percentage itself is lower.

 

This raises a host of questions. First, how was it possible for these banks to make huge sums of money as businesses on Main Street languished, inventories piled up and net lending to businesses exhibited negative growth? The second question is, if a private bank pays its employees out of money it made, why should that be a concern for others? Doesn't it amount to gross interference in the basic freedom granted to institutions to make decisions about paying their employees? True, it looks a bit odd when lavishes are showered upon a few chosen people at a time when many others are without jobs, but that happens at other times to other people and nobody makes a fuss about it.

 

The real question is how much of current revenue generated by Wall Street banks comes from investing their own hard-earned money. Many of these institutions, including Goldman Sachs, have been converted to bank holding companies, enabling them to access the Fed's discount window. On top of it, they also received TARP money, subsidised loans, loan guarantees and other sources of cheap funding. In addition, they can assume shareholder debt on a tax-free basis, enjoy easy borrowing and execute mergers with ease. Of course, these advantages are conferred on bank holding companies for their enormous importance to the banking system. Such policies are meant to bolster the rest of the economy via injection of credit and liquidity when necessary. However, given that net business lending decreased in 2009, where did they earn this huge bonus generating revenue? Instead of injecting credit with these subsidised loans, most of the banks reaped profits from trading in foreign exchange and other securities and conducting business for the government that could have been allotted to others. For example, much of Citibank's profit from its Global Transaction System depends partly on the Fed and the US government for activities such as passport processing, fund transfers and currency conversion, and the group received an additional government subsidised loan of $20 billion during this time.

 

Hence, quite a big part of the revenue earned by these banks and the percentage allocated for bonuses originates in part from a huge direct government subsidy, partly due to conversion to bank holding status, and the rest due to the banks' own value-adding activities. This has two broad implications. First, getting access to funds as a bank holding company and then using a part of the funds for trading and not for lending betrays the original purpose of these subsidies. Second, diversion of subsidised loans to riskless activities like trading in securities or transfer of funds implies that banks are devoting their resources to low-risk activities by switching away from relatively more productive activities like extending and ploughing back loans to businesses that deserve loans. That is, if prior to the financial crisis, investment banks 'overpushed' loans to riskier mortgage business, in the post-crisis era, they are doing the opposite by rationing loans to better projects and channeling funds towards low-risk (trading) activities while enjoying all the benefits of a bank holding company.

 

Of course, these banks have expertise in earning money by trading various securities, but the point is that they should finance such operations either from their own internal resources or from funds obtained from the market, not from subsidies from the Fed meant for doing something else. At the least, then, they should refrain from paying large bonuses and add this money to their capital base. However, blaming these banks for this is futile. This sad state of things rather reflects the poor design of bailout plans, absence of a regulatory structure for effective monitoring and lobbying power, as well as the political clout of Wall Street banks.

 

The author is reader in finance at Essex University

 

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FINANCIAL EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

A YEAR INTO HIS PRESIDENCY, OBAMA GETS B+

ALEXANDRA RICE

 

Exactly a year into the US presidency, Barack Obama has invited a wide range of opinions on his job performance. Some criticise him for taking on too much ("now's not the time for healthcare reform"), others for doing too little ("why hasn't he done more about climate change?"). Conservatives deride him as too liberal ("he's socialising healthcare!"), yet many liberals feel abandoned (more troops in Afghanistan instead of pulling out). Some think he's too idealistic (he favours diplomacy and dialogue), whereas others claim he's not idealistic enough (declining to meet the Dalai Lama before visiting China). One way or another, he has disappointed everyone.

 

That's not surprising. After a campaign full of soaring rhetoric, Obama the President had to face reality, and he's turned out to be a centrist and a pragmatist. He claims to be pretty pleased with his first year in office, giving himself a B+, and even an A- if healthcare passes. The fairest assessment is that it has been a year of partial victories for the US President.

 

Partial victory is particularly true of the economy, the most pressing issue when Obama entered the White House. Obama succeeded where it was most important—preventing a financial collapse. His stimulus package had moderate success, and the most recent reports claim that it saved or created up to 2 million jobs. Most economists agree that the US is in recovery. However, unemployment is at 10%, small businesses can't get loans and families are still losing their homes. And let's not even talk about the deficit.

 

The economy is just one part of Obama's domestic agenda, which has been shockingly successful by some assessments. According to the 56-year-old Congressional Quarterly's analysis, when Obama expressed a clear opinion on a piece of legislation, Congress went along with him 96.7% of the time—beating Lyndon Johnson's first-year record of 93%—despite Republicans' staunch opposition and extensive use of the filibuster. One of these votes, healthcare, will be the most important piece of legislation in a generation if it passes. His remaining three years will undoubtedly have fewer successes given the pre-election paralysis that is sure to set in this year and the undoubted loss of his filibuster-proof majority in November's mid-term elections.

 

Obama has been less successful, however, in foreign policy. The wisdom or folly of his war leadership remains to be seen, but Obama has come off as weak on all other fronts. Diplomacy has failed to curb Iran's nuclear ambitions, the Russia 'reset' button reset nothing at all, China called the shots during Obama's November visit, the Secretary of State botched the setup for Israeli-Palestinian peace talks and Obama was saddled with too much blame and not enough credit after the Copenhagen climate talks.

 

The one global front on which Obama has succeeded is in restoring America's reputation, which had been greatly tarnished by Bush's mismanagement. The US has reclaimed its status as the most admired country in the world, climbing up from 7th place in 2008 in the Nation Brand Index. Even this victory is nuanced. Obama has been less arrogant and more willing to reach out to others than his predecessor, certainly. But his attempts to reclaim the nation's moral high ground are compromised by missing the deadline for closing Guantanamo and backtracking on torture memos. Given Obama's mixed record, it's not hard to see why he's the subject of so much criticism and why his approval rating has been hovering around 50%. But all said, he's done surprisingly well as President. Let's take Bill Clinton's old measure: is America better off now than it was a year ago? The answer is an unequivocal yes.

feedit@expressindia.com

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THE HINDU

EDITORIAL

THE AFGHAN QUANDARY

 

Monday's brazen attack by the Taliban in the heart of Kabul and the manner in which they were repulsed underline two contradictory aspects of the present state of affairs in Afghanistan. First, Islamist extremists maintain the capacity to mount major operations against the Hamid Karzai government not just in outlying areas of the country but in the capital city too. Second, the Afghan security forces are more than capable of defending themselves against the Taliban provided they have the necessary training, equipment and leadership. While supporting the U.S.-led military intervention in Afghanistan, India has always held that the only force capable of stabilising the situation and maintaining peace and stability over the long haul is the Afghan National Army (ANA) and police. The Indian government is one of the largest providers of civilian assistance to Afghanistan and is also involved in training the Afghan police. A limited number of ANA officers have come to India for training but the United States has baulked at New Delhi doing more with the Afghan army for fear of inviting a Pakistani backlash. Yet, the U.S. and its allies have done little so far to bring the ANA up to the level required to deal with the challenge posed by the Taliban, and the bulk of combat operations is left to the western coalition.

 

In the run-up to next week's Afghanistan conference in London, there has been a lot of discussion on what the beleaguered nation's neighbours can do to help. A few days ago, the foreign ministers of Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan met to try and forge a common position. India, too, has been in consultation with all players, including the U.S., whose AfPak envoy, Richard Holbrooke, met with External Affairs minister S.M. Krishna on Monday. Barring Pakistan, virtually everyone believes Islamabad's twin-track policy towards terrorism is at least partly to blame for the deteriorating security situation in Afghanistan. The U.S. is acutely aware of the subterranean links of the Pakistani military with the Afghan Taliban, the Hizb-e-Islami and the Haqqani network but seems unwilling to do anything about this. To the extent to which Islamabad is motivated by strategic competition with India over Afghanistan, the Indian leadership should make it clear that it seeks nothing but peace and tranquillity across the Durand Line. India's interests are three-fold: trade, transit, and security. Afghan territory should never again become a safe haven for anti-India elements. None of these concerns is incompatible with Pakistan's legitimate interests, which India recognises. In London, the international community should tell Pakistan to stop looking at Afghanistan as a zero-sum game with India.

 

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THE HINDU

EDITORIAL

OLDEST FOUR-LEGGED ANIMALS

 

Our understanding of when fishes evolved into tetrapods — animals with a backbone and four limbs — and began to walk on land needs radical revision. A study published recently in the journal Nature provides convincing evidence that the first vertebrates started walking nearly 385 million years ago — about 18 million years earlier than previously thought. There is already sufficient evidence that land vertebrates evolved from fish when the fins first became lobe-shaped without digits. Fishes with lobe-fins are considered transitional forms that gradually developed into vertebrates with limbs. The latest discovery — footprints of unknown creatures that were as long as 2.5 metres — from rocks in a disused quarry in southeast Poland confirms the fish-tetrapod transition theory. The footprint tracks resemble the early tetrapod fossils.

 

The discovery has resulted in two major scientific reassessments of the transition. First, the age of the footprint tracks is ten million years earlier than the oldest known transitional fishes called elpistostegalians (such as tiktaalik roseae). This would mean that transitional fish forms and those with limbs coexisted for a certain period of time. The discovery highlights the fact that elpistostegalians were neither the early transitional forms of fish-vertebrates nor a short-lived 'transitional grade' between fish and tetrapods. They were at best "late-surviving relics rather than direct transitional forms," to quote the editorial summary in Nature. Secondly, the discovery builds a strong case for reassessing the environmental setting of the transition. The impression that the transition took place in seasonally flooded environments of rivers is no longer valid. The footmark tracks studied in Poland are from rocks formed in a marine environment — a tidal flat environment and/or a lagoon. According to the authors of the study published in Nature, an intertidal environment would have provided a ready food source twice a day. Although no body fossils of the tetrapods are seen in the quarry rocks, the discovery suggests that any further search for body fossils should be in such marine environments; footprint tracks in the absence of body fossils are difficult to interpret with full confidence. The footprint tracks highlight the fact that fossils recording the early stages of vertebrate evolution (predating both the elpistostegids and those seen in Poland) are missing. The study cautions that "the timing of the fish-tetrapod transition is best regarded as uncertain." The evolutionary tree of early tetrapods will be sketchy as long as this gap remains unfilled.

 

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THE HINDU

LEADER PAGE ARTICLES

PAID NEWS, A DEEP-SEATED MALAISE

THE PRACTICE OF PAID NEWS IS NO LONGER LIMITED TO SMALLER OR REGIONAL LANGUAGE NEWS MEDIA. IF NOT ADDRESSED NOW, IT WILL BECOME OVERT AS A NORMAL COURSE OF THE NEWS MEDIA'S FUNCTION.

N. BHASKARA RAO

 

The practice of paid news is not a recent phenomenon. It was blatantly evident in the Assembly and the Lok Sabha elections. It has been there all along in the coverage of corporates also. Earlier, it was limited to a few journalists, and covertly. It has now become an overt and institutionalised affair, as if there was nothing unusual or deviant about this. It has now reached the proportion of being described as "fourth estate on sale" (EPW). This practice is no longer limited to smaller or regional language news media. It is happening all across the news media. Like 'overzealous ad managers,' there are overzealous journalists. This practice, if not addressed now, will become formally overt as a normal course of the news media's function.

 

It is difficult to define paid news. It could also be described as quid pro quo news, it may even be better described as unfair or camouflaged news or advertising. It may not always be possible to establish something as unfair or camouflaged. But it should be possible to develop a methodology even without circumstantial evidence. There could be an independent monitoring and analysis arrangement in a transparent way for a six-month period before a Legislative Assembly election. An ASCI-like arrangement could be mobilised by the Press Council of India (PCI) and the Election Commission of India (ECI) together. Various bodies like the Indian Broadcasting Foundation (IBF) and the News Broadcasters Association (NBA) should also be involved in formulating guidelines. But they should not wait for a consensus.

 

Much-talked-about political reforms, particularly electoral reforms, are yet to see the light. In the meanwhile, everyone knows how money and media power in India's electoral politics has been on the increase. The 'note for vote' phenomenon nationwide is hardly a secret. Transparency by way of disclosures both by political parties and contesting candidates is vital. The ECI's measures to restrain money power and media power should be viewed as well within its purview. In a democracy, free and fair elections and a free press are equally important. Each should sustain the vibrancy of the other.

 

The situation calls for protective measures and corrective initiatives by news media themselves in their own interest and by other stakeholders in civil society. No single initiative or measure can curb such deviant behaviour; a combination is required in the spirit of "checks and balance." The best bet, of course, is a more active audience and citizenry. But in the absence of such sustained activism, three-pronged efforts are needed. First, from within news media, individually, and as a Fourth Estate institution. Secondly, from professional bodies like academics, independent research and civil society groups. Lastly, from regulatory agencies like the PCI, the ECI, the Information Commission, and the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI).

 

SERIES OF INITIATIVES NEEDED

1. Dependence on ratings/ranking: There are by corporate instruments, not editorial ones. Discussions on the pros and cons of this syndrome need to be encouraged and promoted so that more reliable and relevant criteria can be evolved in such a way that the credibility of the news media is retained.

 

2. Disclosure practice: This should happen at two levels. One, news media must state any conflict of interests in the course of news coverage and presentation. The media should also disclose their own ethical code or standards. They should indicate the responsible person for such disclosures periodically, like the readers' editor, ombudsman or a panel of internal and external experts. The disclosure should also be of revenues, linkages with other industries and corporates, and shareholding in other media. Disclosure should be built into the reporting pattern as well, as Mint has been doing for a couple of years. The news media, for example, should report on their own how much space and time they have devoted to commercials in the previous quarter or six months. Editors too could disclose their assets voluntarily and periodically in their own interest.

 

3. Redressal arrangements: Complaints about any aspect of media operations have positive implications — for content. There should be some provision for readers and viewers to "write back" or "talk back" and for an explanation in turn by the person responsible in the news media. The Readers Editor of The Hindu has set a good precedent in taking note of complaints and explaining wherever necessary, as he did in the case of the paid news phenomenon. News media should promote such arrangement so that readers and viewers are aware of it. This is over and above what the state agencies are expected to do. In the more specific context of paid news during elections, the Election Commission should be both proactive and also take on measures to curb such practices on its own and preferably with the Press Council of India.

 

4. Media watch: Academic bodies, independent research agencies, and civil society groups should be encouraged to monitor media contents and articulate their views from time to time. Several such independent media watch groups are needed in the country. Basic data based on trends of space and time for advertisements and analysis of ad content is essential for preventive initiatives. The Centre for Media Studies (CMS) has been doing this. In fact, way back in 1995, it came up with the description, "marketing media not mass media." And in 2001 it brought out a publication for the first time, "Paradigm shifts in media operations."

 

5. Professional bodies engaged or associated with news media in various capacities like the Editors Guild, the Advertising Standards Council of India, journalists associations, and the Indian Broadcasters Foundation, should take the initiative towards a more responsible and accountable news media. This can be done by setting up their own panel, as the Editors Guild did in the case of paid news and codes or guidelines for their members, particularly on conflict of interest.

 

6. State bodies like the Press Council of India, the Information Commissions, TRAI, and the Election Commission of India need to be proactive. Only then can they play their role. But their taking up deviations by individual news media organisations is equally important. The Press Council should come up with guidelines after involving the media across the country (even if a consensus is not possible) and the Election Commission should take the responsibility to implement the guidelines.

 

7. The media should be brought under the Right to Information Act (RTI) so that some accountability comes into media operations and managements.

 

8. Government media campaigns, other than on specific occasions, should be discouraged six months before elections.

 

9. Real-time counselling services should be provided to individual journalists, political leaders, and candidates in specific situations on how they should go about their tasks in a given context. Such counselling can be by an independent body but specialised.

 

10. Guidelines, however broad, for the news media on poll coverage should be formulated. Television channels and newspapers should be viewed together in relation to their coverage of candidates, parties, issues, and campaigns.

 

11. Limits on ads either in terms of percentage of space or time or in terms of percentage of revenue from commercials can be considered. Such limits may not be legally sustainable but could come through a voluntary industrial effort. Apart from this, advertisements of all kinds should be positioned distinctly to demarcate them from the edited space and time the same way as facts and comments are demarcated from news reporting.

CONCLUSION

The practice of paid news or camouflaged news or advertising is not limited to election times. It was not something new, which was encountered for the first time, during the 2009 Lok Sabha elections. The practice has been there in many different contexts and for much longer. It is not always possible to isolate such coverage. Circumstantial evidence may not always be available. Nevertheless, guidelines can be worked out for an independent monitoring and analysis arrangement in a transparent way. By not taking cognisance even when the practice has been brought to public notice, the concerned agencies have failed and professional bodies have gone along. The malaise lies much deeper. As free and fair elections are as important as a free and independent press, correctives are needed in our electoral process too. The issues involved need to be addressed comprehensively and the 'cleaning wounds' approach will have only a temporary effect.

 

(Dr. N. Bhaskara Rao is founder Chairman of CMS Academy of Communication & Convergence Studies; Email: nbrao@cmsindia.org)

 

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THE HINDU

HAITI IS NOT ALONE IN ITS HOUR OF NEED

VISIBLE IN HAITI IS A REMARKABLE EXPRESSION OF HUMAN SPIRIT — PEOPLE SUFFERING THE HEAVIEST BLOWS YET DEMONSTRATING EXTRAORDINARY RESILIENCE.

BAN KI-MOON

 

The disaster in Haiti shows once again something that we, as human beings, have always known: that even amid the worst devastation, there is always hope.

 

I saw that for myself this week in Port au Prince. The United Nations suffered its single greatest loss in history. Our headquarters in the Haitian capital was a mass of crushed concrete and tangled steel. How could anyone survive? I thought. Yet, moments after I departed with a heavy heart, rescue teams pulled out a survivor — alive, after five days without food or water. I think of it as a small miracle, a sign of hope.

 

Disasters such as that in Haiti remind us of the fragility of life, but they also reaffirm our strength. We have seen horrific images on television: collapsed buildings, bodies in the streets, and people in dire need of food, water and shelter. I saw all this, and more, as I moved around the stricken city. But I also saw something else — a remarkable expression of human spirit; people suffering the heaviest blows yet demonstrating extraordinary resilience.

 

During my brief visit, I met many ordinary people. A group of young men near the ruins of the presidential palace told me of wanting to help rebuild Haiti. Beyond the immediate crisis, they hope for jobs and a future with dignity. Across the street, I met a young mother and her children living in a tent in a public park, with little food. There were thousands like her, patiently enduring, helping one another as best they could. She had faith that help would soon come, as did others. "I came to offer hope," I told them. "Do not despair." In return she, too, asked the international community to help Haiti rebuild — for her children, for the generations of tomorrow.

 

For those who have lost everything, help cannot come soon enough. But it is coming, and in growing amounts despite very difficult logistical challenges in a capital city where all services and capacity are gone. As of Monday morning, more than 40 international search and rescue teams with more than 1,700 staff were at work. Water supplies are increasing; tents and temporary shelters are arriving in larger numbers. Badly damaged hospitals are beginning to function again, aided by international medical teams. Meanwhile, the World Food Programme is working with the U.S. Army to distribute daily food rations to nearly 2,00,000 people. The agency expects to reach as many as one million people within the coming weeks.

 

We have seen an outpouring of international aid, commensurate with the scale of this disaster. Every nation, every international aid organisation in the world, has mobilised for Haiti's relief. Our job is to channel that assistance. We need to make sure our help gets to the people who need it, as fast as possible. We cannot have essential supplies sitting in warehouses. We have no time to lose, nor money to waste. This requires strong and effective coordination — the international community working together, as one, with the U.N. in the lead.

 

This critical work began from the first day, both among U.N. and international aid agencies as well as among key players — the United Nations working closely with the United States and the countries of Europe, Latin America and many others to identify the most pressing humanitarian needs and deliver what is required. These needs must be grouped into well-defined "clusters", so that the efforts of all the various organisations complement rather than duplicate one another. A health cluster run by the World Health Organisation, for example, is already organising medical assistance among 21 international agencies.

 

The urgency of the moment will naturally dominate our planning. But it is not too early to begin thinking about tomorrow, a point that President Rene Preval emphasised when we met. Though desperately poor, Haiti had been making progress. It was enjoying a new stability; investors had returned. It will not be enough to rebuild the country as it was, nor is there any place for cosmetic improvements. We must help Haiti build back better, working side by side with the government, so that the money and aid invested today will have lasting benefit, creating jobs and freeing it from dependence on the world's generosity.

 

In this sense, Haiti's plight is a reminder of our wider responsibilities. A decade ago, the international community began a new century by agreeing to act to eliminate extreme poverty by the year 2015. Great strides have been made towards some of these ambitious "Millennium Development Goals", variously targeting core sources of global poverty and obstacles to development — from maternal health and education to managing infectious disease. Yet progress in other critical areas lags badly. The bottom line: we are very far from delivering on our promises of a better future for the world's poor.

 

As we rush to Haiti's immediate aid, let us keep in mind this larger picture. That was the message I received, loud and clear, from those people on the streets of Port au Prince. They asked for jobs, dignity and a better future. That is the hope of the world's poor, wherever they might live. Doing the right thing for Haiti, in its hour of need, will be a powerful message of hope for them as well.

 

Courtesy: U.N. Information Centre for India and Bhutan

 

 

(Ban Ki-moon is Secretary-General of the United Nations.)

 

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THE HINDU

MORE EFFECTIVE EXTERNALLY THAN INTERNALLY

WITH THE RECORD OF 11 YEARS AND THREE INCUMBENTS BEFORE US, A REVIEW OF THE NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER'S ROLE AS AN INSTITUTION IS NEEDED TO SEE WHAT IMPROVEMENTS ARE POSSIBLE.

SIDDHARTH VARADARAJAN

 

India is unique in combining a parliamentary system with the institution of a National Security Adviser who has wide-ranging executive responsibilities in the areas of foreign policy, intelligence, nuclear command and control as well as long-term strategic planning.

 

Created in 1998 following a series of high-level committees that studied the management of national security and intelligence, the NSA was intended to be the prime mover of a multi-tiered planning structure with the National Security Council (NSC) headed by the Prime Minister at the apex. An NSC Secretariat (NSCS) was created to service the Council, which subsumed the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) and its staff within it. Finally, a National Security Advisory Board (NSAB) of outside experts was set up to generate independent inputs to the NSC.

 

A decade later, it is logical that the functioning of these structures be reviewed to see how effective the system has been.

 

In a series of on-the-record and background interviews with key participants in the NSC system over the past decade — including Brajesh Mishra, who was NSA from 1998 to 2004, and half-a-dozen former chiefs of India's internal and external intelligence agencies — the picture that emerges is one of a system that has delivered mixed results and is in need of refinement, enhanced staffing and a clearer delineation of tasks.

 

If the institution of the NSA proved to be an unqualified success in dealing with complex foreign policy issues with national security implications such as the Indo-U.S. nuclear deal, the Mumbai terror attacks of 2008 highlighted the absence of focussed intelligence coordination. As for long-term national security assessment and planning — the original raison d'etre of the NSCS — most of the former officials interviewed by The Hindu believe this is the weakest link in the system, a view disputed by those who are currently on the inside.

 

As matters stand, the NSA today formally wears three broad hats. First, as coordinator of complex foreign policy initiatives and interlocutor with the big powers on strategic matters, he is diplomatic adviser to the Prime Minister. Second, as head of the NSCS, he is a long-term planner, anticipating new threats and challenges to national security. Third, as chair of the Executive Council of the Nuclear Command Authority, he is the overseer of India's nuclear weapons programme and doctrine. Due to the legacy of weak leadership in the Ministry of Home Affairs during Shivraj Patil's years, the NSA's job under M.K. Narayanan slowly expanded to take on a fourth role — internal security issues like Kashmir, the North-East and Naxalism. Intelligence coordination and tasking, particularly in counter-terrorism, also became part of his turf, mainly because of his own background.

 

This was not how things were meant to be. The NSA, whether in presidential systems like the U.S. or Russia or parliamentary systems like Britain, where he is a diplomatic adviser, only deals with international issues, said Mr. Mishra.

 

While the main turf battle his predecessors waged was with the External Affairs Minister, Mr. Narayanan's role as the country's de facto internal security czar opened a second potential front of conflict. Intelligence chiefs reported to him, and his office became the clearing house for the collation, processing and tasking of intelligence. As long as the power vacuum created by a weak Ministry of Home Affairs remained, this front would remain dormant. But when P. Chidambaram moved into the Home Ministry in the wake of the November 2008 terrorist attacks in Mumbai, things changed. Soon after that, Mr. Narayanan found himself joining the intelligence chiefs in a daily meeting chaired by the Home Minister in North Block. But he remained in charge of other bits of the intelligence set-up.

 

As was to be expected of an institution that was not only new but also alien to the existing patterns of bureaucracy, the NSC structure has evolved in a way that closely mirrors the priorities and focus of the NSA. Under Brajesh Mishra, who held the post from 1998 to 2004 concurrent with his job as Principal Secretary to Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the NSCS was run by the Deputy to the NSA (DNSA), Satish Chandra, at the time a serving Secretary-level Foreign Service officer. Intelligence tasking was carried out by the Intelligence Coordination Group (ICG), which brought the consumers of intelligence products together with the producers under the chairmanship of the NSA, and the NSCS staff conducted research and produced papers on the long-term challenges to India's security. "The NSCS had anticipated many of the threats we see now," said Mr. Chandra in an interview. "For example, awareness about pandemics and their implications was discussed by us in 2000-2002 and pushed into the system". As for the NSA himself, Mr. Mishra devoted most of his energy to foreign policy and did not involve himself too closely in intelligence matters

 

Though Mr. Mishra was considered effective and influential, he was not without his critics at the time. K. Subrahmanyam, doyen of India's strategic thinkers and in many ways the prime mover of the NSA/NSC concept within the country, repeatedly argued in favour of a full-time NSA unencumbered by the task of running the PMO. But in an interview to The Hindu, Mr. Subrahmanyam now acknowledges that Mr. Mishra's political proximity to Prime Minister Vajpayee was an effective diplomatic instrument that allowed India to emerge as a global player. "By combining the jobs of Principal Secretary and NSA, Brajesh was able to interact with the big powers and very effectively projected India's image as a major power," he said. "Even though I was a critic, I don't think he would have been able to play that role without combining the two jobs."

 

When the United Progressive Alliance government headed by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh came to power in 2004, J.N. Dixit, another former diplomat, was appointed NSA. At the same time, a new post of Special Advisor for Internal Security was created and Mr. Narayanan, a former Director of the IB, named to the job. Contrary to public impression, however, the new post was not intended to dilute the NSA's mandate in any way. "An order was issued in June 2004 that the NSA will be responsible for intelligence and coordination and that the Internal Security Advisor 'may also be marked' on intelligence matters," C.D. Sahay, who was head of RAW at the time, said in an interview. Other officials familiar with internal deliberations within the PMO said Mr. Narayanan was, in fact, Dr. Singh's first choice for NSA but was unable to accept the position because of an illness. Upon Mr. Dixit's sudden demise in January 2005, however, the job landed on to his plate after the Prime Minister first considered naming either Ronen Sen or S.K. Lambah, both former diplomats, to the job.

 

As NSA, Mr. Narayanan's biggest achievement was managing the inter-agency process that fed into the Indo-U.S. nuclear deal. In January 2005, Maurice Gourdault-Montagne, then the French President's Diplomatic Adviser, arrived in New Delhi with a non-paper spelling out a broad proposal on behalf of the U.S., France and Britain for the resumption of nuclear commerce with India. The July 2005 Indo-U.S. agreement grew out of that visit, with both Mr. Narayanan and the MEA playing key roles in framing the nature of the bargain. Negotiations with the U.S. over the separation of civil and military nuclear facilities, the nature of safeguards and fuel assurances, reprocessing and other issues were difficult and often saw the MEA, the Indian Embassy in Washington and the Department of Atomic Energy at logger-heads with each other. As head of the 'apex group' overseeing the negotiations, the NSA had to reconcile these positions. Later, he had to directly step in at the highest levels to get the U.S. to stick to its commitments.

 

Speaking of American NSAs, on whom the Indian equivalent was modelled, Ivo Daalder and I.M. Destler wrote: "They must provide confidential advice to the President yet establish a reputation as an honest broker between the conflicting officials and interests across the government." The nuclear deal was, in many ways, tailor-made for the Indian NSA's office because at an institutional level there was nobody else who could play that kind of co-ordinating role. The Prime Minister was committed to the nuclear deal but his officials were divided on its details. Forging a common position, mostly, as it turned out, on the basis of the DAE's arguments, was Mr. Narayanan's big contribution.

 

Mr. Narayanan also emerged as a key player in India's renewed engagement with other big powers, especially Russia, France, China and Japan. Most of this never made the headlines. The NSA's is by definition a plodding job in which he has to put lots of small things together, especially in order to cover for the inadequacies of the Indian bureaucratic system. Even the diplomatic adviser part is not just about having bright ideas but about installing the machinery to make things happen. And his importance internationally stems from the authority he carries as the Prime Minister's representative.

 

When it came to Pakistan, however, the NSA's multiple roles came into conflict with each other, especially in recent months. As diplomatic adviser, Mr. Narayanan should have found ways of pressing ahead with the kind of engagement the Prime Minister repeatedly said he favoured. But as an internal security czar who had fought off calls for his resignation after 26/11, he knew another terrorist strike would cost him his job — especially if he was seen as backing the idea of dialogue with Islamabad. Slowly but surely, the adviser had fallen out of step with the agenda of his principal.

 

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THE HINDU

MALAYSIA AND THE GROWING IMPORTANCE OF INDIA

MALAYSIAN PRIME MINISTER NAJIB TUN RAZAK'S PERSPECTIVE ON A NEW EAST ASIAN ECONOMIC NEXUS INCLUSIVE OF INDIA IS SURELY NOVEL.

P.S. SURYANARAYANA

 

• Malaysia is open to cooperation with India in the maintenance of security along the Straits of Malacca
• The issue of overstaying Indian nationals is likely to figure in talks with India

 

As a major player in the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), Malaysia is beginning to look upon India as a potentially indispensable partner. The political message is implicit in comments that Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak made prior to his five-day visit to India at this time. And, the message is that Malaysia sees India as a potential partner of the 10-member ASEAN itself in reshaping the existing East Asian economic order.

 

Quite revealing was his answer to a question about the possibility of a new concert of Asian powers consisting of China, India, Japan, and the ASEAN. In an interactive session at his office at Putrajaya, Malaysia's administrative capital, on January 11, Mr. Najib said: "If you extrapolate [the current trends], I think, the first part of the 21st century will be essentially [one] uni-polar [global order]. But, gradually, people will see it as a multi-polar kind of world, in which the growing influence of China obviously [is felt]. The projection is that by 2050 China would be the biggest economy in terms of the size of GDP [Gross Domestic Product] and that India would be following not too far behind. And, we will see the integration of the ASEAN as an economic community with East Asia and also with India. So, I see that kind of a nexus developing as we move on in the 21st century."

 

The uni-polar order is, of course, shorthand for the primacy of the United States — regardless of how debatable are the views about its current economic decline. And, a multi-polar dispensation is shorthand for a plurality of powers with the perceived strengths to balance each other or act together on a variety of issues.

 

On India's future role in Malaysia's neighbourhood, Mr. Najib has had this say: "You cannot deny the growing strategic importance of India. I think India will be a major player in strategic terms — all-encompassing [in scope], not only as a fast-growing economy. India will play a very important part in international affairs in the region and beyond. And, that is why I [have] made India as one of the countries that I will be visiting quite early on after I have taken over [as Prime Minister a few months ago]."

 

Mr. Najib avoided portraying his vision of a new nexus of economic linkages as a prophecy about the formation of an Asian concert of powers. However, the ongoing global economic crisis has raised the possibility of a new political order in East Asia, home to several players with worldwide interests. Fully cognisant of this, Mr. Najib chose to be cautious about the ideas that might reduce the importance of the U.S. and some of its long-standing allies. Asked whether Malaysia would support the formation of an Asian Monetary Fund (AMF), Mr. Najib said: "We have not made any firm decision yet."

 

The Chiang Mai Initiative, which he cited in the same breath, is a currency pool of the ASEAN+3 entity, the +3 countries being China, Japan, and South Korea. In a sense, the pool, which is being enlarged this year to help the members face foreign exchange contingencies, can become the nucleus of an AMF. The unrealised Japanese proposal of an AMF, by this or any other name, is a potential alternative to the West-dominated International Monetary Fund. Aware of such nuances, Mr. Najib spoke about a current move by Malaysia and China to use their national currencies for some aspects of bilateral trade.

 

However, Malaysia's central bank officials cautioned against seeing this as a ploy to stop using the U.S. dollar for settling Malaysia's transactions with China.

 

These and other niceties of Malaysia's current world-view reflect the emerging possibilities of a new inter-state order in East Asia that might include India. Any such future order will not be the same as the existing East Asia Summit; just a forum of leaders of the ASEAN and six countries including India. There is a caveat, too, about the potential extent of India's relevance to and role in East Asian affairs. The behind-the-scenes view in Malaysia's official circles is that much will depend on whether the ASEAN+3 entity can or will be enlarged to include India. Relevant to this puzzle is also a debate on the long-term capabilities of the U.S. to stay its current course as a global power with a "resident" status in East Asia.

 

A Harvard professor may have written about the possibility of Americans seeing, at some stage, their Hollywood as a word-play on India's Bollywood. But India does not equal China in the larger international opinion circles. Indeed, a 2009 treatise from the West traces a scenario of "when China rules the world." In such a broad sweep of futurology, Mr. Najib's perspective on the possibility of a new East Asian economic nexus inclusive of India is surely novel.

 

On the Malaysia-India bilateral front itself, Mr. Najib has given himself space to raise the exiting benchmarks in a measured fashion. He does not see the current level of defence-related cooperation as being sub-optimal in scope. And, he draws a line for possible cooperation with India in the maintenance of security along the Straits of Malacca. Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore are the acknowledged littoral states along this intensely-used international waterway. The protection of this sea lane is the "main responsibility [of] the littoral states," Mr. Najib has emphasised. And, they "are open to any kind of cooperation, as long as it does not undermine the Number One principle" of the littoral states' responsibility.

 

Malaysia is yet to set its own national goals firmly for space exploration and civil nuclear energy, two possible areas of cooperation with India. In broader economic terms, Malaysia will now seek to "reactivate" the talks on a comprehensive pact with India.

 

On the whole, Malaysia tends to see its ties with India as being virtually irritant-free. Some in India do, of course, regard the "concerns" of the Malaysian Indians and the issue of some "missing" Indian nationals in Malaysia as possible irritants. Mr. Najib's answer is that his government is indeed "responsive" to the sensitivities of the Malaysian Indians.

 

His government is also addressing the issue of the overstaying Indian nationals in Malaysia, "principally from Chennai." They are reckoned to stay on in Malaysia for "whatever reason." And, Mr. Najib has indicated that he would "probably mention" this issue during his prospective talks in India.

 

On the presence of "illegal Indian workers in Malaysia," S. Subramaniam, a prominent ethnic-Indian Minister in Mr. Najib's Cabinet, has cited a figure of 1,50,000. He said: "At one stage, we were giving visa on arrival. But we [have] had to stop it, because too many people were coming in and not going back. That was a facility given to genuine tourists. The number, I am told, is [now] coming down, as wages and opportunities increase in India."

 

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DNA

EDITORIAL

LEVERAGING INDIA

 

US special envoy to Af-Pak Richard Holbrooke caused much uneasiness in New Delhi foreign policy circles because of the apprehension that president Barack Obama would look to India through the Pakistani prism.

 

It was even suspected that the Kashmir question would be raked up on the pretext of helping Pakistan fight al Qaeda and the Taliban on the Afghanistan front. It has even been speculated that Holbrooke was named special envoy for the Afghanistan and Pakistan and not south Asia taking into consideration India's sensitivities.

 

Whatever may have been the diplomatic and political calibrations, Holbrooke on his first visit to New Delhi nearly a year after he took up his assignment appears to have partly cleared the air.

 

In his meetings with minister for external affairs SM Krishna, national security advisor MK Narayanan and foreign secretary Nirupama Rao, he seems to have shared his assessment of the situation in Afghanistan and at the Afghanistan-Pakistan border.

 

It implies that the Obama administration is aware of India's position and stature in south Asia and in the emerging world. It was more than diplomatic rhetoric when Holbrooke observed that India's importance was not confined to south Asia but stretched from the Pacific to the Mediterranean.

 

Americans recognise that a democratic India with a free market is a key ally in a troubled region. This may not translate into immediate and concrete benefits but it certainly leverages India's position.

 

The other fear that India may be dragged into the Afghan war even as the American and Nato forces are only too keen to exit, may be misplaced simply because Pakistan would oppose deployment of Indian forces on its western frontier. Whatever else Washington may overrule, this is one Pakistan concern it will not brush aside.

 

Americans would want an Indian presence in Afghanistan to strengthen political, civic and economic institutions there. Islamabad is sure to resent Indian influence in Kabul but Indian expertise in civilian administration is something that Pakistan cannot claim to have and thus offer to Afghanistan.

 

India on its part must do all it can to support Afghanistan in the political and administrative spheres as well. Holbrooke's visit is an indirect affirmation that the US looks to India's cooperation in making the world safe for freedom and democracy.

 

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DNA

EDITORIAL

FATE UNCERTAIN

 

The statement by Union HRD minister Kapil Sibal that the concept of deemed universities will be abolished, which comes on the heels of his ministry's decision to derecognise 44 deemed universities all over the country, puts some sketchy perspective on a difficult issue.

 

Sibal has assured the 2 lakh students affected by this that they will be looked after, which can only be hoped will involve more than mere promises.

 

However, there are some questions to be answered. Of the 44 institutions — which now will most likely go back to being colleges — one is promoted by information and broadcasting minister of state S Jagathrakshakan and three are government-sponsored.

 

Many were given this status during the regime of Arjun Singh as HRD minister during UPA I. These universities were found lacking on many counts by a review committee, which includes infrastructure and lack of expertise in disciplines they claim to specialise in.

 

How did they then get permission to exist or even aspire to university status? Noble as the intention is, in that it reflects the government's commitment to get higher education in the country back in shape, the waters look very murky.

 

First, there are the 2 lakh students whose parents have invested money in these institutions for their children's careers. There are also clear signs of nepotism and corruption in these "deemed" universities. It is well known that educational institutions are seen as big money spinners and politicians often jump in to cash in.

 

The system must be cleaned up, but it cannot be at the expense of students and of good sense. The HRD ministry has to work out what happens to those who are already enrolled.

 

It also needs to look at the system of increasing private participation in higher education and work out how these institutions will be regulated in the future. The question also arises then of government participation in higher education.

 

In other countries, universities are not necessarily controlled or run by government and yet they can extremely prestigious and trustworthy. The USA and the UK abound in these. At best, we can look at a screening and monitoring process for private institutions.

 

It is also true that in India, the core issue is at the demand-supply level -- there are more students than there are colleges. This leads to a sense of desperation in the student community and given that India is growing younger and younger, the current crisis only magnifies the problems of the future. Sibal has his work cut out for him.

 

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DNA

OBAMA'S SANSKRITIC STATECRAFT HAS FEW TAKERS

VENKATESAN VEMBU

 

A year ago today, Barack Obama made history when he was sworn in as America's first black president, with the promise of wholesale political change and a John Lennon-esque heal-the-world message.

 

Today, however, much of his political goodwill at home, as reflected in opinion polls that capture the mood of the moment, appears to have been expended.

 

It's a fair bet that were he to run for office today, on the strength of what the world has seen of him in the year gone by, he probably wouldn't be elected.

 

It's not that Obama has been a disastrous president. In fact, given the enormity of the problems on his in-desk on his first day at work, and despite the hyper partisan political environment in the US, there is a perceptible sense of forward movement, however gradual, on the range of issues that his administration is grappling with.

 

Yet, if Obama has lost political ground and appears a mere shadow of the inspirational man the world saw on the campaign trail, it's more because of his style of statecraft on the international stage.

 

On virtually every issue, Obama has abided by an ancient Sanskritic scriptural statecraft regimen recommended for kings — the sama-dana-bheda-danda approach — which may have worked well in an earlier (and simpler) era of governance, but which is ill-suited for more contemporary times.

 

In spirit, the approach emphasises gradualism when dealing with other states or parties, starting from sama (political conciliation). If that doesn't yield results, the successive stages are dana (offering incentives or rewards), bheda (using dissent) and, finally, danda (punishment). It's pretty much the carrot-and-stick approach, with additionally nuanced variations.

 

On practically every heavyweight policy initiative — from the Af-Pak war to negotiating with China to dealing with the Iranian nuclear dilemma — Obama went to extraordinary lengths to signal, at the first level, that unlike his predecessor, he was prepared to be conciliatory.

 

That isn't in itself a flawed approach, but given that in almost all these cases, he's had to revert from sama and gana to bheda and danda only shows up his initial approach to have been borderline naïve.

 

When Obama took office, for instance, he perhaps genuinely believed that given that he was "un-Bush", and given that the historic nature of his presidency projected a new social face of America, his personal charm and conciliatory approach would be sufficient to get other countries to do business with the US.

 

But strategic affairs are driven by an institutional memory of countries, which individual personalities can alter only up to a point.

 

With China, Pakistan and Iran, for instance, Obama's conciliatory approach has yielded no results. Early on, Obama signalled as part of his sama approach that his administration did not believe in "containing" China's rise: towards that end, he even downgraded, in a nuanced way, US relations with India, which had been elevated to a "strategic" level under Bush. Likewise, before his China trip, he declined to meet the Dalai Lama as a concession to Chinese sensibilities.

 

Yet, it wasn't until the Chinese stonewalled him on every major issue on which he sought their support — and an apoplectic Chinese diplomat even jabbed a disrespectful finger at Obama at the Copenhagen climate change summit — that Obama got the message that perhaps the Chinese were immune to his charm.

 

His sama diplomatic approach with Pakistan and Iran has had similar results, or lack thereof, and he's had to gravitate to a more hardline position.

 

That Obama has finally had to arrive at aposition that would have come to him instinctively if he had had a less benign view of a world persuaded by sama and dana only shows up the limitations of his statecraft approach. Given this learning experience, the only way ahead for Obama is, perhaps, to be more "un-Obama".

 

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DNA

SINCERE THOUGHTS

 

What is meant by "making the thoughts sincere" is the allowing no self-deception, as when we hate a bad smell and as when we love what is beautiful. This is called self-enjoyment.

 

Therefore, the superior man must be watchful over himself when he is alone. There is no evil to which the mean man, dwelling retired, will not proceed, but when he sees a superior man, he instantly tries to disguise himself, concealing his evil, and displaying what is good.

 

The other beholds him, as if he saw his heart and reins;-of what use is his disguise? This is an instance of the saying — "What truly is within will be manifested without." Therefore, the superior man must be watchful over himself when he is alone.

 

The disciple Tsang said, "What ten eyes behold, what ten hands point to, is to be regarded with reverence!"Riches adorn a house, and virtue adorns the person. The mind is expanded, and the body is at ease. Therefore, the superior man must make his thoughts sincere.

 

What is meant by, "The cultivation of the person depends on rectifying the mind may be thus illustrated: If a man be under the influence of passion he will be incorrect in his conduct. He will be the same, if he is under the influence of terror or fond regard or sorrow and distress.

 

When the mind is not present, we look and do not see; we hear and do not understand. This is what is meant by saying that the cultivation of the person depends on rectifying the mind.

 

What is meant by "the regulation of one's family depends on the cultivation of his person is this: men are partial where they feel affection and love and dislike. Thus it is that there are few men in the world who love and at the same time know the bad qualities of the object of their love, or who hate and yet know the excellences of the object of their hatred.

From The Great Learning by Confucius, translated by James Legge

 

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DNA

THE UNDERLYING TRAGEDY

POVERTY LIES AT THE ROOT OF THE HUMAN MISERY VISIBLE AFTER THE HAITI EARTHQUAKE

DAVID BROOKS

 

On October 17, 1989, a major earthquake with a magnitude of 7.0 struck the Bay Area in Northern California. Sixty-three people were killed. This week, a major earthquake, also measuring a magnitude of 7.0, struck near Port-au-Prince, Haiti. The Red Cross estimates that between 45,000 and 50,000 people have died.

This is not a natural disaster story. This is a poverty story. It's a story about poorly constructed buildings, bad infrastructure and terrible public services. On Thursday, President Obama told the people of Haiti: "You will not be forsaken; you will not be forgotten." If he is going to remain faithful to that vow then he is going to have to use this tragedy as an occasion to rethink our approach to global poverty. He's going to have to acknowledge a few difficult truths.

The first of those truths is that we don't know how to use aid to reduce poverty. Over the past few decades, the world has spent trillions of dollars to generate growth in the developing world. The countries that have not received much aid, like China, have seen tremendous growth and tremendous poverty reductions. The countries that have received aid, like Haiti, have not.

In the recent anthology What Works in Development?, a group of economists try to sort out what we've learned. The picture is grim. There are no policy levers that consistently correlate to increased growth. There is nearly zero correlation between how a developing economy does one decade and how it does the next. There is no consistently proven way to reduce corruption. Even improving governing institutions doesn't seem to produce the expected results. The chastened tone of these essays is captured by the economist Abhijit Banerjee: "It is not clear to us that the best way to get growth is to do growth policy of any form. Perhaps making growth happen is ultimately beyond our control."

The second hard truth is that micro-aid is vital but insufficient. Given the failures of macrodevelopment, aid organisations often focus on microprojects. More than 10,000 organisations perform missions of this sort in Haiti. By some estimates, Haiti has more nongovernmental organisations per capita than any other place on earth. They are doing the Lord's work, especially these days, but even a blizzard of these efforts does not seem to add up to comprehensive change.

Third, it is time to put the thorny issue of culture at the centre of efforts to tackle global poverty. Why is Haiti so poor? Well, it has a history of oppression, slavery and colonialism. But so does Barbados, and Barbados is doing pretty well. Haiti has endured ruthless dictators, corruption and foreign invasions. But so has the Dominican Republic, and the DR is in much better shape. Haiti and the Dominican Republic share the same island and the same basic environment, yet the border between the two societies offers one of the starkest contrasts on earth — with trees and progress on one side, and deforestation and poverty and early death on the other.

As Lawrence E Harrison explained in his book The Central Liberal Truth, Haiti, like most of the world's poorest nations, suffers from a complex web of progress-resistant cultural influences. There is the influence of the voodoo religion, which spreads the message that life is capricious and planning futile. There are high levels of social mistrust. Responsibility is often not internalised. Child-rearing practices often involve neglect in the early years and harsh retribution when kids hit 9 or 10.

We're all supposed to politely respect each other's cultures. But some cultures are more progress-resistant than others, and a horrible tragedy was just exacerbated by one of them.

Fourth, it's time to promote locally led paternalism. In this country, we first tried to tackle poverty by throwing money at it. Then we tried microcommunity efforts. But what really works involve intrusive paternalism.

These programmes, like the Harlem Children's Zone and the No Excuses schools, are led by people who figure they don't understand all the factors that have contributed to poverty, but they don't care. They are going to replace parts of the local culture with a highly demanding, highly intensive culture of achievement, involving everything from new child-rearing practices to stricter schools to better job performance.

It's time to take that approach abroad, too. It's time to find self-confident local leaders who will create No Excuses countercultures in places like Haiti, surrounding people — maybe just in a neighbourhood or a school — with middle-class assumptions, an achievement ethos and tough, measurable demands.

The late political scientist Samuel P Huntington used to acknowledge that cultural change is hard, but cultures do change after major traumas. This earthquake is certainly a trauma. The only question is whether the outside world continues with the same old, same old. —NYT

 

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THE TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

DEEMED VARSITY STATUS

DE-RECOGNITION MUST PROTECT STUDENTS' FUTURE

 

The functioning of deemed universities has in recent times cast a shadow over the quality of higher education. Finally, the axe may fall on some of them. The HRD Ministry's decision to de-recognise 44 out of 130 universities enjoying the deemed status cannot be faulted in principle. These institutions have been found lacking on several grounds. Besides deficiencies in infrastructure, as well as lack of expertise, many are being run as family fiefdoms. While the final decision will be taken after the Supreme Court looks into the matter, care has to be exercised to safeguard the future of nearly 2 lakh students pursuing courses in these institutions.

Deemed universities have sprung up all over the country, especially in recent years. Lately, these have been coming under fire. HRD Minister Kapil Sibal had ordered a review of the deemed universities. Even the Prof Yashpal Committee to Advise on Renovation and Rejuvenation of Higher Education and the National Knowledge Commission had recommended scrapping of the deemed-to-be-university system altogether. Institutions are declared deemed-to-be universities on the UGC recommendations. Under section 3 of the UGC Act, 1956, the provision for deemed university was made. The intention to bring under the commission's purview institutions "which for historical reasons or for any other circumstances are not universities but doing work of high standard" is indeed well-founded. Yet over the years, often the deemed university status was granted to institutions in violation of the UGC guidelines. Undoubtedly, irregularities had come to plague the system of granting the deemed status.

 

The government cannot allow those who accorded the below par institutions the deemed status go scot-free. It must fix responsibility as well as evolve a foolproof mechanism for both inspection and disaffiliation. Those institutions that have been given three-year time-frame for making up on lost ground need to be monitored and reviewed on the basis of such a system. Besides, the Centre's commitment to "take appropriate steps for securing the future of the students enrolled in the 44 institutions in accordance with the recommendations of the Task Force" should not remain mere rhetoric. While the present government's initiative to ensure the quality of higher education is laudable, students' future cannot be compromised. 

 

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THE TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

TALIBAN CHALLENGE

NEED TO REVIEW AFGHAN SECURITY 

 

The Taliban attack on the "heart of Kabul" on Monday has provided fresh proof, if it was needed, that the extremist elements in Afghanistan remain even today capable of striking anywhere in the war-torn country. They carried out a series of blasts targeting the buildings housing several ministries and a shopping mall in Kabul's high-security area, resulting in the death of 12 persons, including seven Taliban activists. Perhaps, the Taliban intends to convey the message that US President Barack Obama's decision to send 30,000 additional troops to Afghanistan to wrap up the multinational drive against the militant forces there cannot lead him to win the "war on terror". The use of force alone is not sufficient to achieve the objective in Afghanistan. What course the coming international conference on Afghanistan, to be held in London, suggests remains to be seen.

 

Depending on the Afghanistan Army at this stage for mauling the Taliban, comprising highly motivated groups of insurgents, appears to be risky. Anti-US and pro-Taliban elements seem to have found entry into the ranks of the armed forces. The suicide bomber who killed eight American civilians, most of them CIA officers, in Khost province, bordering Pakistan, on December 31, 2009, was an Afghanistan Army officer. While the army needs to be cleared of elements of doubtful integrity, efforts are also needed to prevent the occurrence of incidents like the killing of civilians in anti-Taliban operations which strengthen anti-American sentiments among the people. Last year alone 600 civilian casualties at the hands of foreign forces were reported from various parts of Afghanistan.

 

What helps the Taliban more than anything else in breaking all security barriers is the widespread corruption in the government. The Taliban's destructive designs cannot be defeated so long as the extremists are able to use bribes to send their suicide bombers into the areas having even the tightest security. In the villages, people no longer depend on the government's security arrangements. They have started forming their own anti-Taliban fighter squads, of course, with official encouragement. The villagers' initiative is a sad commentary on the capacity of the Afghanistan government and the multinational forces to make the people's lives safe. 

 

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THE TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

GOVERNMENT ON A HOLIDAY

PUNJAB TAKES IT EASY

 

The Punjab Chief Minister's immediate response to CPM leader Jyoti Baus's death was to declare a holiday in the state on Monday. This is the usual way he and his government convey the depth of loss whenever a leader passes away. Far from being in mourning, employees rejoice at the idea of spending the day with their loved ones instead of venturing out on an extremely cold, foggy day to do the usual boring work. There are better ways of mourning the death of a beloved leader. Working hard to serve the people with renewed zeal is one sensible way of paying tributes to a departed leader.

 

A leader like Jyoti Basu, who donated his body for medical research, would not, perhaps, have appreciated a paid holiday on his death. Besides, a sudden, unannounced closure of offices inconveniences people, some of whom have to travel long distances to reach an office for some urgent work. Their disappointment on finding the office not officially working is understandable. Nobody in the government regrets the loss of their time and money. Even when in office, babus are not exactly known for helping out the needy. Office procedures are so complicated, paper work is so extensive and corruption so rampant that an ordinary citizen shudders whenever forced to deal with a government office.

 

Finance Minister Manpreet Singh Badal, the odd man out in the Punjab team, last year suggested curtailing the number of holidays. But his sensible ideas have few takers in the present dispensation. As Chief Minister, Capt Amarinder Singh had reduced the holidays significantly, but a please-all Mr Parkash Singh Badal has gone back to the previous list. Maybe, he thinks it better to keep employees at home for the maximum number of days to save office electricity, petrol and other expenses apart from keeping the roads less congested and the environment less polluted.

 

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THE TRIBUNE

COLUMN

JYOTI BASU A POLITICAL ARCHITECT

HE MADE CPM A SIGNIFICANT FORCE

BY HIRANMAY KARLEKAR

 

More than anything else, Jyoti Basu will be remembered for his contribution to the emergence of communists as a significant presence in India's parliamentary politics. Central to the tortuous process leading to this were debates over their attitude toward parliamentary democracy, the national bourgeoisie and the Indian National Congress, initially under the ideological hegemony of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB), and then under the shadow of the Chinese revolution and the Sino-Soviet split.

 

Shortly after the suppression of the revolt of 1857, Frederick Engels wrote in the New York Daily Tribune of October 1, 1858, "the time may not be so very distant when 'the sepoy and the cossak will meet in the plains of Oxus,' and if that meeting takes place, the anti-British passion of 150,000 native Indians (an obvious mistake) will be a matter of serious consideration." That did not quite happen though the CPSU began taking an interest in India after the Bolshevik revolution of 1917 installed it in power.

 

At the Second Congress of the Communist International (Comintern), Lenin advocated alliance with the section of the national bourgeoisie fighting imperialism. M.N.Roy opposed him, arguing that the national bourgeoisie was reactionary and prone to compromising with imperialists. Lenin's view prevailed, though, at his instance, Roy's thesis was also included in the records.

 

The Comintern's Sixth Congress in 1929 abandoned the strategy. The new line of opposition to the national bourgeoisie and the pursuit of an extreme revolutionary line, however, changed with the rise of Hitler to power in Germany in 1933, which followed the earlier triumph of the Fascists in Italy. The new United Front line, articulated at the Comintern's Seventh Congress in 1935, provided for cooperation with bourgeoisie parties. In Europe this led, among other things, to the formation of France's Popular Front Government.

 

Significantly, Jyoti Basu arrived in Britain in 1935 and was drawn to the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in the second half of the 1930s when the United Front line was ascendant. Hence, subject to further research, one can argue that this conditioned his basic approach to politics which was one of consensus building and pragmatism-qualities on full display in the tumultuous years that followed his joining the Communist Party of India (CPI) two days after his return to India on January 1, 1940.

 

By then, the new line was in disarray. The communists' attempt to take over the Congress Socialist Party (CSP) failed by a whisker in 1939. Their ties with the CSP soured, and there was an open and acrimonious breach with the Congress when their party, which had switched from opposing to supporting Britain during World War II after Hitler's invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941, opposed the Quit India Movement launched in 1942.

 

As World War II approached its end, an isolated CPI began reaching out to the Congress under P.C. Joshi's leadership. Rajani Palme Dutt, a frequent mentor to it on behalf of the CPGB, endorsed the line which referred approvingly to Jawaharlal Nehru, and described the Congress as a party of a wide cross section and not just the bourgeoisie. Radical elements led at the time by B.T. Ranadive, G.M. Adhikari and Ajoy Ghosh disagreed, arguing that the party must oppose the bourgeoisie which was willing to compromise with imperialism to preserve its vested interests.

 

After much debate, the Soviet Union signalled support for the radical line at the Cominform's first conference in September 1947. The CPI's reversal of its own course, adoption of an uncompromising line toward the Congress, and denunciation of Joshi and Dutt, followed at a meeting of its central committee in December 1947. The party's Second Congress in Kolkata in 1948 formalised the new line. Its Political Thesis declared that a "revolutionary upsurge" was under way in India, and that the final phase of the "people's democratic revolution", that of "armed clashes", had arrived. The repression that followed crippled the CPI, which abandoned armed struggle and indicated its intention to contest the general elections in 1952, by adopting a new programme and A Statement of Policy in October 1951. Votaries of revolutionary violence, however, remained.

 

Meanwhile, Jyoti Basu was elected to the Bengal Legislative Assembly in 1946. Returned to the West Bengal Legislative Assembly in 1952, he remained its member continuously till 1972 when he was defeated in a controversial election. Re-elected in 1977 when he became Chief Minister of the state's Left Front government, he remained in office until November 2000, winning every assembly election by a huge margin.

 

The bitter price that the CPI paid for its adventurist line of 1952, and the vicissitudes it underwent since then, however, must have reinforced his consensual and pragmatist approach. The vicissitudes were many. The party's return to parliamentary politics, confirmed at its Third Congress in Madurai from December 27, 1953, to January 4, 1954, led to steady growth. Nikita Khrushchev's denunciation of Stalin at the CPSU's 20th Congress in 1956, however, devastated it and, shortly thereafter, it was torn by the Sino-Soviet split which became manifest in 1957. The formation of the first Communist state government in India in 1957 with E.M.S Namboodiripad as Chief Minister came as a shot in the arm and the Fifth Congress at Amritsar in 1958 seemed finally to confirm the adoption of a parliamentary line. Tensions over the dismissal of the Namboodiripad government in 1959, the Sino-Soviet schism and the strategy of peaceful transition to socialism, propagated by the CPSU, however, continued to haunt the party, which narrowly averted a split at its Sixth Congress in Vijayawada in 1961.

 

The 1962 conflict with China led to a formal split when the Communist Party of India (Marxist) was born at what it called the party's Seventh Congress in 1964. Jyoti Basu did not play a leading role in the tense debates that raged over various issues then and earlier. The ranks of the ideologues included Namboodiripad, Ranadive, Bhawani Sen, Ajoy Ghosh, P.C. Joshi, P. Sundarayya, A.K. Gopalan, P. Ramamurthi and others. Nor did he play a leading role in the polemic over participation in elections that raged in the party in 1965-66. The formation of the United Front governments in West Bengal and Kerala, the latter with Namboodiripad as Chief Minister and the former with Ajoy Mukherjee at its helm and Basu as Deputy Chief Minister in 1967, was followed by the launching of a peasant struggle in the Naxalbari area of North Bengal by the opponents of the parliamentary path within the CPM. Thus was born the Naxalite movement.

 

Naxalite violence, coalescing with violent clashes between constituents of the United Front and the CPM and the Congress, brought West Bengal's two United Front governments down. Rout in the 1972 Assembly elections led to five years in political wilderness and, almost certainly, introspection, resulting in deep political maturity, rooted in pragmatic wisdom, which made him oppose the CPM's withdrawal of support to the Morarji Desai's government in 1979, as that would bring Indira Gandhi back to power (which it did!), and which has been a crucial factor in the survival of the Left Front government for more than 33 years now. A political architect rather than a philosopher, he had a close colleague in Harkishan Singh Surjeet. The two built up the CPM into a significant political force, which would have become even more significant had the party not scuttled the move to make Basu Prime Minister in 1996.

 

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THE TRIBUNE

COLUMN

ON CYCLING

BY SARVJIT SINGH

 

My father, 81, is a simple man and has been so as far as my memory goes. He was a lecturer of English first at Faridkot, then in Malerkotla, an oasis of Muslim culture in Punjab. And then at Patiala, I remember a change he had not found worth the effort but had given in to my mother's constant nagging for the sake of our education.

 

Having found a house at some distance from Mahindra College, where his distant cousin, a police officer, had managed a posting for him using his influence with the then Education Minister, he dusted the saddle of the Hercules ladies cycle that my mother had carried along, but not used for long.

 

An archetype forgetful and respected professor, he would many times paddle to the college and walk back home with books held against his chest. Then as we would laugh and point out the missing bicycle, he would wipe his broad forehead with the left hand and say "I did feel I was missing something!"

 

His weekends were reserved for cycling to the university library that was 10 km away, to return the books that he had read and arrive home with a stack of fresh books pressed under the spring-loaded latch of the cycle's carrier.

 

The realisation of the "cycling genes" having gathered momentum over a generation dawned upon me when at 14, I felt compelled to pick up my bicycle and paddle the 65 km between Patiala and Malerkotla to meet 'old friends'. The fact that my father did not stop me and stopped my mother from stopping me raises suspicion in my mind, even today, that an agnostic apparently, he is a believer deep down.

 

My love affair with cycling has continued since then. As I grew up, pedalling 35, 70, 100 and 140 km in a day occasionally, I found cycling a meditative exercise. You can pedal long only if you attain the rhythm, letting your 'dhyana' percolate your leg, arm and chest muscles, the hip and the knee joints and maintain the pace that your lungs are good enough for. With practice body's efficiency does go up naturally and you can keep increasing the speed and the range till a point.

 

The combination of fresh air, the close-to-ground feeling and the slowly shifting scenery, that gives you time to absorb that you desire, is a tranquiliser that is healthful too.

 

The roads are a piece of life more on a bicycle than in a car. On bicycle you meet the generous farmer sitting proud on his tractor-trolley, who seeing your sweat-soaked shirt, offers a free ride for the next 10 km where his village road branches out, and a neo-rich ordering you with a honk from behind or a flashing headlight from the front, to shift to the berms lest you want to be his next victim, and a rugged villager pedalling 20-plus 20 km every day not as meditation but to save on bus fare to balance the budget.

 

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THE TRIBUNE

OPED

ENSURING VOTING RIGHTS FOR INDIAN DIASPORA

BY RUP NARAYAN DAS

 

Ever since the Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs was created as a separate and full-fledged ministry in 2004, there has been a slew of initiatives to engage the ubiquitous Indian diaspora in the development and political processes of the country in a meaningful manner.

 

The decision to observe three-day "Pravasi Bharatiya Divas", concluding on January 9, the date on which Mahatma Gandhi returned to India from South Africa in 1915, is indeed a befitting tribute to Mahatma Gandhi, who espoused the cause of Indian immigrants abroad, particularly in South Africa.

 

Yet another major initiative in this regard is the scheme of overseas citizenship of India (OCI) in 2006 by amending the Citizenship Act, 1955. The scheme provides for the registration as overseas citizens of India (OCI) of all Persons of Indian Origin (PIOs) who were citizens of India on or after January 26, 1950, or were eligible to become citizens of India and who are citizens of other countries, except Pakistan and Bangladesh.

 

A registered overseas citizen of India is granted multiple entry, multi- purpose, life-long visa for visiting India and is exempted from registration with the Foreigners Regional Registration Office for any length of stay in India.

 

Dr Manmohan Singh's statement at this year's Pravasi Bharatiya Divas that the non-resident Indians abroad would be able to exercise their franchise has raised a fresh hope for voting rights to Indian citizens living abroad.

 

The issue of granting voting rights to the non-resident Indians has engaged the attention of Parliament, the media and the judiciary for quite some time. As a matter of fact, as early as in 1998, a private members' Bill was introduced in the Lok Sabha securing voting rights for its non-resident Indians. However, the Bill never came up for discussion since the Lok Sabha was dissolved.

 

It is pertinent to mention in this concern that under Article 326 of the Constitution of India the right to vote has been accorded a constitutional status. Article 326 stipulated that every person who is a citizen of India and who is not less than eighteen years of age and is not otherwise disqualified under the Constitution or any law made by the appropriate legislature, is entitled to be registered as a voter.

 

As per the provisions of the Constitution, non-residence, unsoundness of mind, crime or corrupt or illegal practices have been listed as disqualifications for restriction as a voter.

 

While Article 326 of the Constitution entitles the voting right to the citizens which is, in fact, one of the most basic democratic rights, Article 327 of the Constitution empowers Parliament to make provisions by law with respect to all matters relating to, or in connection with, elections to either House of Parliament or to the House or either House of the Legislature of a state, including the preparation of electoral rolls.

 

In exercise of such power, Parliament had enacted the Representation of the People Act, 1950. Section 28 of the Act has conferred the power to make rules on the Union Government after consulting the Election Commission for carrying the purpose of the Act. In exercise of such power, the Union Government has promulgated the Registration of Election Rules, 1960.

 

Section 19 of the Representation of the People Act, 1950, prescribes the conditions of registration viz. (a) not less than eighteen years of age on the qualifying date; and (b) ordinary resident in a constituency.

 

Section 20 the Act deals with the term 'ordinary resident'. A sub-section thereof stipulates that a person absenting himself temporarily from his place of ordinary residence shall not by reason thereof cease to be ordinarily a resident therein.

 

Thus the Act only refers to the term "ordinarily resident" and exceptions thereto but it does not exactly define the term. The definition of the term has been left to be decided by the Central Government in consultation with the Election Commission of India through a notification in the official gazette.

 

Under the directions of the Election Commission of India, it has been left to the decision of the electoral registration officers to decide about the ordinary resident status of a person desiring to get his name included in the electoral rolls.

 

It was against this background that with the objective of giving voting rights to the non-resident Indians, the Representation of the People (Amendment) Bill, 2006 was introduced in the Rajya Sabha on February 17, 2006. Conferring such rights will enable them to participate in the elections and boost their involvement in nation-building. Accordingly, the government proposed to make a provision through legislation to enable the Indian citizens, absenting from their place of ordinary residence in India owing to their employment, education or otherwise, to get their names registered in the electoral rolls of the constituency concerned.

 

The Bill sought to amend Section 20 of the Representation of the People Act, 1950. As per the parliamentary

practice, the Bill was referred to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievance, Law and Justice by the Chairman, Rajya Sabha, on March 14, 2006. The committee submitted its report in August, 2006.

 

After taking into consideration the views and suggestions received from various quarters the committee recognised the fact that Indians living abroad take keen interest in the affairs of the country. The report mentioned that the estimated number of persons abroad outside India due to employment is five millions and the grant of voting rights will boost their involvement in nation-building.

 

However, the committee felt that the proposed amendment in its present form has got far-reaching consequences and may create some problems for a conservative society like India. It further observed that the term NRI has not statutorily been defined anywhere. The committee noted that Section 20 of the Representation of the People Act, 1950, already contained a number of exemptions to the term 'ordinary resident' and felt that it would have been more appropriate if all the exemptions were provided in a single exemption clause.

 

After Dr Manmohan Singh's announcement regarding the voting rights for non-resident Indians, it is hoped that the government will amend the legislation providing for voting rights to the non-resident Indians.

 

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THE TRIBUNE

OPED

HAITI TESTS OBAMA'S DIPLOMACY

BY MARY DEJEVSKY

 

How many demons must President Obama exorcise as he leads the US response to the catastrophe in Haiti? Demons, to be sure, of past neglect alternated with bouts of heavy-handed intervention. And there is a view that another demon belongs in the pack as well: that of his predecessor's response to hurricane Katrina.

 

To lay the ghosts of New Orleans, Mr Obama has to show himself concerned, up-to-date with what is happening on the ground, competent, and in command. Everything that George Bush so patently was not.

 

Yet, except in the broadest category of competence, Katrina is a distraction here. It is not just that an earthquake and a hurricane are different things, or that New Orleans was a first-world city in an advanced country, while Port-au-Prince most definitely was not. It is that New Orleans was unambiguously a US responsibility.

 

Part of the delay in co-ordinating emergency help might have stemmed from disagreements and misunderstandings between the state and federal authorities. But Katrina presented the distressing spectacle of a national government comprehensively failing its own citizens in their hour of need in the most elementary way.

 

Not only the logistics were at fault, but the appraisal of what was required; indeed, the understanding that there were any people, let alone tens of thousands, in desperate need at all. This was an emergency response that seemed to sum up in all sorts of ways the failings of George Bush's presidency. If a state cannot provide the most basic assistance to its own disaster-victims not two hours' flying time from the capital, what use is the state at all?

 

The task facing Mr Obama and his administration in dispatching aid to Haiti, beyond trying to project concern and competence, is quite different. In some ways, it is almost the opposite. In New Orleans, the US administration had a responsibility to take charge – and for too long, lamentably, did not do so. In Haiti – unless Mr Obama's United States wants to be in the business of colonisation and coups – it must avoid conspicuously throwing its weight about, or any appearance of trying to grab control.

 

The US administration's words and deeds since the earthquake, and most particularly Hillary Clinton's brief trip to Port-au-Prince, have provided a compelling study in post-Bush US diplomacy. The US may be sending troops – 3,000 initially, with another 7,000 committed, which makes the total akin to the whole British contingent in Basra – but this is an exercise that tests the practical limits of the sort of "soft" power Mr Obama favours.

 

First, the US is stressing that this is an emergency relief operation, not a move with any ulterior motive, such as extending US political or military sway. Mrs Clinton's official plane doubled as an aid-transport; on its return journey it evacuated US nationals.

 

Second, there has been a deliberate attempt to avoid any proprietorial inferences. The President, his spokespeople and above all his Secretary of State have been at pains to treat Haiti as a sovereign state, albeit one desperately weakened by catastrophe. Mrs Clinton made a point of meeting President Preval and his Prime Minister, in line with diplomatic protocol.

 

And there was a joint US-Haiti communiqué. The message was that the US wanted to support what remained of Haiti's always fragile state structures, not to undermine them. Both Mr Obama and Mrs Clinton have also used every opportunity to state their respect for the leading role of the United Nations in the relief operation. They appreciate, and are careful of, international precedence.

 

The difficulty is that appearance and reality conflict. The US is not only the closest developed state to Haiti, but probably the only one anywhere with the capacity to deliver relief on the scale required here. One of its first moves was to take control of the airport – prompting charges that US flights were being given precedence.

 

But few countries have the capacity to move so quickly, and the airport had to be secured and made operational as an absolute priority. As its troop numbers increases, the US will find it ever harder to claim that it is just another benevolent contributor.

 

What the US does or does not do in Haiti will not determine the reputation of Barack Obama's presidency at home, as Katrina coloured the second term of George Bush. But it will directly affect US relations with Haiti in coming years and convey a message about US intentions around the world. So far, Mr Obama, with the able support of Mrs Clinton, has tiptoed as delicately around the eggshells as it was possible to do. It will only become more difficult from now on.

 

By arrangement with The Independent

 

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THE TRIBUNE

OPED

HAPPINESS SHOULD BE ON POLL AGENDA

BY GEOFF MULGAN

 

People don't normally associate politicians with happiness. Most hope that they'll keep public services ticking over and the economy on track but see happiness as something we struggle with in our private life.

 

That could be changing. This year's election could be the first when party policies are interrogated not just for their effects on economic growth or the NHS but also for their effects on happiness.

 

The main reason is a flood of evidence now available – from psychology and behavioural economics, neuroscience and sociology – about what does and doesn't make people happy.

 

It shows that although there is a strong genetic influence on wellbeing, people tend to be happier in democracies than dictatorships, with competent governments than incompetent ones and with equal societies rather than unequal ones.

 

Some evidence confirms common sense: for example, Henry James's comment that "true happiness, we are told, consists in getting out of one's self. But the point is not only to get out, you must stay out.

 

And to stay out, you must have some absorbing errand". Some is surprising: most people have a stable level of happiness, bouncing back from setbacks (like a disability or divorce) and lucky breaks (like a lottery win).

 

Over the past five years such evidence has started to directly influence public policy. Dozens of schools in Tyneside, Manchester and Hertfordshire are teaching children how to be resilient and showing measurable results; lower depression, antisocial behaviour and better academic results.

 

Some journalists mocked the idea of "happiness classes" – before meeting teachers and children who'd experienced it and became converts. Many cities are encouraging neighbours to talk to each other – responding to evidence that, on balance, we're happier when we know our neighbours.

 

Much of this work is being led from the ground up, by imaginative local authorities. But it's also seeping into national argument and policy. The Department of Health has steadily expanded investment in mental health services, last year announcing plans for counselling in response to evidence that two in five people made unemployed over the last year have experienced mental ill-health.

 

President Sarkozy is the only international leader who feels at home in this space – last year commissioning a group of Nobel Prize winners to advise on how France should measure its progress.

 

But no British politician has seriously engaged with this field. David Cameron briefly toyed with it, suggesting two years ago that "it's time we focused not just on GDP, but on GWB – general wellbeing". He soon got cold feet.

 

As the manifestos come out we should be asking whether politicians have considered the effects of their policies on wellbeing. It's not the only thing that matters. But it's a very odd political culture that sees spending on alcopops and cars, flat screen TVs and Channel perfumes, as somehow more real than human fulfilment.n

 

The writer is the co-author of The State of Happiness report, launched on Monday by the Young Foundation and the Improvement and Development Agency and is available at www.youngfoundation.org

 

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THE ASSAM TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

WOOING NEPAL

 

Of late there has been a laudable attempt by India to mend fences with immediate neighbours, the 'success' of the visit by Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh being an example. Nepal has been another instance of a traditional ally threatening to drift away. The erstwhile Himalayan kingdom had historically enjoyed close rapport with India, being dependent on her to ward off any threats posed by expansionist entities such as China. In return India had been able to exploit Nepal's natural resources even as the latter provided an almost captive market for Indian products. Nepal has proved to be a happy hunting ground for Indian entrepreneurs with even multinational companies considering her to be merely an extension of their Indian operations. The Indian rupee circulates as freely in Nepal as its local counterpart while there has been free movement of workforces between the two countries. The monarchs who had earlier ruled the tiny kingdom had familial ties with princely Indian dynasties which furthered bonds that continued to strengthen after Nepal's shift towards democracy. However, with the entry of the Maoists, a thorn in the flesh of monarchical democracy, into the political mainstream, and their relatively strong showing in subsequent elections, relationship between Nepal and India has begun to sour. The very elements that had earlier ensured camaraderie are currently being touted by the Maoists as illustrative of an unequal partnership.

It is in this context that the recently concluded three-day visit to Nepal by India's External Affairs Minister, S. K. Krishna, assumed importance. As conceded by him one of the primary bones of contention between India and Nepal in general, and the Nepalese Maoists in particular, has been the 1950 Peace and Friendship Treaty, and this needs to be "re-visited" because sixty years have passed since it was signed, circumstances having changed both globally and regionally. Coming as it does in the face of increasingly hostile anti-Indian tirade, particularly by Maoist chief Prachanda, such a concession is not merely a significant, but also a rational one. Ideological affinities have made the Maoists look towards China rather than India as Nepal's logical partner, thereby undermining age-old affinities enjoyed by the two nations. China is doing its best to take advantage of the changed political scenario in Nepal, with Prachanda being welcomed with open arms when he made his maiden State-visit to that country. No doubt, currently deep fissures are visible in Nepal's political landscape and not all parties have adopted a virulently anti-Indian stance as the Maoists. Nor is there a ground-swell of anti-Indian feelings amongst the public in general. However, the Maoists today have become a key factor and needs to be assuaged if India-Nepal relations are to be kept on an even keel. Obduracy on the part of India might well drive Nepal into Chinese arms in the future.

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THE ASSAM TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

TACKLING INSURGENCY

 

Tripura Chief Minister Manik Sarkar recently stated that insurgency in Tripura declined significantly with the setting in of the development process in the State. Sarkar, one of the longest serving Chief Ministers of the country, is correct in his assessment of the situation. The pace of development in Tripura has been visible, and has contributed largely to the decline of insurgency in the restive State. Sarkar also stated that even as the State was expediting the development process, it had an unflinching stand vis-à-vis maintenance of law and order and protecting the civilians from militant violence. This is an unambiguous stand, as the State is duty bound to protect the lives and property of the people. Irrespective of the merit in the grievances that an insurgent group might have, no Government can allow shedding of innocent blood. The Government has to be uncompromising when it comes to protecting its citizens even while pressing for a negotiated settlement of the issues raised by militant outfits.

While insurgent activities generally have their roots in some sort of ideology, it is often sustained by underdevelopment, unemployment and poverty. The situation in the insurgency-plagued North-East corroborates this. Insurgency has fed off the region's perennial backwardness. Lack of development had disillusioned a section of the populace in the existing system, and given the alarmingly high incidence of unemployment, it is hardly surprising that banned outfits are having a sustained flow of recruits. Decades of insurgency have led to such a situation that militant outfits now have little in the name of ideology, with minting money being the sole driving force. But again, it is the absence of development that is perpetuating this phenomenon. All this makes it clear that a holistic and long-term approach to counter insurgency has to address the issue of underdevelopment. The North-East continues to lag behind most other States of the country in terms of development and poverty-alleviation even after six decades of independence. Infrastructure bottlenecks, widespread poverty, restricted access to basic needs such as health care, sanitation, education, etc., and burgeoning unemployment have combined to make the region a breeding ground for insurgency. Regrettably, the liberal Central assistance that is coming of late has not been able to make any visible impact. Large-scale corruption has ensured that the backwardness continues to perpetuate with only a small percentage of the sanctioned funds actually reaching the beneficiaries. Only good governance with accountability can bring about a change in the situation.

 

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THE ASSAM TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

ULFA, PEACE TALKS AND BANGLADESH

SAZZAD HUSSAIN

 

Everyone in trouble torn Assam saw hope on the momentum of peace talks with ULFA following the arrest of its Chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa and other top leaders. But the high drama and confusion created by the stand of New Delhi and Dispur concerning the arrest and surrender culminating in the production of the detained leaders with handcuffs before the court have spoiled the peace initiative. The chances of redeeming the two decade old violence and terror in Assam are fast getting dimmer as all the political parties have shown their lack of any policy on peace talks and the non-representation of the voices of the masses. Moreover the verbal duel between the pro-talk faction of the outfit and C-in-C, Paresh Baruah in the media concerning the infamous Dhemaji blast has also affecting the public mind presently. Some sections are demanding immediate action against the Bangladeshis in Assam as a vendetta for the removal of safe haven of the ULFA leadership by Dhaka. This issue of Bangladesh tag needs to be highlighted again during the present juncture of the journey of ULFA.

ULFA shifted its bases to Bangladesh following Operation Bajrang launched by Indian Army in December, 1990. It started armed activities inside Assam from the Bangladeshi bases from 1991-92 onwards. Prior to these developments, during the initial rise of the outfit in 1987-90 there was no discussion or importance given to the issue of expelling illegal infiltrators of Bangladesh from Assam, the core demand of the Assam Agitation of 1979-95. During that period the euphoric regionalist camp like the AASU and AGP and the majority Assamese speaking supporters, media persons and intelligentsia were busy arguing about ULFAs demand of independent Assam and sovereignty forgetting the foreigner's issue that had charred the State only few years ago. That means a concept of independent Assam with millions of foreigners within its geographical boundary was romanticized or popularized.

That euphoria or obsession made us unaware of the fact that the Bangladesh National Party led by Begum Khaleda Zia formed a government in Bangladesh after winning the election in late 1991 ending the decade long dictatorial rule of Gen. Ershad. The founders of Khaleda's BNP were those ex-military officials who conspired the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975 and wanted to turn Bangladesh to an Islamist country from a secular democracy. Khaleda was and still known for her ultra anti-Indian stand who made close contacts with Pakistan and China to pressurize New Delhi besides crushing the opposition secular Awami League of Sheikh Hasina. She also invited the US Marine in the pretext of rescue operation following a cyclone. The Marines during Operation Sea Angel took many photographs of Indian positions inside Tripura which was exposed by scribe Subir Bhowmik. Kahaleda's anti India position enabled fundamentalist Jamat-e-Islami, the army, Bangladesh Rifles and DGFI form a united stand along with pro-Pakistani organizations and establishments to emerge strongly in Bangladesh. During that time some ex-Afghan Mujahideens from Bangladesh returned home in 1994 and formed Huji. The massive rally to cross India by the Jamat members in protest against the demolition of Babri Mosque in Ayodhya on 6th December, 1992 also took place during Khaleda's tenure along with the death fatwa on Taslima Nasrin by one cleric. It was very significant that ULFA took shelter in Bangladesh when the militant neo-Islamists blossomed and its political patronages were institutionalized in that country.

 

Since then reports of ULFA's involvement with anti-Indian forces of Bangladesh, Islamist groups, Pakistani intelligence and international Jehadi organizations have been flashed in the media. The outfit's silence on the illegal infiltration issue and killing spree on Hindi speaking people were attributed to their alleged bonhomie with such forces in Bangladesh. ULFA also did not change its position during the term of Sheikh Hasina's government in 1996-2441 and maintained its close ties with BNP It was benefited when Khaleda returned to power in 2001. It was reported that ULFA was involved in various attacks on Hasina and her party during that period while at the same time the hostilities by anti-Indian and Islamist groups were at their peak in Bangladesh. However ULFA did not learn any lesson from the post 9/11 strike when the entire world's viewpoint on terrorism has changed One of those changes was the rejection of Islamist ideology on State matters by common Muslims. ULFA failed to read the change of mood of voters in Bangladesh.

As there is no permanent friends and foes in politics. ULFA should have established links with Awami League while enjoying a safe haven in Bangladesh. Hasina is a liberal, secular, progressive leader whose government is a key element in eradicating religious terrorism and instability in South Asia. ULFA leadership is not oblivious of Hasina's pro-India stand and the fact that her government is also very crucial for entire North East Only her government can effectively handle the illegal infiltration to North East and spread of Jehadi forces and bring economic cooperation with trade and transit. A large chunk of the population in Assam is also very xenophobic about Bangladeshi presence. Therefore the ULFA leadership should have sensed the outcome of the overwhelming 95 victory of Awami League in Bangladesh's parliamentary elections early this year. Hasina's secular government is very important for India and Assam to wipe out anti-Indian activities of LeT, HuJI etc. Had ULFA made some gestures with Awami League Arabinda Rajkhowa would not have been arrested so easily and the outfit could have started a dialogue with India brokered by Dhaka in the coming days. India and Assam wish the secular government in Dhaka to act against the illegal infiltration and expansion of religious terrorism. Therefore the threat given by UEFA to the popular government in Dhaka for handing over its chairman to Indian authorities sounds ominous both for the outfit and Assam. It is equally paradoxical for ULFA to talk about the foreigners and illegal infiltration from Bangladesh now after these developments. We must resist the temptation of equating the ULFA problem with that of foreigner's issue at this time. Instead we must focus our attention to the ways and opportunities that can be availed from the progressive, secular, democratic government in Dhaka for the greater benefit of India and Assam.

(The writer teaches English at Lakhimpur Commerce College).  

 

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THE ASSAM TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

DISASTER MITIGATION

 DR TARAKESWAR KATAKI

 

Disaster mitigation involves adopting scientific and reliable measures to reduce the destructive effects of disaster on people, property, structures, economic and social fabric and environment. Natural disaster, in particular earthquake, may cause huge destruction of human property and life besides causing harmful effect which' may persist for several years after its occurrence. Such natural disaster cannot be stopped and therefore it is essential to take preventive measures at different levels in order to make the impact of such hazards as harmless as possible. In this context the UN General Assembly resolution 236 of 1989 is worth-mentioning. Accordingly the International Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction (IDNDR-1990-2000) was launched to reduce through concerted international action the loss of life, property damage, social and economic disruption caused by natural disaster. This effectively had set the trend in shifting the focus of attention from rescue and relief to preparedness and mitigation. Mitigation measures can reduce the destructive effects of our property in these days of rising economic and social cost. Developing technical know-how to reduce the impact of disaster is becoming important and there is need for realisation that the mitigation should be taken as an integral part of sustainable development. For example, better reinforcement of structures of a building to make it more resistant to earthquake damage are in-effect a preventive measure. On the other side, preparation measures are those which enable our society, government, organisation and individual to respond correctly and rapidly in. disaster situation. Both these two activities are important components of disaster mitigation. Preparation activities involve two types of activities – structural and non-structural. Structural activities include taking action to prepare ourselves for immediate arrival of a disaster and non-structural activities involve taking steps to minimize damage to property. It pertains to constructing disaster resistance structures of buildings, bridges etc and retrofitting existing structures to withstand the effect of earthquake. In case of an imminent flood, we can anchor boat and store our belongings in shades prior to the arrival of flood which will lessen the damage to personal property. On the other hand structural activities will include design and installation of warning system, adoption of emergency rescue system, zoning ordinance, land use planning and discouraging development in certain high hazard areas. A comprehensive emergency system includes response and recovery activity. Response activity occurs during or immediately after the earthquake which includes search and rescue operation, evacuation. emergency, medical care, food and shelter etc. Recovery activity designed to put the community back together and includes repair of roads, bridges and other public facilities, power, water and other municipal services and other activities that help normal operation of a community.

Mitigration helps to recognise and adopt ourselves to natural forces and evolving systematic action taken to reduce long-term vulnerability of human life and property. Mitigation activity has the potential to produce repetitive benefit over time and should concern events that may occur in future. Mitigation provides plans with guidelines for reducing vulnerability to future disaster damage. A fundamental premise of mitigation strategy is that financial aspect involved in mitigation significantly reduces the demand for any such future investment by reducing the amount needed for recovery, repair and reconstruction following a disaster.

Earthquakes are considered as one of the most dangerous and destructive natural hazards. The impact of this phenomenon is sudden with little or no warning. Therefore, we must evolve long-term as well as short-term measures to reduce the effects of earthquake on our property. It should be kept in mind that the damages of property and loss of lives are mainly due to lapse in the construction practices and lack of knowledge of public about what to do during and after earthquake. More people die because of collapse of walls, roofs, falling objects and debris not from direct shaking of the ground during an earthquake. It is very important to identify potential dangerous areas, take proper construction practices and implement BIS code for design and construction. Poor quality of construction, inadequate reinforcement, particularly in joints and column, use of heavy roof, unsymmetrical plan of building or with too many projections, very big room having long walls, unsupported by cross walls are some of the weaknesses for which measures are to be taken, particularly in seismically active areas. The short term measures include preparing emergency plan, creating public opinion, establishing contingency plan etc.

In orienting mitigation measures in big cities proper assessment of vulnerability of different electoral wards is necessary. Hazard mapping is to be undertaken for causative source area. The Geographic Information System (GIS) can also play a crucial role in the process of gathering and analysing information needed for disaster management. One of the critical components of the mitigation strategy is the training to be given to the officials and staff of various government departments. But it is necessary to back the government effort at community level. Programmes are to be undertaken to encourage public-private partnership to educate people to face disasters and their likely effects. The emergency programmes to be undertaken in case of a disaster, particularly earthquake are to be demonstrated in schools so that younger sections of our society in the event of an earthquake can take the emergency measures. There should be arrangement for organising publicity and education session through use of mass media like TV, Press and Radio.

Disaster vulnerability assessment should be incorporated in the development process at all levels so that future investment could reduce rather than increase vulnerability. Emphasis must be provided on proactive and pre-disaster measures rather than post disaster response. Rapid urbanisation has led to large concentration of people living in high apartment buildings which are liable to bear more risk in case a disaster like earthquake, occurs. Identification of hazard less areas in the city will help in location of industrial and urban development. Introduction of the legal enforcement of property insurance against damages as a result of earthquake, floods may be considered as one of the ways to ensure that building codes are followed properly.

The north-eastern region is one of the most hazardous earthquake prone areas. The two great earthquakes of 1897 and 1950 had very destructive effects in the region. Besides as many as twenty large earthquakes of magnitude 6 occurred in the area during the last 100 years. The long interval between the two great earthquakes may indicate progressively storing strain energy, which when exceeded the limit of endurance, may release energy suddenly and violently. Long interval of time of occurrence of two great earthquakes may create complacent feeling among the people of the region, but the danger is more serious because of rapid urban development, industry, hydroelectric project etc. Loss of life and property will be far more compared to the earlier two great earthquakes. The destruction of building, utility, structures and lines of communication, water supply, gas and electricity will be more. Traditional Assam type houses are replaced by high rise buildings and other structures and the loss will be more if a great earthquake occurs. It will be an enormous task to rebuild the cities and the need of the hour is to educate people by various means so that the destructive effect can be reduced to a minimum level.

(The writer is former Keshav Dev Malaviya Chair Profesor of DU and now emeritus fellow of GU)

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

KRAFTY OVERTURES

 

Another British icon nears meltdown? If fears of the pungent smell of curry wafting around the factories of Jaguar and Land Rover were not enough — not to mention the masala in Tetley and Typhoo chai — now the Brits are waking up to the whiff of krafty goings-on around their favourite Cadbury chocolates.

Let's face it, they love the stuff: they gobbled up around £3.5-billion worth of those toothsome delights last year, even as they scoffed at the idea of Cadbury succumbing to amorous bids by its chocolatey American suitor, Hershey. Now, they have to face a cheesy future thanks to another, apparently successful, advance by Kraft Foods.

Of course, the American food conglomerate had already made its first British chocolate conquest when it acquired Terry's of York, but the overtures to Cadbury's had annoyed quite a few Britons over the past few months. After all, what do the Americans know about making chocolates?

The British, in fact, are eager to point out that even at mass-market level, their chocolates are better than the Americans', as they contain at least 20% cocoa solids by law, in comparison to the trans-Atlantic variants' 10% stipulation. Snooty European chocolatiers, however, are of a different calibre altogether as their products can contain over 40% cocoa solids. Be that as it may, the British aver that their taste differences go even deeper than the fact that Americans tend to use South American beans, while the British prefer West African cocoa. No, now they are citing fundamental ideological schisms. What's ideology got to do with a Creme Egg or a Dairy Milk bar, some may well ask.

The Brits will tell you that the sale of Cadbury will close a unique chapter of the chocolate story. By a quirk of fate, and a British rule that prevented Quaker Christians from going to university or holding public office until the 19th century, many turned to medicine and commerce. With chocolate being favoured by 18th century physicians for their medicinal qualities, it was a match made in heaven for canny Quakers like Cadbury, Rowntree and Fry, all of whose companies will now be part of non-denominational MNCs. No wonder the British are cheesed off.

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

A SMALL BEGINNING

 

The government's decision to withdraw recognition of as many as 44 deemed or autonomous universities suggests it is, at last, getting serious about cleaning up the mess in higher education. The 44 deemed universities, identified by a committee set up under the chairmanship of Dr P N Tandon, suffer from a host of ills, ranging from family rather than professional management to arbitrariness in admission and levy of exorbitant fees.

Even assuming there will be no legal challenges and government will be able to close these universities, given the extent of rot in the system — poor quality education, inadequate facilities, lack of accountability and poor quality outcome — it is a long haul yet. Nonetheless, initiation of corrective action is welcome.

The government already has a blueprint in the June 2009 report of the Yashpal Committee on Renovation and Rejuvenation of Higher Education. Indeed, the committee had urged a temporary halt to granting deemed university status, for much the same reasons identified by the Tandon committee. It had also recommended that all private institutions seeking university status submit to a national accreditation system.

Given the rampant corruption in professional councils that confer recognition on various professional courses, it suggested a new apex higher education authority that would subsume all such councils and the University Grants Commission. Instead of being a licensing-cum-approval body, this apex body would be charged with ensuring the fitness of those who wish to practice in their respective fields. From the current inspection-approval method, it would move to a verification and authentication system. It would conduct regular qualifying tests for professionals in their respective fields with the role of professional councils limited to prescribing the syllabi for such exams and universities free to design their own curriculum keeping the syllabi in mind. Can we hope to see some more action to take this forward?

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

SPY VERSUS CYBER SPY

 

The widely-reported hacking of a series of important websites in mid-December, including that of Google and India's National Security Advisor, serve to focus attention on yet another vulnerable frontier. These attacks are believed to have originated in China, but such attacks can be launched from locations quite different from the one from where they are orchestrated.

The hacking, in the present case, did not do much damage, according to the outgoing NSA, Mr M K Narayanan. Was that luck or by design? Do we have in place the needed systems to counter cyber attacks? The US created, in 2003, a set up called US Computer Emergency Readiness Team, a public-private partnership venture that educates the public and large organisations in particular on passive and active resistance to possible cyber attacks. This model makes eminent sense. It is not just computers in the prime minister's office or the defence ministry that need protection. Given the increasing use of Scada systems that use computers to monitor and control industrial operations, the nation can be brought to a halt by terrorists or hostile powers taking control of computers in what are normally considered civilian installations.

From power stations to sugar factories, dam sluice gates to suburban train signalling systems, banks to stock exchanges, most large complex systems are controlled by computers. If hostile elements gain control of these decidedly-civilian establishments, they can create havoc. Therefore, cyber security has to go beyond securing overtly sensitive systems such as in the government and the defence network. And securing all enterprises dispersed across the nation cannot be undertaken by a single agency. The lay users of computers, and not just information officers, need to be trained to be on guard against potential threats.

The internet, by definition, is a collection of networks interlinked by common technical protocols that allow someone on one network to use another network. Its architecture does not guard against malice. Additional safety protocols, covering technology, laws, behaviour, training and personnel verification, will have to be deployed, to guard against cyber attacks. We need a national mission on it.

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

ONE YEAR OF THE OBAMA PRESIDENCY

RAGHU KRISHNAN

 

Just four years ago, the thought that an Afro-American with the middle name of Hussein could be elected to the top political job in the US in the wake of 9/11 would have been regarded as stretching the bounds of fantasy. Today, it will be exactly a year since Barack Obama was sworn in as the 44th president of the US.

Obama was undoubtedly helped by the fact that the US economy was on the skids, that thousands of sub-prime mortgage loans went into default as did the banks which packaged and sold them and that a double whammy of people losing their homes and jobs would almost cripple the credit-card culture which had become a way of life in America. It was inevitable that the Republicans would be routed no matter whom they nominated in the 2008 elections to the White House.

Obama's real achievement was winning the Democratic presidential nomination by defeating the odds-on favourite Hillary Clinton. In his biography, Renegade (named after the US Secret Service codename for Obama), Newsweek's senior White House correspondent Richard Wolffe narrates how President Bush was convinced in February 2007 that Hillary would be the Democratic presidential nominee even though he rated Obama as "a phenomenon and very attractive".

In retrospect, it seemed a masterstroke that Obama financed his campaign through internet-contributions by millions of small donors unlike Hillary whose affluent backers were circumscribed by the individual cap on funding. Obama's reliance on fieldwork by thousands of youth volunteers, who were inspired by the freshness of his message of "Yes we can" (bring about change), helped him win the first caucus in Iowa, and after that there was no looking back. Being an Afro-American helped him since there was a committed vote to which he added on.

Wolffe, who travelled with the Illinois senator from the moment he launched his campaign to the day he was elected to the White House, describes the seemingly contradictory qualities which took Obama to the US top political job: "He was highly disciplined, supremely self-confident, and he possessed the rare ability to act both as a team-player and a star athlete." Wolffe's book stops with the election. President Obama has brought the same disciplined focus to bear on the major challenges he faced in his first year in office. His first task was to manage the level of expectations aroused by his election, especially on the two fronts of health-care (where the reforms were modified to get bipartisan support) and the economy (where he kept reminding the American people that it would take years to recover from the recession despite the stimulus packages). Vis-a-vis the two wars he inherited, he scaled down the level of commitment in Iraq on which Bush had been focused for almost six years.

However, even while switching troops to Afghanistan, Obama sought to ensure that the Karzai government would get its act together by announcing that US soldiers would withdraw in 2011.

The year 2011 is when Obama has to focus on getting re-elected in the presidential polls of November 2012. His approval ratings are dropping and he will have to run on his own record but Obama could surprise us again in the future just as he did by first winning the Democratic presidential nomination. Yet, as Wolffe notes, even during the most intensely scrutinised presidential campaign in history, "something remained hidden about his character, suppressed about his moods, something remained unsettling for many pundits and voters who couldn't quite pin him down as a black leader or pop celebrity, as a fiery preacher or closet radical". Just when the Norwegian parliamentary panel had decided to award him the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize for taking an unequivocal stand on the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT), Obama dwelt in his acceptance speech at Oslo not on the NPT but on the necessity of conflict to keep the forces of evil at bay even while protesters outside the venue kept chanting, "Yes we can, yes we can/End the war in Afghanistan"!

Great presidents grow in the job like another Illinois senator called Abraham Lincoln did after getting elected to the White House. The US first Afro-American president stands on the threshold of greatness, something he himself is well aware of. Wolffe notes that when Barack's basketball buddy Marty Nesbitt asked him "What makes a great president?" during a Hawaiian holiday when he finally decided to run for the top job, Obama's reasoned reply was that "what makes a great president, as opposed to a great person, is the juxtaposition of that president's personal characteristics and strengths with the needs of the American people and country." Early in the campaign when his wife asked him what he thought he could accomplish as president, he replied, "the day I take the oath of office, the world will look at us differently. And millions of kids across this country will look at themselves differently. That alone is something."

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

HAVE YOUR CAKE AND EAT IT TOO

VITHAL C NADKARNI

 

What should people desire in life? The answer would depend on who is doing the desiring, and at what stage of life, and under what sort of circumstances. In Mahabharata, for example, King Yayati, who became prematurely old due to a curse from his father-in-law, desperately desired renewal of his lost youthfulness.

The man who put the hex, Sage Shukracharya, merely wanted to teach King Yayati a lesson for having cheated on his daughter, Devyani. On her part, Devyani was mightily peeved at this sudden disruption of her marital happiness. She was also more concerned about having borne fewer children than her rival Sharmishta (the daughter of Davana King Vrishaparva, who was the patron of Sage Shukracharya)!

So when Devayani begged her father to grant a reprieve to her chastened husband, the Sage relented to say that the King may exchange his advanced years but only with a willing youth and if he were to re-exchange his newly acquired youth, he would die at once.

None of Devayani's sons was willing to take part in the bizarre exchange with their pleasure-loving father who ultimately got his youth from Puru, his righteous son from Sharmishta.

The moral of the story deals with the futility of trying to attain salvation by appeasing the bodily pleasures because these, by their very nature, are insatiable. One resolution to the dilemma comes from the other end of the world, from the poet Juvenal, who in his Satire X, opines that it is infinitely better to ask for "a sound mind in a healthy body (Sit mens sana in corpore sano)."

The poet also exhorts humans to "ask for a brave soul that lacks the fear of death, which places the length of life last among nature's blessings, which is able to bear whatever kind of sufferings, and which does not know anger, lusts for nothing and believes the hardships and savage labours of Hercules better than the satisfactions, feasts, and feather bed of an Eastern King (such as Yayati)."

But this just seems like a Utopian poetic fantasy. After all, who, except a chronic workaholic, would trade the pleasures of a sumptuous silken bed to the proverbially horrid task of cleaning the Augean stables? Better to eschew extremes and to opt for the middle way between the poles. A classic example is that of the Buddhist Middle Way, which steps away both from sensual indulgence and self-mortification, towards a new synthesis of enlightenment or bodhi.

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

ENSURE FULL ADOPTION TO AVOID DISTORTIONS

HARSH P SINGHANIA

 

A Partial rollout of the goods and services tax (GST) is possible only if major states agree to a transition from the value added tax (VAT) regime to GST. This requires the states to be fully prepared in terms of the basic infrastructure to track transactions of all goods and services. However, it would be far more desirable to have a full rollout of GST. There will be two distinct advantages when all states, major and minor, come on board. Firstly, it will remove the cascading effect of multiple taxes at the central and state levels. Sec-ondly, it will enable a seamless flow of goods and services across the country.

This will not be possible in a partial rollout that will also dilute the objective of having a unified common market. Besides, it will also hin-der the movement of goods and services across state borders and checkposts, adversely impacting supply chains in the industry. Deliveries could be delayed and, hence, there won't be a significant reduction in transaction costs. This, in turn, would mean that retail prices would not witness a steep decline.

A partial rollout of GST could also pose the danger of creating distortions for some businesses. Hence, it would be better to postpone the rollout rather than have a partial one. An ad-hoc system will dilute the ad-vantages of a full-fledged GST over the existing VAT regime. GST will be a game-changer when all states participate in the transition because it would be the most significant economic reform in recent times. A full-fledged GST, when implemented, will radically alter the way tax is levied and this will have a positive impact on businesses and their operations. It will increase economic activity and bolster tax collections in the long run, improving the tax-GDP ratio.

GST will be a win-win situation for all stakeholders: businesses, government and consumers. All these will remain hypothetical in a partial rollout. In sum, a partial rollout will not be as beneficial as a full rollout and will, perhaps, lead to distortions and confusion for business and industry.

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

IPCC IMPERIALISM ON INDIAN GLACIERS

SWAMINATHAN S ANKLESARIA AIYAR

 

Climategate-I was the revelation that climate scientists crusading over global warming at East Anglia University had tried to censor inconvenient data and shut dissenters out of academic journals. Climategate-II is the revelation that the 2007 report of the International Panel on Climate Change, saying Himalayan glaciers might disappear by 2035, was not science at all but idle, unsubstantiated speculation.

It speaks volumes for the huge biases within IPCC that it took two years for this hoax to be exposed. Any hoax opposing the global warming thesis would be exposed in ten seconds flat. The IPCC is willing to swallow unexamined what it finds convenient, while raising a thousand technical objections to anything inconvenient. This is religious crusading, not objective science. The tactics being used to discredit and destroy heretics is reminiscent of the Spanish Inquisition.

Climategate-II is also a sad example of green imperialism. Rather than accept the findings of foreign scientists alone, Jairam Ramesh, India's environment minister, appointed a panel of Indian scientists on Himalayan melting. "My concern is that this comes from western scientists ... it is high time India makes an investment in understanding what is happening in the Himalayan ecosystem."

The Indian panel, headed by V K Raina, looked at 150 years of data gathered by the Geological Survey of India from 25 Himalayan glaciers. It was the first comprehensive study of the region. It concluded that while Himalayan glaciers had long been retreating, there was no recent acceleration of the trend, and nothing to suggest that the glaciers would disappear. In short, the IPCC had perpetrated an alarmist hoax without scientific foundation.

Scotching IPCC claims that the Gangotri glacier was retreating at an alarming rate, the Raina Panel said this glacier, the main source of the Ganges, actually receded fastest in 1977, and "is today practically at a standstill".

Raina said that the mistake made by western scientists "was to apply the rate of glacial loss from other parts of the world to the Himalayas... In the United States the highest glaciers in Alaska are still below the lowest level of Himalayan glaciers. Our 9,500 glaciers are located at very high altitudes. It is a completely different system."
Justifiably, Jairam Ramesh felt vindicated. But the Raina report threatened the claim of IPCC scientists to omniscience and Nobel Prize status. Rajendra Pachauri, President of the IPCC, told The Guardian newspaper, "We have a very clear idea of what is happening. I don't know why the minister is supporting this unsubstantiated research. It is an extremely arrogant statement." He dismissed the Raina report saying it was not "peer reviewed" and had few "scientific citations". He even went to the extent of calling it "schoolboy science."

Well it takes a schoolboy to reveal that the Emperor has no clothes. We now know that the IPCC claim on glaciers was a hoax. It was based on a speculative comment made in 1999 to a reporter by Syed Hasnain, a professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University. This was then repeated by several green publications, without further verification.

Goebbels once said that if you repeat a lie often enough, people will think it is the truth. The glacier fiasco is the latest example of this. Scientists are supposed to ask hard questions about spectacular new claims. Instead, the IPCC simply accepted without verification the reports of Himalayan glacial melting, and prominently highlighting this in its 2007 report.

Pachauri appointed Hasnain as a senior fellow at Teri. Together, they raised millions from international donors for research on glaciers at Teri. But when Climategate-II came to light, Pachauri declared that he had no responsibility for what Hasnain may have said! And Hasnain said, rather cheekily, that the IPCC had no business to cite his comments!

Pachauri is reported to have said in a telephonic interview, "We are looking at the issue and will be able to comment on the report after examining the facts. The science doesn't change: Glaciers are melting across the globe and those in the Himalayas are no different. We're not changing anything till we make an assessment."

Clearly the true climate denier is Pachauri: he swears by glacial apocalypse even after its exposure as a hoax. When the Raina panel produced solid scientific evidence challenging the glacier melting thesis. Pachauri instantly decried it as schoolboy science and said condescendingly that it was not peer-reviewed. Yet he was happily willing to sanctify schoolboy speculation on glacial melting, and so were other members of the IPCC. All their high-faulting talk of peer-reviewed science proved to be just a tactic to keep out inconvenient views.
IPCC scientists responsible for this fiasco must resign. The 2007 IPCC report must be amended, preferably with an apology.

Various green NGOs — including one I respect, the Centre for Science and Environment — backed the IPCC against the Raina Panel. They blindly echoed western scientists with less intimate knowledge of the Himalayas than our own scientists. Stalin would have called this a case of Indian compradors acting as the lackeys of western imperialists, and on this occasion I would find it hard to disagree with him.

These green groups claim to be watchdogs for civil society, and often do a good job. But in this case they blithely allowed a hoax to go unchallenged for two years.

Glacier alarmism is not new. Greenpeace once published photos showing the rapid retreat of the Uppsala Glacier in Argentina, ascribing this to global warming. But when I visited the glacier, I was told that global warming was too gradual to account for the dramatic retreat of the glacier, and clearly powerful local causes were responsible. Of several glaciers descending from the South Andean Icefield, Uppsala was retreating, Perrito Moreno was advancing, and several others were stable. Such varying outcomes obviously reflected local geoclimatic variations, not global climate at all.

Will Greenpeace admit it? Not a chance. But if the IPCC wants to make amends for Climategate-II, perhaps it can start by apologising for glacier alarmism. That will help restore its scientific credibility.

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

I SENSE WINDS OF CHANGE AND THAT'S WHY I'M HERE: KAUSHIK BASU

ABHA BAKAYA

 

Don't be surprised if you see brightly painted T- shirts and sarees around North Block. It's just a harbinger of changes to be brought in by Kaushik Basu, the Cornell economist who has taken over as the chief economic advisor to the finance ministry. Mr Basu enlists his plans to attain double-digit growth rates in an interview with ET NOW's Abha Bakaya. Excerpts:

Bureaucracy can frustrate best of men in India. For an academicturned-advisor , it might be difficult to push through implementation ?

I know there will be severe restrictions compared with the theoretical world. I am a theorist, but I do have enough common sense to know that the government is bureaucratic. I'm learning the ropes and the insights I'm gaining are extremely useful. I now know exactly where restructuring is required. I'm also surprised at the high level of hard work being put in. It's one of the best and most capable governments we've had in recent times. It's the procedures that are wrangled up and need modifying. I had been warned of an insider lobby and an outsider lobby at play. Maybe I'm being naïve , but I have not sensed any such thing as yet.

How would you define your role?

There is a need to think out of the box and I am an outsider. I've worked in many different contexts. For instance, inflation control is a political import and it has people concerned. There are 3 standard solutions to the problem, but there are 5-6 new things we can try.

And what chance do these have of being implemented?

People are open to listening and that's important. Hopefully some of these suggestions will translate into action.

How soon do you think we'll see food prices cooling off?

The measures have been put into place. They will cool off in 1-2 months.

What's your GDP number?

It's 7.5%. We've got a great stimulus package. Better than many of the international ones. It's a question of sustenance . The entire Indian growth story is not on the back of stimulus measures. From 2003 to 2007, we saw 9% growth. Recession came in last year and we needed rescuing. We're already back to 7.5% and am sure we can end next year at 9% once again. I'm confident we'll be breaking 10% growth in 4-5 years, unless there's another unforeseen event like another US recession, which is unlikely.

Your approach to reforms?

Expect good reforms that will last 20 years. That will establish the new government . Some of the issues that need to be addressed include speeding up the bureaucracy . It should take less time to start up a business and it should also be quicker to wrap up. It should be quicker and cheaper to enforce a contract. Bureaucracy can grow, but it needs to be more effective. The US has more laws than us. The number of laws is not the problem, but it's how you administer them.

And on the economic agenda?

India will be a bigger exporter. This needs strategising. We've done well when it comes to IT, pharma and auto. Now, we need to focus on textiles and garments. We have natural strengths which we can use to grow rapidly. An export thrust is on the cards. The government has been spending on social progress, but there are still leakages. If we plug these then we can get twice the bang for the buck. A good identification system, like the UID, can be the crux of a good anti-poverty programme . Once we have the system by 2012 we can backpack on that. That's the third agenda.

The government will have to take a call on the rollback of stimulus measures sooner or later? What's your take on this issue?

The question is when? Rollback stages need to be decided, that's all. Stimulus measures have been put in place globally so there is a need for global coordination . China is not transparent enough. The US began the rollback process, but then realised it was too soon so has stepped back. And unemployment continues to be a huge issue in the US.

Any rate tightening expected in the monetary policy?

A wait and watch approach is being followed . I am confident that inflation will turn around. So hopefully we'll get around without needing to tamper with the rates.

How are you adapting to the new role?

It's the start of a good run for India. I sense winds of change and that's why I'm here. Otherwise I love my academic life. Though I could say I'm busier than would have cared for! And yes, I hardly get time now for my various hobbies --one of which is to paint. And why paint on paper when you have something more permanent and usable like a Tshirt or a saree. That's something I enjoy doing in my spare time.

 

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                                                                                                               DECCAN CHRONICAL

EDITORIAL

'DEEMED' VARSITIES: A NECESSARY CRACKDOWN

 

Some of the finest educational institutions in the country are "deemed universities". In recent decades, however, a proliferation of so-called educational centres has taken place whose existence has little to do with the pursuit of excellence. The government has, therefore, correctly decided to eliminate those that do not make the grade. The HRD minister, Mr Kapil Sibal, is even said to be contemplating doing away with the concept of "deemed universities" altogether. Should he choose to go that far, he will of course be called upon to find ways to preserve and protect those centres of excellence that have earned fame for themselves and have served a national cause by producing first-rate professionals. The government-appointed Tandon Committee, in a recent report, has determined that only 38 of the 130 "deemed universities" that exist justify the confidence placed in them. It is these that will have to be nurtured even if such a category eliminated. This tag goes back to British India, when newly emerging centres of study were given a special status so that they might further their search for excellence with a minimum of fuss in an atmosphere of academic autonomy. Several of these institutions were in the field of engineering and applied science and had come up on account of philanthropic interest that were far removed from the commercial crassness that has come to inform the purpose and motivation behind the setting up of professional colleges and "deemed universities" in our own times. Since the first modern-style colleges and universities established by the colonial rulers aimed at creating a pool of educated Indians who could fill subordinate positions in the administration, under the influence of Lord Macaulay's minutes, it was left to wealthy and philanthropic Indians themselves to create educational centres that dealt with science and engineering, a fine example of which is the Indian Institute of Science in Bengaluru, established at the behest of the Tatas around a hundred years ago. Institutions of such pedigree were made "deemed universities". In independent India, too, many fine centres of learning came up and given the same status. Often they grew out of government initiative, and many others received government aid. But in due course the concept came to be degraded. Today the situation is such that the HRD ministry has decided to close down as many as 44 "deemed universities". It is a matter of concern that several of these are government-run. Another 44 are on a watch list and have been given three years to correct deficiencies and distortions. In effect, what the Tandon Committee has revealed is that only a quarter of the existing deemed universities make the cut. The reason is that politicians and local thugs took over the education business in India, and used their clout with government to secure "deemed university" status. No one should be surprised if research reveals that the recognition was purchased in a large number of cases. Such recognition was required to attract unsuspecting students who would agree to pay hefty fees, given that the demand for university education has exploded in the country. A nation seeking to expand the frontiers of knowledge is better off without the "deemed universities" controlled often by family-run concerns whose interest in education is not genuine.

 

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DECCAN CHRONICAL

EDITORIAL

OBAMA'S FADING LUSTRE

BY INDER MALHOTRA

 

On completing his first year in the White House, the US President, Mr Barack Obama, has lost some of the shine he had exuded during the campaign trail and, even more, at his inauguration where nearly two million people crowding Washington's mall had cheered him to the skies. If the mood has changed materially since then, in both his country and the outside world, it is because of the gap between his promises, made in bracing rhetoric, and his performance. He had aroused great expectations of a revival of economy and restoration of self-confidence nationally and an era of peace and cooperation globally. On both counts there have been serious shortcomings.

 

To say this is not to suggest that America's 44th President has achieved nothing. On the contrary, there is little doubt that after the worst recession in 80 years, the American economy has begun to stabilise. But what his countrymen are incensed about is a whopping increase in unemployment. It is much higher today than the President had said it would be at its peak. Again, it is to his credit that he has, for the first time in a generation, devised a law that now looks like being adopted and under which affordable healthcare would hopefully be available to virtually every American citizen. Yet, there are admittedly serious flaws in the scheme, the biggest of these being its stupendous costs which, combined with the mind-boggling national debt (likely to soar to $12 trillion by 2015), can bankrupt the federal government. Nothing has been done about this problem throughout 2009.

 

Mr Obama's latest strategy on the war in Afghanistan — announced after protracted dithering because of differences within the team of his advisers and his propensity to stay above the fray — has also drawn flak. In his attempt to please all he seems to have displeased both the supporters and opponents of the "surge". His decision to send 30,000 more troops to the rugged country in the Hindu Kush has dismayed many of its supporters because of his simultaneous declaration that withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan would begin in 18 months. His critics scoff that all the Taliban need to do is to be patient and wait until the Americans pack up and go.

 

Though Mr Obama has taken some action against torture, he has singularly failed to live up to his promise to shut down the monstrous Guantanamo prison. A lot more can be said about broken promises and half-hearted new moves but that is not necessary. The revealing reality is that his approval ratings have fallen sharply from 70 per cent to below 50 per cent. The proportion of the Americans that strongly disapprove of the job he is doing has risen from 12 per cent to 44 per cent in just 12 months. No wonder the Republicans are heartened. They believe they would re-win the House of Representatives and cut to size the Democratic "supermajority" in the Senate later this year.

 

Mr Obama's international agenda is also in a tattered state. His determination to press the "reset button" on relations with Russia, say his critics, has turned out to be "nothing more than a click".

 

There is no sign of a new START agreement. Even more conspicuously, his two major and much welcomed initiatives — for resolving the Palestine issue and for total elimination of nuclear weapons — have fallen flat. Israel has disdainfully rejected even his appeal to end the construction of settlements on Palestinian territory. Nor is there any hope of universal nuclear disarmament, notwithstanding the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to him. On the vital climate change issue also his record is dismal. Having failed to persuade the US Congress to endorse the Kyoto Protocol, whereupon he demanded of developing countries to accept legally binding cuts in emissions of carbon, he got some credit at the Copenhagen conference. He managed to get 26 nations, including India and China, to accept the only feasible deal.

 

The rub, however, is that even this deal is unlikely to be adopted by Congress. The President's exertions are therefore in danger of becoming a fiasco. The problems of North Korea's nuclear missiles and Iran's nuclear ambitions remain as intractable as they were.

 

Arguably the most worrisome element in Mr Obama's foreign policy has been his embrace of China. He has his compulsions of course, most notably the economic clout China wields over the recession-hit US, especially because of its holdings of $2 trillion. Even so, many Americans felt offended when, on the eve of his visit to Beijing in November, the President refused to receive the Dalai Lama and downgraded the human rights issue. From this country's point of view, the Obama visit to China was disquieting because he gave China a role in maintaining peace and stability in South Asia by promoting a dialogue between India and Pakistan. Later, however, during the Prime, Dr Minister Manmohan Singh's state visit to Washington, Mr Obama was reassuring about his China policy vis-à-vis India. On his part Dr Singh made no bones about what he feels about China in the East and about terrorism in "AfPak" in the West. When Japan's new Prime Minister, Mr Yukio Hatoyama, was in New Delhi recently, it transpired that Tokyo is even more concerned about America's China policy than New Delhi is. Evidently, what irritates the Obama administration is Mr Hatoyama's insistence on making Japan-US relations more equal than so far and his more radical policy on American bases in Okinawa than was the case under the previous Japanese government. There is a lot of resentment in Japan over America's attempt to "browbeat" it over the Okinawa issue, as became evident at a meeting in Hawaii last week between the US secretary of state, Ms Hillary Clinton, and her Japanese opposite number, Mr Katsuya Okada.

 

All things considered, Mr Obama still has a better image than his predecessor, Mr George W. Bush, who proved to be the most unpopular President in recent American history. It is a different matter, however, that no American President has been friendlier to India than Mr Bush.

 

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DECCAN CHRONICAL

EDITORIAL

MODERN CHINA MAKES PEACE WITH ITS PAST

BY ROGER COHEN

 

CHONGQING, CHINA

The tombstones loomed in the dusk, some of them rising more than 25 feet, each telling a forgotten story of China's troubled history. I had come to find them because, for the first time, China has sanctioned the preservation here of a site commemorating the numberless victims of the 1966-76 Cultural Revolution.

 

That's a hopeful sign. I spent too long covering the bloody wars in the Balkans not to believe that history denied can devour you.

 

But until now, the Communist rulers of China have been relentless in suppressing the history of their worst errors, not least the frenzied attempt of Mao Zedong in the decade before his death to revitalise his rule by spreading terror.

 

So the decision, made last month by authorities in this gritty central Chinese city, to designate a cemetery containing the remains of 573 people slaughtered during the Cultural Revolution as an official relic worthy of maintenance is a significant opening.

 

That, it seems to me, is modern China: two steps forward, one back. For every new repression there is some relaxation, for every new abuse some advance.

 

Few things have made the Capitalist-Communist overseers of China's frenzied thrust for modernity as nervous as history. On the one hand, it's a source of pride. On the other, it's a fount of fear.

 

When an American working in China met a Communist Party cadre recently, he was greeted by a backhanded compliment: "With our 5,000 years of history, we in China think you Americans are doing pretty well for your brief history of about 230 years".

 

To which the American, alluding to the six decades of the People's Republic, responded: "Well, we in the United States think China's not doing badly for its mere 60 years of history!"

 

The remark did not do a lot for Chinese-American relations, but it has to be said that history is a malleable thing here. China finds comfort in a past whose immensity contains many dynasties that lasted longer than all US history. Posters exalting the Communist Party show the Great Wall, the better to link its rule with immovable authority and nationalist grandeur.

 

At the same time, China's modern rulers like nothing so much as reducing history to a blank sheet. Everywhere the past — temples, ancient walls, sinuous alleys — is being swept away. Disastrous periods of Mao's rule, including the famine of 1959-61 and the Cultural Revolution, have been airbrushed from history. Like "June 4" — shorthand for the crushing of the Tiananmen uprising in 1989 — they are taboo.

 

Here in Chongqing, the Cultural Revolution took a particularly devastating form as rival factions bent on demonstrating their devotion to Mao's wild anti-capitalist, anti-rightist, anti-cadre purge battled each other. The local arms industry fed the frenzy: mass murder in the name of a personality cult.

 

Outside the walled cemetery in Shaping Park, as I waited for hours to be admitted into the overgrown sanctuary with its whispering of these terrible deeds, a man approached me: "Everyone was shooting in 1967 to protect Mao! I don't know why. Even now I don't know why. I just followed my school with a gun".

 

He shook his head. "We're not interested in any of that now. All we do is talk of development".

 

But a few people, like a scholar named Chen Xiaowen, were interested. Now 54, Chen became concerned over the fate of the cemetery in the 1980s and has since campaigned to block the ever-ready bulldozers of real estate developers.

 

He was part of a group of scholars who submitted a petition to the Chongqing authorities requesting the safeguarding of the cemetery as a "cultural preservation site". On December 25, 2009, the request was approved, allowing the eventual devotion of city funds to restoration. "It's progress!" Chen said.

 

The cemetery, with its 131 graves containing multiple victims, many of them young Red Guards, is a place of hushed mystery. A faded photograph of a young man, his features blurred, is propped against one tombstone. Ferns grow from the stones, weeds advance. Chinese characters peel away. "We can be beaten, struggled against, but we will never bow our revolutionary heads", says one inscription. Another lists the ages of the dead: 49, 29, 45, 26, 51, 26.

 

I asked Chen why this past still haunts a party that has hoisted China from destructive folly. "It's a form of rule based on results, efficacy, not on democratic legitimacy", he said. "So if you dig too deeply into the mistakes of the past, you make yourself vulnerable".

 

Still, here in Chongqing, China has taken a small step toward a genuine history, an honest accounting, and away from history as merely a vehicle for the consolidation of power. I applaud that. The Chinese people, their wounds assuaged by time, are ready for more openness.

 

In the fading light old men come out with their birds, hang the cages on trees, and let the birds sing to each other as they gossip. Some say history is for the birds. I say it needs to be aired or it will turn on you.

 

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DECCAN CHRONICAL

OPED

MALAYS DEBATE LANGUAGE FOR GOD

BY SHANKARI SUNDARARAMAN

 

In Romeo and Juliet, when Shakespeare said that a rose by any other name would smell as sweet, perhaps he did not realise that centuries later God by any other name could not be called Allah by all.

 

Even as the New Year began the world over, there were a series of attacks on churches in Malaysia leaving the country in a state of uneasy calm. In recent times, hate attacks on religious centres of the minority Hindu and Christian community in Malaysia have been on the rise. For a country that prided itself on its multiculturalism and plurality, Malaysia today stands at a crossroads — trying to get a grip, first on the divergent views of Islam that exist within the country, and also for accommodating open and frank dialogue between various religious groups within the state, in which the government remains a non-partisan player.

 

The current controversy results from the use of the word Allah by a Christian journal, Herald. A Catholic journal that has been in publication for several years is now facing threat of religious attacks because of its use of the word "Allah" which in Arabic means God. From December 31, 2009, the raging religious tirade in Malaysia has grown stronger against the use by non-Muslims of the word Allah.

 

According to the Islamic community, Allah is a word that is integral to Islamic faith and represents God in the Islamic world. The use of Allah in Christian journals is seen by many as an attempt to undermine Islamic faith and the status that the word "Allah" has within that faith. It is also being seen as a manipulative measure by which several people may be confused with the term Allah and may seek refuge in Christianity in the belief that Allah is the same as understood within the Islamic faith.

 

Even as incidents unfold, it needs to be mentioned that racial and religious tensions have not been extreme in Malaysia, though there have been fissures of late. While for much of its history Malaysia has remained a peaceful and plural society, there has been a spurt in both religious and racial violence over the past decade.

 

The racial riots of 1969 were the first of its kind and led to a change in government policy. Indigenous Malay community was given the privilege of "Bhumiputera", or sons of the soil benefits. Following this there have been development programmes and educational measures that specifically target the Malay community — ethnically the Malays constitute nearly 60 per cent of the population.

 

The New Economic Policy sought to alleviate the Malay community from its backwardness and allow for its

economic and social development but it simultaneously alienated the other ethnic minorities. Ethnic Chinese had the control of the economic platform and so managed to do relatively better as compared to the ethnic Indian community.

 

The politics of Islam also entered this as the United Malay National Organisation (UMNO) began to court Islam in an effort to undermine the growing popularity of the Malaysian Islamic Party. This growing attempt to draw the Islamic community into its support base led to greater leveraging by Islamic groups attempting to foster a sense of identity based on religion within Malaysia.

 

This controversy predates the current incident. As early as 1986, the Malaysian interior ministry had banned the use of the word Allah to represent God in Christian publications. This was done on the grounds that the proselytisation activities, especially in remote areas, targeted several uneducated groups and the use of the word Allah would create confusion and lead to national unrest. Even though this ruling was in place it was never enforced.

 

Interestingly, the word predates the Islamic faith itself. In fact, in many Arabic countries the word Allah has been used by minority Christian groups, especially in Egypt and Syria. In Bahasa, a regional language which is common to Indonesia and Malaysia, Tuhan or God is also generally known as Allah by people of both the Islamic and Christian faith. In Indonesia, both Tuhan and Allah refer to God.

 

In December 2007, the Malay Chinese Islamic Association and several other Islamic councils filed a case against the Malay language Christian weekly Herald for its use of the word Allah. This petition was supported by the UMNO government since it felt that the usage would lead to communal tensions and subsequently undermine national and religious harmony. The Opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat, led by Anwar Ibrahim supported the use of Allah for God.

 

On December 31, 2009, a high court decision backed the Herald's usage of Allah for God as a constitutional right. However, the decision was later stayed when the verdict was appealed. The appellate court is yet to give its opinion on the matter.

 

In the meantime, the violence that has rocked the churches in Malaysia in protest of this once again brings to light the tenuous nature of the inter-religious ties within this country. Till date nine churches have been attacked with Molotov cocktails. The legal firm representing the Herald has also been attacked. And there have been attempts to hack the website of the journal which has been stalled as well.

 

During Friday prayers the Islamic community has been called upon to carry out protests against this issue. While the government has been able to forestall the protests on the grounds that it is against the law, there is an uneasy tension that pervades till the appellate court's decision is made.

 

The Malay government under Prime Minister Najib Razak is trying to quell the issue in order to ensure that

there is no religious unrest. But the manner in which it is pandering to a minority opinion on what constitutes

Malay Islam is leading to a more rigid and intolerant community. It needs to instead look at the various interpretations of Islam and allow for greater dialogue and exchange of views. This will broaden the process in which several versions of Islam need to be accommodated.

 

Inter-faith dialogue also needs to be encouraged as a means of practice towards more inclusive approaches which is currently not there. Unless these matters are addressed the goal of "One Malaysia", which has been Mr Razak's slogan for a country that has equal respect for all races, will remain merely rhetorical.

 

-- Dr Shankari Sundararaman is an associate professor of Southeast Asian Studies at the School of International Studies, JNU

 

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DECCAN CHRONICAL

OPED

SHADES OF PREJUDICE

BY SHANKAR VEDANTAM

 

CAMBRIDGE, Massachusetts

Last week, the Senate majority leader, Harry Reid, found himself in trouble for once suggesting that US President Barack Obama had a political edge over other African-American candidates because he was "light-skinned" and had "no Negro dialect, unless he wanted to have one". Reid was not expressing sadness but a gleeful opportunism that Americans were still judging one another by the colour of their skin, rather than — as the Rev. Dr Martin Luther King Jr., whose legacy we commemorated on Monday, dreamed — by the content of their character.

 

The Senate leader's choice of words was flawed, but positing that black candidates who look "less black" have a leg up is hardly more controversial than saying wealthy people have an advantage in elections. Dozens of research studies have shown that skin tone and other racial features play powerful roles in who gets ahead and who does not.

 

This isn't racism, per se — it's colourism, an unconscious prejudice that isn't focused on a single group like blacks so much as on blackness itself. Take, for instance, two of Eberhadt's murder cases, in Philadelphia, involving black defendants — one light-skinned, the other dark. The lighter-skinned defendant, Arthur Hawthorne, ransacked a drug store for money and narcotics. The pharmacist had complied with every demand, yet Hawthorne shot him when he was lying face down. Hawthorne was independently identified as the killer by multiple witnesses, a family member and an accomplice.

 

The darker-skinned defendant, Ernest Porter, pleaded not guilty to the murder of a beautician, a crime that he was linked to only through a circuitous chain of evidence. A central witness later said that prosecutors forced him to finger Porter even though he was sure that he was the wrong man. Two people who provided an alibi for Porter were mysteriously never called to testify. During his trial, Porter revealed that the police had even gotten his name wrong — his real name was Theodore Wilson — but the court stuck to the wrong name in the interest of convenience.

 

Both men were convicted. But the lighter-skinned Hawthorne was given a life sentence, while the dark-skinned Porter has spent more than a quarter-century on Pennsylvania's death row.

 

Colourism also influenced the 2008 presidential campaign. Political operatives are certainly aware of this dynamic. During the campaign, a conservative group created attack ads linking Obama with Kwame Kilpatrick, the disgraced former mayor of Detroit, which darkened Kilpatrick's skin to have a more persuasive effect.

 

In highlighting how Obama benefited from his links to whiteness, Harry Reid punctured the myth that Obama's election signalled the completion of the Rev. King's dream. Americans may like to believe that we are now colour-blind, that we can consciously choose not to use race when making judgments about other people. But this belief rests on a profound misunderstanding about how our minds work and perversely limits our ability to discuss prejudice honestly.

 

Shankar Vedantam, a Nieman fellow at HarvardUniversity and a reporter for the Washington Post, is the author of the forthcoming book The Hidden Brain: How Our Unconscious Minds Elect Presidents, Control Markets, Wage Wars and Save Our Lives

 

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DECCAN CHRONICAL

OPED

MAGICAL TALES OF BABA FARID

BY SADIA DEHLVI

 

One of my favourite Sufis is Baba Farid Ganje-e-Shakar, the disciple of Kwhaja Qutub who established the first Sufi centre in Delhi, which became the heart of the Sufi movement during the 13th century. This December ushers in the 1431st year of the Islamic calendar that begins with Prophet Mohammad's hijrah, migration from Mecca to Medina in 622 AD. It consists of 12 months with 354-55 days with 29 or 30 days, depending on the sighting of the new moon. The 10th of Muharram marks the martyrdom of Imam Hussain, the Prophet's grandson at Kerbala and the fifth, the death anniversary of Baba Farid.

 

It is believed that overpowered by hunger after three days of incessant fasting, Baba Farid had put some pebbles in his mouth, which turned into shakkar (sugar). Another popular anecdote explaining the Sufi's title, Ganj-e-Shakar meaning treasury of sugar, emanates from an event in his childhood: To encourage the habit of offering mandatory prayers, his mother routinely rewarded her son by placing some sugar under his prayer carpet. One day at the early morning prayer, although she forgot to place the sugar, the child found it under the carpet. Sufi piety attributes this miracle to divine intervention.

 

Baba Farid, the first Sufi poet of Punjab settled on the banks of the Sutlej, and his village Ajodhan came to be called Pakpattan, "the ferry of the pure". He lived a life of contemplation and poverty advising: "If you desire greatness, associate with the downtrodden". Baba Farid's assemblies attracted scholars, merchants, government servants, artisans and mystics from all sections of the society. A broad range of discussions were held and the visitors included countless yogis who shared their philosophies and breathing techniques with the khanqah inmates.

 

Baba Farid composed meditation prayers in Punjabi for his disciples, many of which are still recited by devotees from the Chishti discipline. His poetry had a deep impact on Guru Nanak and 134 of the Sufi poet's hymns are also included in the Sikh holy scriptures. It is said that Guru Nanak composed the famed Asa ki var, a morning hymn sung by Sikhs, at the khanqah of the Baba upon a request by one of his successors Shaykh Ibrahim known as Farid, the second.

 

Baba Farid taught that knowledge of the religious laws should bring humility and one should act upon it rather than harass people with it. He preached that a true mystic aroused love and affection in people's hearts. Baba Farid remained devoted to God reciting:

 

I love thee: I love thee, Is all that I can say,

 

It is my vision in the night, My dreaming in the day:

 

The blessings when I pray, I love thee: I love thee: Is all that I can say.

 

— Sadia Dehalvi is a Delhi-based writer and author of Sufism: The Heart of Islam

 

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THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

BOOKING BENEFITS

DILEMMAS OF THE MINISTER-AUTHOR 

 

Shashi Tharoor may have reason to react not just with dismay but with disgust at reports that he has used his position to compel his ministry to purchase 150 copies each of three of his books to be kept in missions abroad. More than the financial gains, which in any case would largely go to the publisher, the insinuation is that he influenced the selection of titles. Indian ministers have been known to claim benefits by virtue of their positions far in excess of those that will accrue to the minister of state for external affairs. If the spotlight is on Tharoor, it is because his habit of tweeting and his public statements have ruffled quite a few feathers. He had to come up with a hasty denial of his remarks on Nehru's foreign policy, which he claimed were simply a quote from another source. Why he had to pull it out considering the potential for raising dust is a question that he may not like to answer. Nor does he clarify that he values freedom of speech more than the admittedly hypocritical code of conduct that applies to positions such as his.

In the latest case, it may have been at worst an act of omission. His three books were among 108 titles selected for foreign missions before he assumed charge in the ministry. If Tharoor had known about the purchases, he may have issued instructions to remove his books from the list, although why this should have been so isn't quite clear to us. A rare outburst, which many may consider natural, is based on the argument that there is a dividing line between minister and author and that this is, by all accounts, a non-issue. Having been groomed in an open climate, he may feel stifled by the attention showered on marginal or routine matters.
At the same time, his experiences with tweets should have taught him that colourful quotes (like whether the Mahatma would have endorsed a holiday on his birthday) are apt to be misconstrued. His heart and mind may be in the right place, which is why his party seems to have chosen to ignore the headlines. There may also be grudging admiration in some circles for the fact that he saves his juiciest quotes for an Internet audience, and not for itinerant television anchors. Some will say Tharoor is an iconoclast, others will argue he is a misfit; the minister might consider the benefits of charting a course somewhere in between.

 

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THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

HAPPY POSSIBILITY

RESTORE FAITH TO CRICKET 

 

ESSENTIALLY only a possibility at this stage, yet there is reason to welcome the president of the International Cricket Council thinking aloud about scrapping the system of only neutral umpires ~ actually umpires from non-playing countries since all sporting arbiters are presumed neutral ~ officiating in Test matches. Even if it boils down to doing the right thing for reasons more practical than principled, it would restore to the highest level of the game one of its singular qualities. The gradual, if somewhat reluctant acceptance of the technology-driven Decision Review System, and the fact the top umpires are not thrilled at having to serve long stints away from home have influenced the re-think: but if accepted the revised system will end the ridiculous situation in which the world's most accomplished "men in white coats" were denied opportunity to perform before home crowds. A poor return for the domestic game in which they had acquired and honed their skills, gained experience and expertise. Hopefully the shorter versions of the game will follow suit ~ was it not a shame that the legendary Dickie Bird was not posted for a World Cup final because England were one of the contestants?
It would not be irrelevant to ask if the level of decision-making had improved with neutral umpiring. Technology has pointed to many a mistake having been made, that is only human. Batsmen play inappropriate shots, bowlers fail to maintain line and length, fielders drop catches ~ why should accusing fingers be pointed at umpires only? To be fair to cricketers, few of them accused umpires of being motivated even as they legitimately questioned their competence: the allegations flowed from the hysteric hordes and commercial interests that so influence contemporary sport. However, even as the genuine cricket lover will appreciate the possibility under focus, there is need for the ICC and member boards to establish facilities to train umpires and upgrade their skills, as is done at the various academies from which players benefit. The aim must be quality supervision. Reverting to "home" umpires would be more than sentimental nostalgia, it would help revive the trust and faith that had once elevated cricket matches far above sporting contests.

 

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THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

CURBING DISSIDENCE

TESTING TIME FOR NAGALAND CONGRESS 

 

ALL is not well with the Nagaland Congress that ruled the state for many years until it was eased out by the regional Nagaland People's Front in the 2003 Assembly elections. Bowing to dissident pressure ~ not a new phenomenon in the party ~ the central leadership appointed Tokeho Yepthomi, a former minister, as legislature party chief in place of the veteran Chingwang Konyak. Former CLP chief I Imkong is now the Pradesh Congress chief, having taken over from KV Pusa. Interestingly, this was the second time in 19 months that the high command was forced to effect changes at the top. In June 2008, Chingwang was entrusted with the CLP leadership. When former Congress chief minister SC Jamir was in power, he also faced dissident pressure but he had the knack of keeping the flock together and ruled for many years. The trouble in the party started after four of its MLAs resigned before the 2009 parliamentary election and joined the ruling NPF. That it was masterminded by chief minister Neiphiu Rio was never in doubt, because the four were given NPF tickets to contest by-elections simultaneously with the Lok Sabha poll, and they won comfortably.

The next Assembly election is due in 2013 and if the Nagaland Congress is to improve its position it has to come to grips with the dissident menace. But even as it sets its house in order it will be hardpressed to turn the tables on Rio who has the support of the NSCN(IM) and recently strengthened his position by inducting two BJP legislators into the party. As a matter of fact, the NC in 2003 lost power to the NSCN(IM) which played an important role ~ proxy support to regional parties ~ in defeating the ministry headed by Jamir, whom it sees as a hindrance to the Naga solution. Rio echoed as much. And who knows, there could be a drastic change in Nagaland's political scenario in the next four years with both the Congress and regional parties watching from the sidelines.

 

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THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

WOMEN OUTPACE MEN IN EDUCATION, EARNING

 

Washington, 19 JAN: In a trend that can be said as "gender role reversals", women have outpaced men in education and emerged as the dominant income-provider for the family over the past few decades in the USA, a report said today.

Looking at the significant changes the institution of marriage has undergone in these period, the report by the Pew Research Center showed that men who married to relatively educated women have witnessed a significant economic boost.

"A larger share of men in 2007, compared with their 1970 counterparts, are married to women whose education and income exceed their own," according to the analysis.

"From an economic perspective, these trends have contributed to a gender role reversal in the gains from marriage. In the past, when relatively few wives worked, marriage enhanced the economic status of women more than that of men," it said.

"In recent decades, however, the economic gains associated with marriage have been greater for men than for women."

Mr Richard Fry, co-author of the report, said: "What's radically changed is that marriage now is a better deal for men. Now when men marry, often their spouse works quite a bit. Often she is better-educated than the guy." ;PTI 

 

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THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

HOW FAIR IS FAIR?

 

Shashi Tharoor gets ticked off for speaking against government policies yet many Congress and BJP leaders use social networking media platforms. SANGHAMITRA RAI VERMAN is convinced of there being a distinct disconnect between the IT 'visions' of such leaders and their own parties' actual utterances EVERY time minister of state for external affairs Shashi Tharoor "sticks his neck out" and tweets, he seems to go from trouble to more trouble. Thus, when he tweeted his "cattle class" comment while referring to the austerity drive directed at ministers and members of Parliament, inviting howls of protest from many in the Congress itself, the Prime Minister tried to play it down, saying it was just a "joke", a remark made in light vein, and the matter should be left to rest at that. Many suggested the Congress should acquire a sense of humour.
But more Tharoor tweets were on the way, questioning the logic of tightening visa rules. This time it wasn't a "joke", he was told. He was speaking against government policies. The business of government was "much too serious" to be tweeted on, his senior, Union external affairs minister SM Krishna, reminded him.
Well, wasn't it the same Congress that had welcomed Tharoor after his UN Secretary-General bid did not succeed? And what has the BJP done? Like many in the Congress, it has resorted to berating Tharoor. The BJP has even demanded his resignation.

On the "cattle class" remark, Madhya Pradesh chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan said Tharoor did not know India well and had no respect for Indians. On the current visa rules issue, BJP spokesperson Rajiv Pratap Rudy termed Tharoor's remark "callous" and accused the government of taking a "contradictory stand" on visa norms.

Like Tharoor, many Congress and BJP leaders use social networking media platforms. But the real point is that there is a distinct disconnect between the IT "visions" of such leaders and their own parties' actual utterances vis-a-vis Tharoor's tweets.

Rewind to the scenario leading up to the 2009 Lok Sabha elections and we can all recall how LK Advani launched several aggressive ad campaigns across 2,000 websites, including those of the US, British and Pakistani media, which are frequented by Indians. Borrowing heavily from US President Barack Obama's style, the aim of the "Advani for Prime Minister' online campaign was to target potential Indian voters who are mostly young and technology-savvy. In a blog titled "Electioneering: From Handbill to the Internet" on 7 January 2009, Advani said, "My young colleagues who have created this website (lkadvani.in) told me that a political portal without a blog is like a letter without a signature. I quickly accepted this compelling logic. I am excited by the idea of using the Internet as a platform for political communication and, especially, for election campaign."

Significantly, Advani went on to add, "The Internet has many attractive attributes, but the best perhaps is that it is owned neither by the government nor by any private media group. It is open to all and in this sense it is the most democratic of all the communication platforms invented by mankind so far. Censorship of political communication on the Internet is... unthinkable — except in communist and other dictatorships."

Apparently, that is not the way Advani's party thinks vis-a-vis Tharoor's remarks. Note the phrases "most democratic of all the communication platforms" and "censorship of political communication" in Advani's blog. If you don't allow someone to indulge in any critical comment on social media platforms, you are actually "censoring" such remarks on "democratic" media tools.

Apart from Advani, several prominent BJP leaders, including Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi (http:// www.narendramodi.in), Madhya Pradesh chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan (http://www.shivrajsinghchouhan.in) and VK Malhotra (http://vkmalhotra.in), have well-designed websites.

 

Modi is also on Twitter and at the time of writing this he had 8,805 followers. Chouhan has a Hindi blog (blog.shivrajsinghchouhan.in) on his website, and VK Malhotra is also on Facebook.

Sample these prominent quotes from Narendra Modi's website: "CT is not just about communication technology, it is also about Civilisation and Traditions to create CT — Citizens of Tomorrow", and "IT+IT=IT Indian talent + Information technology=India Tomorrow". Definitely, the BJP's reaction as a party to Tharoor's remarks is at odds with the essence of these Modi quotes. Neither does it seem to be a "civilised" reaction to the right use of communication technology, nor does it promote any healthy "IT" environment for building a better "India Tomorrow".

Modi's website also has a feature called Swagat (narendramodi.in/pages/swagat-online), an innovative concept that enables direct communication between citizens and the chief minister. According to the website, "In Gandhinagar, the fourth Thursday of every month is a SWAGAT day wherein the highest office in administration attends to the grievances of the man on the street. Grievances are logged in, transmitted and made available online to the officers concerned who have to reply within 3 to 4 hours.

"The departments concerned then have to be ready with the replies before 3 pm, when the chief minister holds video conferences with all the districts concerned. Applicants are called one by one and the chief minister examines each complaint in detail. The information sent by the department is also reviewed online in the presence of the complainant and the Collector/District Development Officer/Superintendent of Police and other officials concerned. Attempts are made to offer a fair and acceptable solution on the same day and no applicant has ever left without any firm reply to his grievance. The record is then preserved in the 'SWAGAT' database and a separate log is maintained for each case," according to the website.

Modi's website further states, "Owing to the innovative use of technology that injects accountability in government machinery, international institutions such as the Commonwealth Telecom Organisation and the University of Manchester have considered SWAGAT as an excellent model of e-transparency."

Now, does the BJP's reaction vis-à-vis Tharoor contribute in any degree towards "e-transparency"?

Like Tharoor, some of the younger Congress personalities are apparently "tech enlightened". For instance, Milind Deora (http:// milinddeora.com) and Priya Dutt (www. priyadutt.org) have well-designed websites.

 

Deora is also on Facebook and Dutt has a blog in her website.

On returning from studies abroad, Milind, who has a BA from Boston University in Business and Political Science, founded Sparsh, a social initiative which aims at educating students in computer and IT proficiency. His social work through this initiative has apparently given him a "clear direction on what he wanted to do in his life". The programme, Milind's website claims, has led to the "computerisation of 110 primary and secondary economically backward schools, across all linguistic mediums".

Milind's website also claims that the programme "has helped over one lakh students and is now being replicated in many other parts of the country".

Do all these enlightened "IT-enabling initiatives" gel with the "narrow" attitude that the Congress as a party has displayed vis-vis the Tharoor tweets?

Kamal Nath is considered a whizkid in Congress circles. He once gifted a palmtop to Congress leader Jairam Ramesh, who reportedly carries it everywhere. Sandeep Dikshit, Delhi chief minister Sheila Dikshit's son, contesting from East Delhi, had once said, "You have to convince voters with solid facts; the figures in the laptop come handy."

What all of the above goes to show is that there is a distinct disconnect between the IT "visions" of prominent Congress and BJP leaders and their own parties' actual utterances vis-a-vis Tharoor's tweets.
Recently, speaking in an online radio show in New York, Tharoor said Twitter was a useful way to get a peek into the work-life of an elected leader, and added that he would like to see more Indians tweeting. But he expressed a genuine concern as well. "My only regret is that this whole unseemly controversy (cattle class remark) might dissuade a number of politicians who are otherwise curious or interested in emulating me from doing so, because they fear they somehow may be doing something that will get them into the kind of trouble that I got into," he told the show.

One only hopes more and more Indian politicians, across party lines, rise above such "fear" and give citizens greater opportunities to interact with them.Directly.

The writer is a Research and Teaching Assistant (History), School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open University, New Delhi

 

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THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

HIS BETTER HALF

GOPALI BANDYOPADHYAY

THOUGH tragic, the news of Jyoti Basu's demise on Sunday was expected, considering his serious ailments and advanced age. Be it the print or electronic media, every newspaper and television channel was replete with tributes to this legendary political leader. While reading several of these, I came across one article on his earlier life which had a picture of Jyoti Basu and his wife Kamal when they were married in 1948.

I then remembered that I had once interviewed her many years ago. This had happened when Kamal Basu had visited our colony, located in a well known "railway town" of West Bengal that is  also reputed for its engineering institute. We lived there for some years and I had started a house journal for the private company that ran the factory and also our rather nice residential colony, complete with club, library, swimming pool, tennis court, et al.

Anyway, Mrs Basu was to spend the weekend at the company guesthouse on the invitation of her cousin who worked in the company. It seemed a nice chance to talk to her and I could include it as an interview in my magazine. We were introduced and she gracefully agreed to being "interviewed". And so began our somewhat unique tete-a-tete.

Mrs Basu seemed well informed about world affairs, but naturally, and was surprisingly candid in her answers. The difficulty began when she insisted that whatever she shared with me was personal and confidential, and hence would I please not include it as part of the interview. It was a peculiar yet endearing request and I still remember some of the amusing anecdotes she narrated regarding her husband, then chief minister of West Bengal, and herself. She was often nostalgic and spoke of the difficult times they went through when he was imprisoned. When he was home after a very long stressful period, how she guarded the telephone like a "tiger" while he slept so that he would not get disturbed if it rang. She described with vivid imagination her visits to countries like China and the USSR when she had accompanied her husband. She was tremendously impressed by their highly advanced technology, and remember this was many years ago.

We continued talking, for that's what it was, not the least like a typical interview with questions and answers. And she, too, was curious to know me better and asked about my family and other details.
And yet, most strangely, she did not want to end the session. So we met for two consecutive days in the evenings. It would last till night fell, when I would have to return home from the company guesthouse she was staying in. Mrs Basu was extremely cordial and insisted on accompanying me home, walking the short distance to my residence. She would whisper with a smile, "I will never be able to do this in Calcutta, but here it's very safe."

The two bodyguards wanting to trail behind her would discreetly be dismissed with a wave of her hand and a "Go back. I'll be all right." They would nonetheless remain well within earshot.

Today, I look back fondly on that weekend spent in the company of the spouse of none other that the larger-than-life Jyoti Basu. Despite being a journalist, I somehow never got to meet him. For me, Kamal Basu will always remain, in every aspect, his "better half".

 

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THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

A TWITTER JOKE WAS ALL IT TOOK

ARRESTED, BAILED AND SUSPENDED BY HIS EMPLOYER... MARK HUGHES AND JASON WALSH REPORT ON THE DOWNSIDE OF ANGST

WHEN heavy snowfall threatened to scupper Paul Chambers's travel plans, he decided to vent his frustrations on Twitter by tapping out a comment to amuse his friends. "Robin Hood airport is closed," he wrote. "You've got a week and a bit to get your shit together, otherwise I'm blowing the airport sky high!!"

Unfortunately for him, the police did not see the funny side. A week after posting the message on the social networking site he was arrested under the Terrorism Act and questioned for almost seven hours by detectives who interpreted his post as a security threat. After he was released on bail, he was suspended from work pending an internal investigation, and has, he says, been banned from the Doncaster airport for life.

"I would never have thought, in a thousand years, that any of this would have happened because of a Twitter post," said the 26-year-old Chambers. "I'm the most mild-mannered guy you could imagine."
   While it has happened in the USA, Chambers is thought to be the first person in the UK to be arrested for comments posted on Twitter. His ordeal began on 6 January when, after hearing that extreme weather had forced the closure of Robin Hood airport, he posted the ill-advised message – frustrated because he was to fly to Ireland from that airport on 15 January.

   On 13 January, after apparently receiving a tip-off from a member of the public, police arrived at Chambers's office. "My first thought upon hearing it was the police was that perhaps a member of my family had been in an accident," he said. "Then they said I was being arrested under the Terrorism Act and produced a piece of paper. It was a printout of my Twitter page. That was when it dawned on me.""

 Chambers said the police seemed unable to comprehend the intended humour in his online comment. "I had to explain Twitter to them in its entirety because they'd never heard of it," he said. "Then they asked all about my home life, and how work was going, and other personal things. The lead investigator kept asking, 'Do you understand why this is happening?' and adding, 'It is the world we live in.'"

 After the interview, Chambers was returned to a cell for an hour then released. But, he said, not before the police deleted the post from his Twitter page. He has been bailed until 11 February, when he will be told whether or not he will be charged with conspiring to create a bomb hoax. In the interim, detectives have confiscated his iPhone, laptop and home computer.

Tessa Mayes, a civil libertarian and an expert on privacy law and free speech issues, said, "Making jokes about terrorism is considered a thought crime, mistakenly seen as a real act of harm or intention to commit harm. The police's actions seem laughable and suggest desperation in their efforts to combat terrorism, yet they have serious repercussions for all of us. In a democracy, our right to say what we please to each other should be non-negotiable, even on Twitter."

 A spokesman for the South Yorkshire Police confirmed the arrest and said, "A male was arrested on 13 January for comments made on a social networking site. He has been bailed pending further investigations." Nobody from Robin Hood airport could be contacted.

 

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THE TELEGRAPH

STATE FUNERAL

 

Perhaps because comrades believe in the historical inevitability of the coming of communism, they can always be relied upon to be predictable. The first responses to the death of the patriarch, Jyoti Basu, include proposals to memorialize him. Fortunately, comrades here, unlike their counterparts in erstwhile Soviet Russia and China, do not believe in embalming leaders, so Basu has escaped that fate. But communists in Calcutta have mastered the art of renaming roads and erecting ugly statues that only attract pigeons. The search is already on to find a suitable stretch of tarmac to name after Basu. This is, of course, a much easier thing to do than to make a realistic reckoning of Basu's lamentable legacy to the people of West Bengal. Unfortunately, there is no road in and around Calcutta that leads nowhere: that would have been the most appropriate road to name after Basu. He took West Bengal nowhere. There is another proposal on the table, and this needs to be resisted. This is the idea to convert Indira Bhavan, where Basu lived for many years, into a museum in honour of him. Indira Bhavan is a government building, which was not built to house a museum. It should go back to being used for what it was originally constructed. A museum to honour Basu may be needed by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) to create an aura around Basu, but that need cannot be met from the taxpayers' money.

 

The attempt to make a myth out of Basu is manifest in the pomp and pageantry surrounding his funeral. Even Basu's critics admit that he dedicated his life to communism, which he saw as an ideology to make the world a better place for the poor. Basu believed in changing society, and for the better part of his life he criticized and fought the Indian State. Yet, on his last journey, the Indian national flag was more visible than his beloved red flag; the State ritual of gun salute was more prominent than his comrades' red salute. In the process of making a myth out of Basu, his career as a chief minister prevailed over his life as a communist. Between his commitment and his career fell the shadow of his party's desire to fix for Basu a place in history. Nothing in Basu's life was more incongruous than his last journey with the Indian army as the escort. What could be more ironic than a communist party wanting its leader to be celebrated in his death by the pomp and circumstance of the Indian State?

 

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THE TELEGRAPH

EDITORIAL

BLINDING ATTACK

 

The string of suicide-bombings in Kabul may have been one of the most audacious so far planned by the Taliban, but its message was no different from that of the previous attacks. By simultaneously targeting places frequented by the public — shopping centre, bank, cinema, hotel — the bombings sought to rip the veneer of security and normalcy and expose the failings of a government which is already suffering from a credibility crunch. It is not without reason that the first thing the president, Hamid Karzai, thought necessary to announce after the attack had been neutralized is that Kabul was "under control". The coordinated mayhem was intended to create a sense of total chaos, and the president's desperation to counter it shows that the Taliban have largely succeeded in their primary aim. Notwithstanding the heightened security, Kabul, like all seats of government, remains vulnerable to terror attacks that are also smear campaigns of a sort. Since the Karzai government has been contemplating a re-integration plan for the Taliban which is supposed to go under the spotlight in the London conference on Afghanistan next week, it was important for the Taliban to indicate to the world that they remain an integrated force that cannot be splintered by the lure of money, employment or education. In other words, they remain as invincible as before.

 

The suicide attack has undoubtedly humiliated the Karzai government. But a ray of hope in this insurmountable tragedy lies in the fact that the Afghan army, which led the counter-terror operation, found its feet on the ground for the first time. The feat has not gone unnoticed by the allied forces, which have been pinning their hopes of an early withdrawal on the Afghan army's coming of age. This, together with the recent developments in the Afghanistan parliament, creates a picture very different from what the Taliban are hell-bent on painting. Twice in a row, Afghan legislators have forced their president to revise his list of candidates to be included in the cabinet in keeping with his promise of a corruption-free government. The Karzai government is yet to come up with a roadmap on ridding the administration of corruption. But neither this failure nor the frequency of terror attacks should blind the world to Afghanistan's signs of recovery, if not good health.

 

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THE TELEGRAPH

EDITORIAL

CHANGE FOR THE BETTER

THE IMMINENT PASSPORT REFORMS CAN ALTER THE WAY INDIANS LOOK AT THE GOVERNMENT

K.P. NAYAR

 

Indian diplomacy is turning domestic. The sweeping passport reforms to be introduced in phases by the external affairs minister, S.M. Krishna, from February 1, have the potential of completely transforming the way Indians look at their government.

The changes, through which Krishna hopes to replicate what he did to Bangalore as Karnataka's reformist chief minister, will touch the lives of eight million Indians: for most of them, easy access to a passport is a means to improve their lives by going abroad on jobs, which will earn them more money. In many cases, such as information technology workers, nurses and teachers taking up jobs in the United States of America or Europe, a passport offers passage to a better standard of life as well.

 

Eight million applications is the figure representing demand for passport services that the ministry of external affairs will have to cope with in the current year. The ministry simply does not have either the infrastructure or the manpower to cope with demands from the public on this scale. A fall-out of India's growing globalization and increasing prosperity — albeit among sections of the people — is the soaring demand for passport services. Compared to 1959, when the Central Passport Organisation was created as a small subordinate office of the MEA, its volume of work increased phenomenally by 132 times by 2007. This increase has been more rapid in recent years: since the start of this millennium, applications for passport services have seen a whopping jump of 89 per cent. Since 2005, it has seen a further rise of 32 per cent.

 

When Krishna started looking at his ministry's performance in meeting public expectations on services six months ago, one question he asked was why the increase in staffing at passport offices had not even remotely kept pace with this increase in demand for services from the public. A woeful staff shortage has led to cumulative delays in the delivery of passports at every issuing office, at every stage of public dealings — from the acceptance of applications to the making of travel documents.

 

He did not need an answer. Having run a large state government as chief minister, managed ministries and a state legislature in various capacities during the last several decades, Krishna knew how difficult it would be to obtain sanction for new government posts. But having presided over the impressive growth of Bangalore as India's Silicon Valley — as the outside world sees it — Krishna also knew how to overcome this handicap.

 

In the mould of the multinationals which have transformed Bangalore, Krishna's thinking was that adding to the already large bureaucracy in passport offices was not the solution, although passport officers and their subordinates would have liked nothing better than to actually expand their existing empires.

 

The changes that the external affairs minister plans to put into effect from February 1, starting on a trial basis in Bangalore and in Chandigarh, have already been described in the news pages of this newspaper. To recap very briefly, the new system hopes to deliver passports to applicants within three days of receipt of police verification reports. 'Tatkal' or expedited requests for travel documents — for which applicants shell out more money — will be delivered the same day. Passport offices will be digitally linked to nodal points in the police system in every district in the country to speed up the process of police verification.

 

Krishna's real success in reforming government in this context, though, has been beyond his own ministry. It is truly remarkable that during a phase in Indian statecraft when a life-long and consummate intelligence man like the national security adviser, M.K. Narayanan, had to give in to the security apparatus of the State and exit office, the external affairs minister was able to get the better of the system.

 

As a result of Krishna's reforms, a key change will be that the existing passport offices will become passport back-offices: each of them will print the passports they need to deliver to applicants in their jurisdiction and dispatch them. At present, printing and transportation of passports are a huge bureaucratic operation because they are made at the India Security Press in Nashik and moved under tight security, which inevitably causes big delays.

 

Occasionally, passport offices across the country and Indian missions abroad run out of passport booklets because this process takes a toll on efficiency and turns its back on systems of the 21st century which developed countries practise in similar services for their people.

 

Krishna has decided to overcome the perennial staff shortage at every passport office by outsourcing activities that do not compromise security. This was decided after a study he ordered established that the bulk of the working hours of the existing staff at passport offices was being taken up in routine physical work that can be outsourced without affecting security.

 

The external affairs minister also realized that this was the only way he could open 28 new 'passport seva kendras' all over the country with the existing manpower. As a result of these changes, every passport office will now become a 'passport seva kendra'.

 

This may well turn out to be a clever politician's smart public relations exercise, but at New Delhi's Patiala House, the seat of the chief passport officer, officials acknowledge that regional passport offices could do well with some good public relations such as claiming to be seva kendras, literally in the service of the people, overcoming their present reputation as offices of extortion, teeming with agents, touts and fixers.

 

The seva kendras will now be responsible for chores like data entry, scanning of documents, collection of fees, digitally capturing signatures and photographs, leaving the limited number of officials to handle the actual issuing of passports, dealing with local problems and effectively implementing passport norms and policies.

 

When Krishna first proposed these changes, there were howls of protest from the same security establishment that has now proved to be Narayanan's undoing. The bureaucracy — least of all the national security bureaucracy — will never willingly give up any of its awesome powers, and Krishna was told in North Block's typical fear-mongering style from across his office in South Block that loosening the vice-like security grip over the passport system will be exploited by terrorists.

 

But Krishna had done his homework. At one inter-departmental meeting, he cited instance after instance where the existing checks in the passport system had failed to meet the requirements of counter-terrorism and national security. One such case was two years ago, when 500 blank passport booklets meant for the Indian consulate in Dubai went missing on their way from the Security Press in Nashik.

 

At first, it was feared that agents of the mafia don, Dawood Ibrahim, had managed to get hold of these booklets. But eventually, the booklets were said to have been found on a railway track on their way from Nashik to Mumbai for onward dispatch to Dubai. Krishna argued that his plans to print passports using modern technology at the premises of every issuing office would be far more secure, efficient and speedy than the existing practice.

 

Ever since P.V. Narasimha Rao set in motion the process of reforming the State, various ministries have tried to demystify the process of governance and make it more people-friendly and efficient. Partly because these efforts were ham-handed, partly because of resistance from the bureaucracy, which stands to lose from such changes, much of the government has failed in such missions. On a limited scale, the chief minister, Chandrababu Naidu, was able to change Andhra Pradesh with his e-governance, which won praise, among others, from Bill Clinton when he visited Hyderabad as US president.

 

Krishna believes what he started in Bangalore was not followed up, and that a second wave of follow-up changes that he had in store for the Karnataka capital were not implemented by successive governments in his home state. With his passport reforms, Krishna is hoping to prove once again that reforming government and creating efficiency are possible within the existing parameters of statecraft. If he succeeds, long-suffering passport applicants in this country will come to believe that a government can deliver, after all.

 

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THE TELEGRAPH

EDITORIAL

LIKE A TROOPER

STEPHEN HUGH-JONES

 

Few Britons these days doubt that Tony Blair and his hired bagman Alastair Campbell lied like troopers to drag Britain into Bush's war against Iraq. An official committee of enquiry is now asking just what went on. Its report will no doubt be a fudge; that's what governments set up enquiries to produce. I'd prefer facts. Yet watching Campbell last week defy the committee's pussyfooting questions, I had to admire the brass neck with which he did it.

 

He and Blair stand accused of sexing up fuzzy intelligence reports about Saddam Hussein's mythical weapons of mass destruction into the hard-edged claptrap that was fed to the British parliament and people. Sexing up? No way, said Campbell flatly, and I even managed a moment's sympathy as he rejected not just that charge but the very phrase itself.

 

Why do we employ so many metaphors and similes? I've peppered the paragraphs above with them, though, with some difficulty, I kept my fingers off poodle. Look hard at the ones I did use, and just how much do they convey.

 

Take the metaphors. Campbell, after all, was not hired to carry bags into 10 Downing Street, but half-truths — I'm being generous — to the media out of it. Pussyfoot, in contrast, is nicely precise: the committee did indeed slide delicately round awkward points like a cat round a chair-leg. But what has one's neck, brass or not, to do with impudence? Can intelligence reports truly grow fuzz? How does one add sex to them? Can claptrap, a theatre term originally, really have hard edges? And then be fed to people?

 

Next the simile. Why say a man lies like a trooper? Or, in another formula, swears like one? Are or were such soldiers especially prone to falsehood or bad language? I don't know. So what do I add by dragging them in? English abounds with such phrases. I readily admit to being bald as a coot — a waterbird whose head is indeed short of some plumage, though far less so than mine. Readily, maybe, but informatively? No.

 

And more

 

One can be blind as a bat, dead as a doornail (or the dodo), deaf as a post (or doorpost), dumb as an ox, fat as butter, thin as a rake, fit as a fiddle, smart as paint, strong as a horse, weak as water, bold as brass (hence perhaps Mr Campbell's neck), brave as a lion (they aren't very), bright as a button, clean as a whistle, cool as a cucumber, drunk as a lord, sober as a judge, dull as ditchwater, good as gold, mad as a hatter, merry as a cricket, poor as a church mouse, rich as Croesus, pretty as a picture, quick as a flash, right as rain, dry as dust (or a bone), free as the wind, brown as a berry (few British berries are), green as grass, black as night (or pitch — the old word for tar — or sin or the ace of spades), white as a sheet with fright, or as the driven snow in one's innocence. And a pair can be like as two pins.

 

And more. But what's gained by using such comparisons? When the late Princess Diana charmingly once admitted that she wasn't very clever, did she add any more than charm by calling herself, in a newer phrase, thick as two planks?

 

Some of these similes are out-of-date: church mice, Croesus and crickets — an insect commoner in Italy than Britain — are not much met these days. Of the rest, one or two are truly apt: pins really are more alike than most things. Some are odd, many obvious, a few inexplicable. Most, by now, are clichés.

So why do I enjoy and use them, albeit seldom in writing? You may think the reason is plain as a pikestaff and clear as crystal: I'm lazy. Clear as mud, I'd say, a modern irony rare among such phrases, and I won't say more: a full explanation would be long as a piece of string — any length that I chose, that is. Or that The Telegraph would allow me.

 

THEWORDCAGE@YAHOO.CO.UK

 

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******************************************************************************************DECCAN HERALD

EDITORIAL

REDEEMING ACT

'STUDENTS' INTERESTS SHOULDN'T BE AFFECTED.'

 

The Central government's decision to derecognise 44 deemed universities is an acceptance of the fact that conferment of this status on these institutions was a subversion of the aims of higher education in the country. The list of 44 contains six from Karnataka and 16 from Tamil Nadu. The wholesale creation of deemed universities by the UPA-I government when Arjun Singh was heading the HRD ministry was scandalous and had invited criticism from educationists, parents of students, media and others. The norms and guidelines were rarely followed and 126 institutions managed to acquire the status. With more than one-third of them now found to be unfit for the status it is clear that the whole process was marked by irregularities. The revocation decision is on the basis of a review of the working of these institutions and the facilities offered by them to students. HRD Minister Kapil Sibal now says the Centre is ready to abolish the concept of deemed university itself.

What has come to light is shocking. These institutions considered the deemed tag as only a licence to turn themselves into commercial educational shops, profiteering by the sale of education. The student intake and fees were increased astronomically without providing the necessary facilities for the students. Physical infrastructure was inadequate and teaching facilities poor. There was no professionalism in the management of the institutions with individuals, families or a closed circle of persons with no background or expertise in education controlling the affairs. Courses with fanciful names, which did not help students, were offered and there was no attempt to promote excellence and research which was an important aim of the plan to create these universities.

The decision has created a sense of uncertainty and worry for lakhs of students and their parents. The government has instructed that the institutions should revert to their earlier status of university affiliation so that the students can continue their studies and get their degrees. It must be ensured that the interests of students and their future are not adversely affected. It is a shame that a country that wants to improve the standards of higher education and become a knowledge superpower has found itself in such a mess. The present decision should mark the beginning of the cleansing of the system, and those responsible for the irregularities should be brought to book.

 

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DECCAN HERALD

EDITORIAL

AUCTION DRAMA

'THE MUMBAI AUCTION HAD MOMENTS OF FIREWORKS.'

 

The total lack of interest in Pakistani players at Tuesday's auction for the third edition of the Indian Premier League was on expected lines, given the fluidity surrounding political ties between the two countries. Pakistan's Twenty20 skipper Shahid Afridi, the flamboyant all-rounder, and left-arm medium-pacer Sohail Tanvir, the top wicket-taker in the inaugural edition of the 20-over bash, were among star attractions from across the border, but with franchises not convinced that Pakistani players would be available for IPL III, it came as no real surprise that not one of the 11 in the auction fray was picked up. IPL is entertainment combined with business and business knows no prejudice, but the eight franchise owners would have been acutely aware of the existing political climate in India's neighbourhood.

Certainly, the auction in Mumbai wasn't without its fair share of fireworks. With $7,50,000 each at their disposal and needing to fill no more than two slots, at best, the teams had clearly identified the personnel they coveted. Kieron Pollard and Shane Bond were the hottest draws, both attracting multiple bids at the maximum amount available and necessitating the 'silent tie-breaker', a new introduction, to break the deadlock. Pollard, the Trinidad & Tobago all-rounder who took the Champions League by storm with his blistering batting that took his team to the title round, was snapped up by the Mumbai Indians. Bond, back in the official fold after severing his ties with the 'rebel' Indian Cricket League and recently retired from Test cricket, went to the Kolkata Knight Riders, short on fast bowling resources without Umar Gul and the unpredictable Shoaib Akhtar.

Big spending was extremely selective, only South African left-arm quick Wayne Parnell and West Indian tearaway Kemar Roach of the rest attracting numbers way above modest base prices. Bangalore's Royal Challengers went for diminutive England batsman Eoin Morgan, a busy left-hander who can quickly switch gears, in a clear bid to provide more meat to their middle-order. Interestingly, wicket-keeper Brad Haddin and left-arm quick Doug Bollinger found no takers, perhaps because teams already had enough personnel plying the same trade as the Aussie duo, but also because fresh auctions will be held for IPL IV when the original three-year contracts of a majority of the players come to an end.

 

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DECCAN HERALD

THE DRAGON'S NEW CLAW

THE TREND IN CHINESE MILITARY STRATEGY IS WORRISOME. IN THE LAST FEW YEARS, IT HAS FOCUSED ON THE AREA DENIAL STRATEGY.

BY RAJESWARI RAJAGOPALAN

The US office of naval intelligence report of August 2009, titled 'The People's Liberation Army Navy: A Modern Navy with Chinese Characteristics,' reveals that China is close to developing the world's first anti-ship ballistic missile (ASBM) system. If China succeeds, it could alter the military equation in the Asia-Pacific region.

Development of ASBM systems is particularly significant given that it will have the capability to defeat US carrier strike groups operating in the region, making it a 'no-go-zone' for the US and other advanced navies. 

The anti-ship missile systems are believed to be using the modified DF-21 missile that has better accuracy and can carry nuclear warheads big enough to inflict damage on large naval vessels. The missiles, reportedly with a range of 2,000 km, covering the second chain of islands, are aided by a network of satellites, radar and unmanned aerial vehicles that can locate US ships and then guide the weapon, enabling it to hit moving targets.

The employment of a complex guidance system, low radar signature and maneuverability makes its flight path unpredictable, thereby making the tracking systems ineffective.

While there may be scepticism among analysts as to whether China has advanced to such a high level of sophistication, Dai Xu, a Chinese military expert, who spoke to 'Global Times' (China) said, "China is indeed developing anti-ship ballistic missiles. It is not a secret. During the 60th anniversary National Day military parade, China exhibited such missiles."

He however added that these systems need not necessarily have a 'killer' effect, capable of defeating the US fleet, as has been made out in several reports. While one may agree with such an argument, what has been worrying is Beijing's increasingly aggressive behaviour in the seas even against the US and Japanese naval vessels and thereby the potential of these missile systems to create difficult situations in the future. 

One of the latest instances of such aggressive behaviour is that of the March 2009 incident in which US Navy reported that five Chinese ships harassed the US submarine surveillance vessel 'USNS Impeccable' in the south China area.

Pentagon reports suggests that there were at least half a dozen such incidents in the very same week, where US surveillance vessels were "subjected to aggressive behaviour, including dozens of fly-bys by Chinese Y-12 maritime surveillance aircraft."

Chinese assertiveness, based on China's claim to the entire South China Sea as its territory and creating conflictual situations with several countries, including the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan, could lead to increasing tensions and possible accidents in the seas.

Need for agreement

Although there is scope for these discussions in the 1998 US-Chinese military maritime safety agreement, the two sides have not been able to address these incidents in a useful manner. The US has been seeking an incidents at sea agreement, similar to the 1972 US-Russian Incidents at Sea Agreement.

The trend in Chinese military strategy is worrisome. One of the key areas that China has focused on in the last few years relates to the area denial strategy. Such a strategy, restraining the ability of another country to use a particular space or facility, will allow China to create a buffer zone around its land and maritime periphery which in turn will increase the difficulty for other states to operate close to Chinese mainland.

Chinese sea denial capability is essentially enforced through its growing submarine force. China has a force of 62 submarines, including 12 new and advanced Kilo-class Russian submarines, in addition to different classes of domestically-developed diesel submarines and several nuclear-powered attack boats.

It also has a significant number of surface combatants, including air-defence guided missile destroyers such as Luyang-II and Luzhou class vessels, several powerful multi-role vessels (Sovremenny class destroyers) like Hangzhou, and a large number of different anti-ship missiles that can be launched from submarines, surface ships and airplanes and even shore-based launchers, such as the SS-N-22 Sunburn and SS-N-27 Sizzler systems procured from Russia.

The US Navy does not yet have an effective way of defending their aircraft carriers against these missiles. In a potential conflict on the Taiwan Straits, the PLAN could possibly destroy some ships of the US carrier battlegroups, including US aircraft carriers.

Development of these weapon systems has upped the ante in the region and beyond. First, development of such capabilities by China could potentially lead to arms race in Asia, with countries wanting to develop systems that can counter Beijing's ASBM capabilities.

The US Navy is already looking at responses, in terms of building deep water ballistic defence destroyers. It is moving away from a strategy of building a fleet that would operate in shallow waters near coastlines to developing capabilities for deep sea anti-ballistic defences.

Similarly, Chinese assertiveness in the Indian Ocean region, its increasing presence in all the littoral states, could create tensions with India. Additionally, the Chinese approach to finding techno-military solutions to these problems can lead to a destabilising situation emerging in Asia.

(The writer is a senior research fellow at Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi)

 

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DECCAN HERALD

EDITORIAL

SOME THOUGHTS UNDER BIG TOP

HE SHOULD THANK THE ALMIGHTY FOR KEEPING THE TUSKER A VEGETARIAN.

BY H N ANANDA

Reading between lines gives us a lot of insights, hidden meanings and a totally different perspective of the printed word. What if one starts reading between events or activities? That's precisely what I did the other day when I sat through a circus. While the grandson in tow was busy watching the proceedings under the big top, I was preoccupied with the 'reading between' process. What else one can do at the age of 63? More fascinating for me were not the events on the ring but the meticulous way they were unfolding. Not a minute was wasted and even as one act was on, the next one was being lined up.

While the appreciative crowd clapped and whistled as the stunt (wo)men showed their skills I was watching how the staff was getting ready for the show to unfold next. The flow was like an assembly line production although those involved were humans and not machines. But the artistes were going through the motions like machines.

No artiste had to wait even for a second extra and all his needs were being lined up and even as he finished the event the peripherals used were going back with punctilious efficiency. Even if the tusker emptied its huge bowels on the ring while in action, the staff would appear from nowhere with bucket and broom and clear off the warm dung. Everything was anticipated and taken care of.

While the spectators from far and near cheered the acrobats, jugglers, unicyclists and other performers I was trying to fathom the ordeals they must have gone through to achieve perfection in what they were doing. One small slip could cripple them for life but they exhibited no such tension on the stage and wore a smile throughout.

The big tent echoed to an elephantine roar when the tuskers ambled their way into the ring and performed their assigned tasks flawlessly but I was busy trying to gauge the efforts the mahout must have put in to make them behave as ordained. Who deserves more compliments — the tusker or the trainer?

Spare a thought for the owner, too. Just imagine how big his kitchen would be to feed all his men and women who comprise his troupe. Come what may, collection or no, the kitchen fire has to be lit to keep the circus army trim and in good spirits. Hungry stomachs have to be fed and the boss cannot offer any excuse to the performing staff. The food bill may be lighter now as the beasts are not part of the circus ensemble anymore and the owner can thank Menaka Gandhi for this gesture. And he should thank the almighty for keeping the tusker a vegetarian!

 

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DECCAN HERALD

EDITORIAL

POLICY FOR URBAN AREAS NEEDS TO BE INCLUSIVE

FUNDS EARMARKED FOR OTHER CITIES AND TOWNS SHOULD BE FULLY SPENT, OR ELSE, BANGALORE WILL CORNER IT ALL.

BY KATHYAYINI CHAMARAJ

 

The sights that characterise cities today are the hordes arriving at our train stations with vessels and other belongings tied in cement bags and the ever-growing plastic tent shelters by the road-side. At the same time happen the merciless shunting of slum and pavement dwellers hither and thither and the mindless chasing of pavement vendors off the streets.

The sounds we hear in cities are the cacophony of shrieking vehicles wanting to monopolise road-space, the destructive rumble of JCBs demolishing homes and shops for mega projects and the angry whirr of mechanical saws as they ruthlessly axe stately and serene shade-giving avenue trees.

Driving all this, behind the scenes, are the sly lobbying by powerful vested interests, the covert shenanigans of the land mafias and the wheeling and dealing of politicians, bureaucrats and contractors over cut-backs on ever-costlier mega-infrastructure projects. Though the draft Urban Development Policy unveiled for Karnataka has several positive points, none of this 'hustle and bustle' marking city life today is reflected in it. A deceptively sober and soporific shroud seems to have been drawn over all these frenzied and cut-throat contestations over urban land, assets and resources by it.

Why this divide?

This was a good opportunity to re-think, in depth, what "functions, funds and functionaries" need to be devolved to make cities truly fulfil the goal of "planning for economic development and social justice" set out for them in the 74th Constitutional Amendment (CA).  If rural panchayats can be asked to ensure food security, employment guarantee, primary health and primary education, why can't cities do the same?

The draft estimates that a total of Rs 90,000 crore is required for the whole state to provide water, sewerage, solid waste management, etc, to all urban households, out of which Rs 27,825 crore is required for Bangalore alone. But unless expenditure on these basic needs is made a mandatory first charge on cities' resources, amounts of almost Rs 40,000 crore will continue to get earmarked for Bangalore alone — for its Metro and its ever-widening concentric circles of ring-roads, and for pampering its private vehicle lobby with signal-free roads, expressways, and flyovers.

The policy needs to not only make earmarking of budgets for basic needs mandatory, but spending these has to be also binding on officials, with their salaries linked to performance on this front, in the form of Service Level Agreements (SLA) as proposed by the PM recently. Otherwise, instances, such as that of BBMP earmarking more than Rs 500 crore in 2009-10 for the development of SC/STs and spending a mere Rs 50 crore of it to date, will abound.

Sophistication

Though the draft speaks of directly elected ward committees, which would widen participatory democracy, the urban development minister has expressed reservations over his own draft by stating that "voters (in urban areas) are not sophisticated enough" to participate in such elections. If voters in rural areas have been considered smart enough to elect their own grama panchayat members since several decades, why can't the more educated urban voters be considered capable of the same? The policy also says nothing  about urban 'ward sabhas', though the rural population have the privilege of participating in grama sabhas, which are the fundamental institutions for bringing in transparency, accountability and participatory democracy.

The draft policy also speaks of the need to amend the Land Acquisition Act to "simplify the procedures for acquisition/purchase of land", possibly for powerful land purchasers. The  same concern is not evident for the proper resettlement and rehabilitation of the non-land-owning and powerless poor, such as slum-dwellers, small traders, vendors and wage-workers, being displaced with total abandon by projects like the Metro and road-widening schemes. It is tragic that neither the National Resettlement & Rehabilitation Policy of 2007 nor the Karnataka Rehabilitation Act of 1987 have ever been invoked for any urban project so far, as they are applicable only when the government thinks it fit to apply them to a particular project through a gazette notification.

The policy needs to proactively tilt the contestations in favour of the weak and powerless, if cities are to stem the growing disparities within them and become inclusive and equitable.

(The writer is executive trustee, CIVIC Bangalore)

 

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THE JERUSALEM POST

EDITORIAL

FOR A STRONGER YEAR TWO

 

A year ago today, Israelis watched US President Barack Obama deliver his inaugural address on the West Front of the US Capitol Building in Washington, DC., as Operation Cast Lead in the Gaza Strip was - not coincidentally - concluding.

 

Regardless of their political views, they looked to the new leader of the free world with a healthy mix of dread and hope, knowing that some of what he would say and do could have as much impact on Israel and other Middle Eastern nations as on America.

 

Obama did not mention Israel in his address, but he did devote a good portion of the speech to matters that concern us. Notably, he offered an outstretched hand to the Muslim world, accompanied by a warning.

 

The stick was delivered eloquently: "For those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that, 'Our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken. You cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.'"

 

He promised that "With old friends and former foes, we'll work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat."

 

For the carrot, he said: "To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect."

 

And he summarized his doctrine of engagement by saying: "To all other peoples and governments
who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and we are ready to lead once more."

 

ONE YEAR later, the great expectations that Obama set for himself in this sphere, and that others placed in him, lie largely unfulfilled.

 

America has not defeated terror in Iraq, Afghanistan, or even in its own airspace. While the Christmas Day bomber aboard a flight to Detroit was unsuccessful, the ease with which the attacker evaded security precautions certainly weakened America's spirit, and the consequences for national morale had he succeeded do not bear imagining. The US would have been pitched back into the dark days following September 11, 2001, when the terrorist murders of thousands of innocents served as a wake-up call the last time America had a new president.

 

Obama's diplomatic approach to preventing Iran's nuclearization has borne no fruit; his delays in applying sufficiently biting sanctions risk giving the Iranian leadership the impression that it won't be held accountable. Meanwhile, the Iranian people, who may have been inspired by Obama's election, were denied his robust support when they risked their lives - and in some cases lost their lives - to protest the theft of a free election of their own.

 

Obama admirably sought a new way forward in his relations with the Muslim world, which he elucidated in his June 4 speech in Cairo. The response to date has been a cold shoulder, including the rejection of the positive gestures he sought from Arab leaders to give Israelis hope of reciprocity in the peace process.

 

Notwithstanding his outreach, an International Peace Institute poll of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza taken after the Cairo speech found that only 27 percent viewed Obama positively; just 16% had a favorable view of the US.

 

Meanwhile, Obama's call for a halt to all Israeli building beyond the 1967 lines - a demand no Israeli prime

minister could meet in full - needlessly radicalized the Palestinian leadership, for how could Mahmoud Abbas consent to resumed talks with Israel when Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu was not even doing what his American allies required him to do? That pressure to halt building even in east Jerusalem and the major settlement blocs also reduced the president's credibility among Israelis.

 

UNDER THE headline "Time to get tough," The Economist's current cover portrays Obama sitting at his desk with the Nobel Peace Prize on the wall as boxing gloves are handed to him through the window. The magazine expresses hope that, after his goodwill tour of the world produced nothing but "a series of slaps in the face," the president would now be able to apply the stick to Iran, rather than persist with the carrot.

 

This is our hope as well: A strong Israel requires a strong America that is respected by the world.

 

That was prominent among the expectations Americans and Israelis harbored on that wintry day in Washington a year ago. And that is what they need still more urgently in President Obama's second year.

 

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THE JERUSALEM POST

EDITORIAL

LION'S DEN: WHY I STAND WITH GEERT WILDERS

DANIEL PIPES

 

Who is the most important European alive today? I nominate the Dutch politician Geert Wilders. I do so because he is best placed to deal with the Islamic challenge facing the continent. He has the potential to emerge as a world-historical figure.

 

That Islamic challenge consists of two components: on the one hand, an indigenous population's withering Christian faith, inadequate birthrate and cultural diffidence, and on the other an influx of devout, prolific and culturally assertive Muslim immigrants. This fast-moving situation raises profound questions about Europe: Will it retain its historic civilization or become a majority-Muslim continent living under Islamic law (Shari'a)?

 

Wilders, 46, founder and head of the Party for Freedom (PVV), is the unrivaled leader of those Europeans who wish to retain their historic identity. That's because he and the PVV differ from most of Europe's other nationalist, anti-immigrant parties.

 

The PVV is libertarian and mainstream conservative, without roots in neo-Fascism, nativism, conspiricism, anti-Semitism or other forms of extremism. (Wilders publicly emulates Ronald Reagan.) Indicative of this moderation is Wilders's long-standing affection for Israel that includes two years' residence in the Jewish state, dozens of visits and his advocating the transfer of the Dutch embassy to Jerusalem.

 

In addition, Wilders is a charismatic, savvy, principled and outspoken leader who has rapidly become the most dynamic political force in the Netherlands. While he opines on the full range of topics, Islam and Muslims constitute his signature issue. Overcoming the tendency of Dutch politicians to play it safe, he calls Muhammad a devil and demands that Muslims "tear out half of the Koran if they wish to stay in the Netherlands." More broadly, he sees Islam itself as the problem, not just a virulent version of it called Islamism.

 

Finally, the PVV benefits from the fact that, uniquely in Europe, the Dutch are receptive to a non-nativist rejection of Shari'a. This first became apparent a decade ago, when Pim Fortuyn, a left-leaning, former communist, homosexual professor, began arguing that his values and lifestyle were irrevocably threatened by Shari'a. Fortuyn anticipated Wilders in founding his own political party and calling for a halt to Muslim immigration to the Netherlands. Following Fortuyn's 2002 assassination by a leftist, Wilders effectively inherited his mantle and his constituency.

 

THE PVV has done well electorally, winning 6 percent of the seats in the November 2006 national parliamentary elections and 16 percent of Dutch seats in the June 2009 European Union elections. Polls now generally show the PVV winning a plurality of votes and becoming the country's largest party. Were Wilders to become prime minister, he could take on a leadership role for all Europe.

 

But he faces daunting challenges.

 

The Netherlands' fractured political scene means the PVV must either find willing partners to form a governing coalition (a difficult task, given how leftists and Muslims have demonized Wilders as a "right-wing extremist") or win a majority of the seats in parliament (a distant prospect).

 

Wilders must also overcome his opponents' dirty tactics. Most notably, they have finally, after years of preliminary skirmishes, succeeded in dragging him to court on charges of hate speech and incitement to hatred. The public prosecutor's case against Wilders opens in Amsterdam on January 20; if convicted, Wilders faces a fine of up to $14,000 or as many as 16 months in jail.

 

Remember, he is his country's leading politician. Plus, due to threats against his life, he always travels with bodyguards and incessantly changes safe houses. Who exactly, one wonders, is the victim of incitement?

 

Although I disagree with Wilders about Islam (I respect the religion but fight Islamists with all I have), we stand shoulder-to-shoulder against the lawsuit. I reject the criminalization of political differences, particularly attempts to thwart a grassroots political movement via the courts. Accordingly, the Middle East Forum's Legal Project has worked on Wilders' behalf, raising substantial funds for his defense and helping in other ways. We do so convinced of the paramount importance to talk freely in public during time of war about the nature of the enemy.

 

Ironically, were Wilders fined or jailed, it would probably enhance his chances of becoming prime minister. But principle outweighs political tactics here. He represents all Westerners who cherish their civilization. The outcome of his trial and his freedom to speak has implications for us all.

 

The writer is director of the Middle East Forum and Taube distinguished visiting fellow at the Hoover Institution of Stanford University.

 

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THE JERUSALEM POST

EDITORIAL

TERRA INCOGNITA: A CLASH OF CULTURES OR IDEOLOGIES?

SETH FRANTZMAN

 

In the waning months of 1775 an elderly imam named Sayf ibn Ahmed al-Atiqi lay dying in Sudayr, a region north of Riyadh. Atiqi was a well known imam of the Nejd and he had spent his dying days opposing a new religious movement named Wahhabism. Two years before his death, this movement, led by the tribal sheikh Muhammad Ibn Saud, had conquered Riyadh, a sleepy desert oasis, and turned it into the capital of a new Islamic fundamentalist state.

 

In April 1775, on the other side of the world, American colonists were rousted from their beds in communities west of Boston by the cries of Paul Revere. The lonely rider warned them that the British had set out that very night to destroy their stockpiles of arms. The resulting conflagration was known as the "shot heard round the world" and would result in creation of the United States.

 

Although many have written about American involvement in the Middle East, few have realized that the eruption of Wahhabism and the founding of America were contemporary events. Those who cover US-Saudi relations usually date their beginnings to 1931 when the US recognized the government of King Abdul Aziz Ibn Saud. Further important events occurred when Standard Oil was given a concession in the kingdom in 1933 and when Franklin D. Roosevelt met the king in 1945. However that meeting merely represents one milestone in the history of two states whose ideologies have come to dominate the modern world.

 

Wahhabism is usually thought to have vanished into the desert after it was defeated by Ottoman punitive expeditions in the early 19th century. It didn't reemerge until the Saudi family and its Beduin army fully conquered modern Saudi Arabia in the 1920s.

 

However, author Charles Allen has recently uncovered a sort of secret history which illustrates that Wahhabism influenced Indian Muslim fundamentalists in the early 19th century. Allen illustrates in God's Terrorists: The Wahhabi Cult and Hidden Roots of Modern Jihad that these "Hindustani fanatics" founded camps in Swat in what is now northern Pakistan.

 

These camps posed a perennial problem to British colonial officers and although they were destroyed several times, they continued to survive until the modern day when their ideology formed the basis of the modern Taliban. Allen claims that the arrival of Osama bin Laden and his Arab fighters in the region in the 1980s was merely a coming together of the worldwide Wahhabi movement. By 2009 that movement has spread far and wide, influencing Islamist fighters from the Philippines to Bosnia, Chechnya, Gaza and Somalia.

 

WHAT OF the US in the same period? Like the Wahhabi movement, the US after independence was not a major player on the international scene. It too spent much of the 19th century consolidating its power and waging wars for territory and among its own citizens. World War I resulted in the emergence of the US as a world power and Saudi Arabia as an independent state. Neither country was imperialistic in the European or Ottoman model, pursuing instead a sort of cultural imperialism. The defeat of communism augmented US hegemony, but it had the corollary of increasing the power of Saudi Arabia, whose legions of Wahhabi fighters poured out of Afghanistan, fresh from victory over the Soviets, to spawn terrorist movements throughout the world.

 

September 11 should have served as a wake up call to the US that the Saudi ideology was the next great threat to civilization. It seems that George W. Bush's plan for the Iraq war was designed, at least in part, to undermine Saudi Arabia. Most analysts have misunderstood this side to the war. By attempting to bring democracy to Iraq and by establishing American bases there, the US could wean itself of reliance on Saudi oil and create an "American" cultural center in Iraq that would offset Saudi power.

 

The existence of American bases in the kingdom had been one of the major excuses for Bin Laden's decision to wage war on America. Removing them to Iraq might stem the tide of radicalism. However the failure in Iraq and the election of Barack Obama rolled back that initiative and placed America back in the arms of the Saudis, a position illustrated by the controversy over Obama's bowing to the Saudi king in April 2009.

 

Americanism has been a major influence in many parts of the world. Many anticolonial leaders modeled their movements and their ideas on the American example, from the liberation of Haiti in 1802 to Vietnam's Ho Chi Minh. However it appears that Wahhabism, with its Saudi funding, has come to view America and its allies, rather than China or Europe, as the greatest threat to its continuing expansion. Wahhabism understands that individual states such as Russia or India do not pose it an existential threat. Europe no longer represents a source of ideas but more a source of rhetoric that also does not pose this ideology a threat, especially as it gains quiet inroads in that continent.

 

Islamic jurists such as Sayf ibn Ahmed al-Atiqi have viewed Wahhabism as a revolutionary movement that may, in fact, not be Islamic at all. Wahhabism has spent as much time slaughtering fellow Muslims, who it has termed "pagans," as it has "infidels." America derived its intellectual foundations from Europe's values but recrafted them in a radical new ideology. The war that is being fought in many places, from Somalia to Kashmir, is not so much a war between Islam and the West but a war between two ideologies that derived from the former, namely Wahhabism and Americanism. The current war being fought between the fanatics in Afghanistan and the Americans will show who has the test of wills to win this round.

 

The writer is a PhD researcher at Hebrew University.

 

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THE JERUSALEM POST

EDITORIAL

ENDING DEMONIZATION, THE CANADIAN WAY

GERALD STEINBERG

 

The abuse of human rights and international law as weapons to demonize Israel spread rapidly following the infamous 2001 NGO Forum of the Durban Conference. From the Jenin "massacre" myth to the Goldstone war crimes accusations, these attacks, which are often led by government-funded groups, have mushroomed.

 

Indeed, in a recent Knesset speech, Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu recognized the extent of the threat, comparing it to the Iranian nuclear program.

 

But in sharp contrast to many other countries involved in this process, particularly in Europe, Canada has reversed course. The government in Ottawa has sought to end the flow of taxpayer funds, recently cutting funds for a group known as KAIROS that played a central role in the BDS - boycott, divestment, and sanctions - dimension of demonization.

 

In parallel, the current Canadian leadership also appointed new members to the board of a government organization known as Rights and Democracy. This group receives an annual taxpayer stipend of more than $11 million, ostensibly "to encourage and support the universal values of human rights and the promotion of democratic institutions and practices around the world."

 

However, for many years, on the issue of Israel, this group discarded these principles by supporting the anti-Israel demonization process, including providing funds to radical Palestinian NGOs whose work demonizes and delegitimizes Israel. Two recipients, Al-Haq and Al Mezan, are among the leaders of the BDS and "lawfare" campaigns.

 

In sharp contrast to the pretense of defending human rights, Al Mezan repeats the Palestinian rhetoric of violence, including labeling attacks on Israeli civilians as "resistance." During last year's Operation Cast Lead, Al Mezan also accused Israel of "genocide" and "crimes against humanity." Other allegations included "apartheid," "ethnic cleansing," "massacres," and "slaughtering civilians." The organization employs highly offensive rhetoric, referring to Israeli "incit[ement]" to "holocaust (genocide)."

 

Al-Haq is led by Shawan Jabarin. The Israeli Supreme Court referred to Jabarin as a "Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde," whose alleged senior role in the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine terror group stand in stark contrast to his human rights claims. In Canada, Al-Haq pursued a lawfare case in Quebec against Canadian corporations, claiming that they were "aiding, abetting, assisting and conspiring with Israel" to violate the Geneva Conventions. This NGO also partnered with Al Mezan in seeking to have Defense Minister Ehud Barak investigated for war crimes in the UK, and they are preparing additional "war crimes" cases.

 

WHILE FUNDING for such groups under the facade of "Rights and Democracy" is bad enough, this governmental organization did so in secret, without providing any mention in its publications or activities reports. When the new board members uncovered this information, they were warned against revealing it by Remy Beauregard, the President of the organization. Beauregard and his allies refused to abide by the requirements of transparency and accountability.

 

According to the Toronto Globe and Mail, "the agency's board voted to 'repudiate'" the grants to Al-Haq and Al Mezan, which Beauregard resisted.

 

But when he suddenly died last month, the illicit funding for groups like Al Mezan and Al-Haq got out. (Reflecting the close relationship, Al-Haq head Jabarin's condolence note is featured on the Rights and Democracy website.) Another issue to emerge is Beauregard's November 2008 trip to Cairo, for which he spent $9,431.99 in taxpayer funds (including $6,562.79 for airfare to Cairo - costly even for first class). There he participated in a regional dialogue on "Freedom of Association," along with representatives from the Arab League and the Syrian regime, among others.

 

These revelations have triggered a sharp debate and growing criticism, and in response, Beauregard's allies resorted to bitter personal attacks. Reportedly, "[s]taffers wrote a letter demanding three board members resign, saying they had mistreated Mr. Beauregard." Ed Broadbent, a former Rights and Democracy president from the New Democratic Party, has taken the lead in rejecting calls for transparency and accountability.

 

In contrast, the board members who are not part of the old guard, and the government officials that refuse to bow to threats, have set an important example, which goes beyond the Canadian case.

 

Beyond the revelations to date, the next step would be the appointment of professional and independent auditors

to prepare a full public accounting of all past activities, in order to clear the air and prevent future abuses. Additionally, NGO accountability must not be subject to partisan politics. Government officials and opposition leaders alike should ensure that the rhetoric of morality and human rights is not exploited for immoral political agendas.

 

In the past, Canada had followed Europe in allowing government-supported human rights and humanitarian aid organizations to be exploited for political warfare, including the demonization of Israel. Now, Canada has the opportunity to set an important example for Europe in reversing this process, and ending the damage that has been done. The developments at Rights and Democracy highlight the need for a sweeping review of all NGO funding provided under the banner of human rights.

 

The writer heads NGO Monitor and is a professor of Political Science at Bar Ilan University.

 

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THE JERUSALEM POST

EDITORIAL

THE PEACE PROCESS WILL RESUME, BUT WHY?

YOSSI ALPHER

 

Israeli-Palestinian final status talks will be renewed because the international community -particularly the United States but also the moderate Arab states - wants this to happen. Probably sooner rather than later a formula will be found for sitting the two sides' negotiating teams down with US envoy George Mitchell.

 

Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, currently the reluctant partner, will bow to the American and Arab will once he has extracted maximum preliminary concessions from Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and US President Barack Obama. And Netanyahu obviously concluded some time ago that entering final status negotiations was the best way to avoid isolation: to maintain close Israeli-American strategic coordination regarding Iran as well as a modicum of coordination with Egypt and the moderate Arab bloc while keeping most of the Israeli public behind him.

 

The real question should not be whether the talks will be renewed, but rather, why? Why do the US, Egypt and Saudi Arabia want negotiations to resume when they are doomed to failure and when failure, meaning a new crisis, could significantly worsen the situation? Why insist on negotiations rather than face up to the strategic realities?

 

THE FIRST and most obvious of these is the three-state reality. There is little near-term prospect that Abbas will succeed in bringing Gaza and Hamas back into the fold of a single Palestinian partner for Israel. Hence he can negotiate only on behalf of the West Bank. But Gaza won't go away: Hamas can easily sabotage an Abbas-Netanyahu peace process with a few sustained rocket barrages, while neither Egypt nor Israel appears to have a viable strategy for dealing with it.

 

The second reality is that, when he does negotiate, Abbas is certain to table a set of demands on issues like refugees, Jerusalem and borders that Netanyahu cannot and will not meet. Back in late 2008, then-PM Ehud Olmert's very far-reaching proposals for final status were turned down by Abbas; Netanyahu is hardly likely to match even that abortive peace plan.

 

The third reality is that the Palestinians are currently embarked on their most, indeed only, successful state-building enterprise since the Oslo process began in 1993, and it is largely a unilateral process: building, with international help, security, economic and governance institutions on the West Bank. In the course of the past year, we have seen that negotiations - particularly frustrating and fruitless negotiations - are not necessary to sustain a positive state-building process that in fact dovetails to some extent with Netanyahu's "economic peace" approach. This is especially so, given that the state-building process is spearheaded by PA Prime Minister Salam Fayyad, an independent, while negotiations would be with the PLO, which doesn't represent Fayyad.

 

The fourth reality is that Netanyahu is hardly an enthusiastic candidate for negotiating a two-state solution. Ehud Olmert was eager and generous in his proposals, for all the good it did him.

 

Netanyahu has grudgingly embraced the two-state solution and will offer no concessions on Jerusalem. His governing coalition has numerous strong ties to the settler movement. And he is offering little of substance to persuade Kadima to join him in a more moderate coalition. He seems to be counting on the Palestinians to disappoint everyone; or on the Americans to become so deeply embroiled elsewhere in the region that they'll abandon the process; or on his own limitless aspiration to manipulate everyone all of the time.

Netanyahu is the quintessential politician who lives from day to day: every day celebrated without getting hopelessly entangled in a peace process that damages his welcome in Washington and with his own constituency is a victory; nothing else is important.

 

So if final status talks, once renewed, have little prospect of success, where might the efforts of supporters of the process be invested with a better chance of success? Certainly, backing the state-building efforts of Fayyad is one area of endeavor.

 

Regardless of whether the end-result is a unilateral, bilateral or multilateral process, without a functioning

Palestinian state apparatus there can be no two-state solution.

 

ANOTHER WORTHWHILE direction is to work out a better form of coexistence between Gaza and its neighbors, Egypt and Israel, one that generates enough stability to reduce the likelihood that Hamas will spoil the emergence of a state on the West Bank.

 

Finally, renewal of the peace process between Israel and Syria deserves more and better attention from the US and the moderate Arab states. Unlike in the Palestinian arena, here the parameters of a process are clear, most of the negotiating has already been done and Syrian President Bashar Assad is able to deliver. Obviously, success in the Israeli-Syrian arena is not guaranteed. But if achieved it would reduce Iran's regional influence and weaken Hamas, thereby improving the chances for fruitful Israeli-Palestinian negotiations - when circumstances are more favorable than today.

 

The writer is coeditor of the bitterlemons family of internet publications. He is former director of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University. This article was originally published by www.bitterlemons.org and is reprinted with permission.

 

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THE JERUSALEM POST

EDITORIAL

OCEANS APART, BUT CLOSER THAN YOU'D THINK

MARLENE MOSES

 

Though far apart, Israel and my country are not so different. Nauru is a small, isolated island in the middle of the Pacific Ocean. Israel is an island in its own right, surrounded by a sea of unfriendly neighbors. Nauru lacks a diversity or abundance of natural resources, especially water and energy. Israel also grapples with a scarcity of these critical resources.

 

And both Nauru and Israel face threats to their very existence. Nauru's great challenge comes in the shape of climate change. Scientists warn that within our children's lifetimes, sea levels may rise by more than a meter. This would wipe out low-lying coastal areas, making many Pacific islands a distant memory. Israel is confronted by those who would deny its right to exist and attempt to relegate it to the history books.

 

The threats facing Nauru and Israel both have a human genesis. With Nauru, it comes from people's disregard for the consequences of their actions and the efforts of a few powerful interests to protect their destructive business practices. With Israel, the threat comes from overt aggression. In both cases, though, others are attempting to dictate our fates. Whether overtly or indirectly, others are depriving our communities of the peace and security that are the natural rights of all human beings.

 

When confronted by these powerful forces, it is important to have friends on whom you can rely. Nauru is proud of its record of supporting Israel at the United Nations. We have stood by Israel at times when other countries have not and we will continue to do so. A recent report by the American Jewish Committee,"One Sided: The relentless campaign against Israel in the United Nations," identified 19 resolutions introduced during the 2008 to 2009 session of the UN that targeted Israel. On those resolutions for which Nauru was eligible to vote, it sided with Israel 80 percent of the time and abstained from the rest.

 

I AM sometimes asked why we vote the way we do and if we suffer any negative repercussions. Without question, the pressure to vote against Israel is great, and we do not have the luxury of hiding behind a secret ballot at the UN. I am quite sure that many countries fail to vote their conscience for fear of seeing their vote posted on the public tally. Nauru, with a long tradition of independence and voting our conscience, has no such qualms. In fact, we are often stunned by the cowardice demonstrated by countries far larger and more powerful than our own.

 

Many assume our votes are nothing more than the result of checkbook diplomacy or close ties to the US. That is simply not true. We receive not a single dollar in development aid from the US. Nauru votes with Israel because of its strong conviction that Israel has a right to exist. Together with the US, Israel and Nauru are united by a commitment to democracy and human rights. We recognize Israel's unique status in a region where these principles are not found in abundance.

 

I visited Israel personally in 2008 through Project Interchange, an institute of the American Jewish Committee. During my visit, I walked through the streets of Ashkelon and Sderot. I saw the menace to innocent civilians posed by the Kassam rockets. For me, the visit confirmed just how one-sided the UN has become. Why must Israel defend itself from political attacks at the UN every time it defends itself from violent attacks at home? I sincerely hope there comes a day when the international community stands behind the nation of Israel rather than behind the countries who deny the Holocaust and preach intolerance and hatred.

 

This week, I am honored to again visit Israel through Project Interchange and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the esteemed company of the President of Nauru, Marcus Stephen, the Naurun Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Kieren Keke as well as the President of the Federated States of Micronesia, Emanuel Mori and Minister of Foreign Affairs Lorin Robert to further enhance and expand the important ties between our countries.

 

Why does Nauru vote with Israel? Because Israel is the lone democracy in its neighborhood and therefore, it is the right thing to do. And doing the right thing is its own reward.

 

The writer is ambassador of Nauru to the United Nations.

 

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HAARETZ

EDITORIAL

OPPORTUNITY FOR TOLERANCE

 

Over the past year, Jerusalem has become the capital of controversy between Israel and the Palestinians and the focus of tensions with the Muslim world. In addition to the crises surrounding the expansion of the Jewish presence in the Arab neighborhoods of East Jerusalem, we now have the plan by the Simon Wiesenthal Center to establish a museum of tolerance in the Mamilla area on the grounds of an old Muslim cemetery.

The planning and building council approved the project despite protests by Muslim and human rights groups. Appeals by the Jordanian government to reconsider the building's location have been turned down. The High Court of Justice rejected an appeal by opponents of the plan and gave it its seal of approval, but High Court President Dorit Beinisch canceled a plan to build Jerusalem's new district and magistrate's courts near the site.

On Friday, Akiva Eldar reported in Haaretz that architect Frank Gehry was withdrawing from the museum's planning process following a decision by the Wiesenthal Center to limit the project. Nevertheless, leaders of the Wiesenthal Center say they are determined to set up the museum on the site of the old cemetery. They said in a statement that the museum was of great importance to the future of Jerusalem and the Israel people, and its size would reflect the global economic situation.

The peace of Jerusalem and the future of the Israeli people are to be found in the Jewish state's willingness to be considerate to its minorities.

First and foremost, the new plan must reflect Jerusalem's complex cultural, religious and political reality. Gehry's departure from the project gives its initiators, donors and the planning authorities a chance to correct the Orwellian distortion of a Jewish organization establishing a museum of tolerance while showing a lack of tolerance toward another faith.

If the project's initiators insist on their right to show intolerance, the Jerusalem municipality must state that the new plan for the museum requires a new discussion by planning bodies. Mayor Nir Barkat can offer the center sites more suitable for a building that is supposed to promote tolerance in a city sacred to three religions.

 

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HAARETZ

EDITORIAL

NETANYAHU IS A HESITANT POLITICIAN TRYING TO PLEASE ALL

BY ALUF BENN

 

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu faces a significant brouhaha over the housekeeper his wife employed. First, there's the image issue: The suit filed by Lillian Peretz and the furious response from the Prime Minister's Bureau have destroyed the "New Bibi" brand that Netanyahu built up so carefully on the road to his political comeback. The media's preoccupation with Sara Netanyahu's behavior, and her husband's countercharges about media persecution, marked the epitome of the "Old Bibi" - from his last term as premier.

And indeed, the negative stereotypes are returning: mistreatment of employees, attempted cover-ups, stinginess, hurting the poor. Regardless of whether such allegations are accurate or exaggerated, they tend to stick, even if the courts later throw out the lawsuits.

It doesn't matter whether Peretz called her employer "Mrs. Netanyahu" or "darling" or whatever else. Nor does it matter whether the story was played up by Yedioth Ahronoth as a result of its battle with rival daily Israel Hayom. The problem is the content. This is not a story about the Iranian threat, a complex diplomatic formula or the 90 articles in the intended reform of the Planning and Building Law. This is about the relationship between the master of the house and his housekeeper. And it's a situation that is familiar to and easily understood by everyone.

 

The preoccupation with Peretz signifies the end of the calm Netanyahu has enjoyed since returning to power. Nine months went by pleasantly without him having to make a single fateful decision that would have an effect on reality or lead the state in a new direction, but also naturally entail political conflict. Cabinet meetings have been confined to lengthy announcements about reforms and legislative amendments, but when and if they will ever be passed remains unclear. The public is also apathetic to the prime minister's vision of Israel becoming an economic superpower and developing an alternative to oil.

Netanyahu's adoption of the "two states for two peoples" slogan was an act of political genius that precisely met the public's expectations, positioned him in the political center and neutralized opposition leader Tzipi Livni. But since then, nothing has happened. The freeze on settlement construction changed nothing for most Israelis, while the foot-dragging in securing the release of Gilad Shalit has simply continued.

Netanyahu is simply waiting. Waiting for Barack Obama, waiting for Mahmoud Abbas, waiting for "the fateful decision on Iran." The overdose of anticipation is blurring his message to the point where it's unclear why he worked so hard to return to power.

American author Daniel Pink proposes summarizing every leader in a single sentence. Were we to reproduce this model in Israel, we could describe David Ben-Gurion as "the father of his country." Menachem Begin would be the man of contradictions: He returned the Sinai to Egypt for peace, yet also built 100 settlements in the West Bank, bombed the Iraqi nuclear reactor and invaded Lebanon. Yitzhak Rabin would be "the warrior for peace who was murdered in office." Ehud Olmert became embroiled in a failed war, drafted a peace proposal that was rejected and had to resign due to allegations of corruption. That is not exactly how he wanted to be remembered. Ehud Barak began as "the warrior hero, the genius who would save the country," then became "the sucker who offered everything to Yasser Arafat and got the intifada in exchange," and is now "the essential expert heading the Defense Ministry, with problematic personal behavior."

 

And Netanyahu? He has also developed over time - from the "public relations star of American television" to "leader of the struggle against the Oslo Accords" to "the divisive prime minister who fought the elites and lost." As finance minister, he was seen as a determined reformer who fought the strong unions and banks, but also destroyed the welfare state and hurt the poor.

But what does Benjamin Netanyahu represent in 2010? The polls say he is admired as a "strong leader," and he markets himself as a Jewish patriot trying to advance peace while preserving national assets. But with his lack of action, he could be summed up in this way: "A hesitant politician trying to please everyone in order to survive."

In the absence of any initiative or significant action, Netanyahu's agenda has been devoted to trivialities. Israel's foreign relations have shrunk to an idiotic rebuke of the Turkish ambassador, while management of the country has shrunk to the management of Bibi and Sara's household. This is precisely what happened to Ariel Sharon, who was drowning in scandals and investigations - that is, until he announced the disengagement from Gaza and once again took command. Netanyahu is becoming mired in similar distress: The headlines about his state visit to Germany dealt with his housekeeper.

Only a display of leadership, of seizing initiative, can extricate the prime minister from this corner. If he continues sitting on the fence, the minor incidents will accumulate and the big decisions will slip away. The "housekeeper scandal" gives him an opportunity to reboot his second chance in office. Peretz may yet wind up being more effective than Obama in finally getting Netanyahu to move.

 

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HAARETZ

EDITORIAL

OF FREEDOM AND CULTS

BY AVIRAMA GOLAN

 

The affair of Goel Ratzon - the man whom so many women have obeyed and borne scores of children - is putting the authorities to a difficult test. The populist complaints about the welfare authorities such as "Where have you been all these years?" are baseless. Infiltrating a cult is a nearly impossible mission, and Ratzon's homes were apparently run according to rules followed by cults in a well-known and destructive process.

It starts with identifying suitable women as candidates (by their degree of weakness, crisis and dependency). It proceeds when the joiners receive a "barrage of love" and the warmth and security they so sorely lack. It moves on to total control of their minds, the point of no return. All this is conducted by a dominant and charismatic spiritual father, a guru with supposed hidden powers.

This process, outrageous though it may be, is not illegal, and it is not by chance that the police and social services intervened only when one of the women decided to reveal details of what went on behind the locked doors. Undoubtedly, the media's inquisitive presence, and especially the documentary broadcast on Channel 10, helped widen the crack through which the investigation began. Exposure is the greatest threat to any cult.

However, herein lies the difficulty, as well as the danger. In Israel, as in most countries of the world, there is no law against cults. Even in France, the only country where such legislation has been passed (the 2001 About-Picard law), the prohibition is restricted to "registered organizations that violate human rights and the principle of freedom." A number of provisos were softened in the wake of harsh criticism from politicians and observers both in France and abroad, among them former U.S. president Bill Clinton. They argue that the French law itself violates the principle of freedom.

This law lets a court dismantle a cult and arrest its heads within 15 days. It has so far been enforced in only one case, which is not controversial: against the leader of an apocalyptic cult who ordered his disciples to commit suicide. The Church of Scientology, whose leaders were convicted four months ago of fraud and embezzling money from their followers, has not been banned even though the judges noted explicitly that it is a cult.

Such a law is not possible in Israel. The very fact of discussing it would force lawmakers to deal with religious organizations, New Age groups and mutually hostile nonprofit organizations in a traditional, multicultural society where awareness about cults is entirely dormant. (For example, the 1994 incident in which Rabbi Uzi Meshulam barricaded himself and his followers in his Yehud home over the issue of vanished Yemenite children. This was not interpreted as a cult but rather as religious-messianic activity.)

Ratzon's arrest was based, therefore, on a new law, which on the surface is only tangentially relevant to the affair - the Slavery Law. This law was passed with the aim of stopping trafficking of women. Its advantage is that it also incriminates anyone who has had "consensual intercourse" if it is proved that the denial of free will led to the sexual relations. If the indictment against Ratzon will indeed be based on the Slavery Law, this will be the first time this law is tested in any country. Presumably the prosecution will find it difficult to prove rape, incest and abuse of minors because it is rare and almost impossible to elicit reliable testimony from members of a cult, even former members.

Thus the court deliberations will take on the confusing guise of a debate on values. (Such as what's wrong with a set of laws in a house? What do Ratzon's children lack? They are always clean and tidy; they have never been physically punished.) The authorities will also have to be precise and excellently prepared. In addition, the prosecution should base its work on another provision in different legislation (the law on the abuse of minors and the helpless), which has also not been put to the test - the legislation on mental abuse. This, too, is hard to prove, but it exists in the law and the reality that spawned it. The time has come to take it out of the drawer.

Hopefully the police are relying on solid facts in their frequent statements to the media and the children of the Ratzon commune will receive a meticulous and diligent prosecutor and a courageous and wise judge who know how to handle the challenge. If they fail, Ratzon will be free again. If this happens, it's hard to imagine the damage to the children, who have already been placed with foster families, and to their mothers, who have been wrenched from the cult's iron embrace. In the meantime, they are walking a tightrope over a gaping abyss.

 

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HAARETZ

EDITORIAL

BEFORE NETANYAHU POPS THE CHAMPAGNE

BY AVI ISSACHAROFF

 

The Americans are coming. The U.S. national security adviser, Jim Jones, visited Israel last week, and Mideast envoy George Mitchell landed in the country yesterday. But without a dramatic change in both Washington's and Jerusalem's positions, talks on a final-status agreement between Israel and the Palestinian Authority will not be relaunched even after Mitchell leaves.

Much has been said about Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas' imminent surrender to U.S. and Arab pressure to return to the negotiating table. But it seems both the Netanyahu and Obama administrations are missing part of the picture.

Abbas is far from eager to return to final-status talks without a construction freeze in East Jerusalem. It's true that Israel's government either cannot or does not want to stop building there. But with Washington's help, Abbas has conditioned the renewal of talks on ending such construction and can hardly back off that position now. An Israeli gesture like freeing prisoners or even transferring Area B of the West Bank to full Palestinian control are, in his view, simply insufficient.

A number of news outlets have reported in recent weeks of Arab pressure on Abbas to resume negotiations. This pressure, however, is being applied behind closed doors. Explicit declarations, such as those by the Saudi foreign minister and Arab League secretary general, have instead generally endorsed Abbas' opposition to renewing talks without a complete West Bank construction freeze. And as we have already learned, in the Middle East, remarks made on the record are worth more than those made in secret.

It's possible that American and international pressure will one day reap rewards, but in the meantime, Abbas can be expected to stand firm in his resistance to resuming talks. After all, he is more worried about Palestinian public opinion, for which continued building in Jerusalem represents a red line.

After the storm caused by the delay in the United Nations vote over the Goldstone report on the Gaza conflict, and Washington's about-face in its policy on a construction freeze, Abbas began listening much more closely to public opinion in the West Bank and Gaza than to the U.S. president's envoys.

In both the Palestinian street and Abbas' Muqata compound, the U.S. change of heart was perceived as a betrayal. Consequently, Abbas' relinquishing the demand to freeze building in East Jerusalem would be perceived as surrender over "al-Quds" as a whole.

Abbas knows that in such a scenario (as in the case of the Goldstone report) not only Hamas, but also top Fatah and Palestine Liberation Organization figures will be ready to undermine his position. Even the Arab press seems to be an albatross around his neck.

In any case, Abbas' people believe that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is seeking a return to talks merely to win points internationally, not to reach a genuine final-status agreement. The Palestinian president, who has already announced his plans to retire, does not want to be perceived as an obsequious leader whose only legacy is surrender to U.S. demands.

Israeli officials will naturally celebrate the significant "achievement" of the non-renewal of negotiations and deepening relations with Washington, while Abbas will be viewed as a spoilsport, refusing every Israeli or American proposal. Netanyahu will be able to sell his colleagues in the Labor Party - and domestic public opinion - the claim that he is at least trying.

After all, who cares if there is no diplomatic horizon if the West Bank is quiet? But without a final-status agreement, this quiet will ultimately be revealed as more fragile than it seems.

Before the champagne is popped in the offices of the prime, foreign and defense ministers, let's remember that the absence of diplomatic prospects hardly represents a foreign policy achievement. Perhaps the time has come for Netanyahu to simply tell the Israeli public the truth: There will be no peace agreement with the PA without Palestinian sovereignty over East Jerusalem, that building there does not help reach such an agreement, and that maybe we need a building freeze, even a short one, to save the moribund peace process from an untimely death.

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HAARETZ

EDITORIAL

HOW TO IMPORT A SOCIAL TIME BOMB

BY ANSHEL PFEFFER

 

The State of Israel conducted two complex aid operations in developing countries this week. But while the rescue mission to Haiti was accompanied by a big publicity campaign, the arrival in Israel of 144 new immigrants from Ethiopia hardly warranted a mention. The operation in Haiti is one of limited duration. On the other hand, the two planes carrying immigrants from Addis Ababa are merely first installments. Interior Minister Eli Yishai declared this week that he planned to approve the arrival of another 8,000 immigrants from Ethiopia.

In this way, without an orderly decision-making process, the Israeli government is committing to absorb at least 10,000 poverty-stricken Ethiopians with all the economic and social implications this entails. The government is once again bowing to a bizarre coalition made up of messianic rabbis, settlers, respected public figures with good intentions (like former Supreme Court president Meir Shamgar), American Jewish organizations, and first and foremost, Shas. The move ignores the positions of former interior and absorption ministers, experts from the Jewish Agency, and a series of decisions made by Ariel Sharon's government to stop bringing the Falashmura to Israel.

This is not a matter of applying the Law of Return. Even the ruling by Chief Rabbi Shlomo Amar stating that the Falashmura are "from the seeds of Israel" required them to undergo a full conversion to Judaism. Some of the Falashmura are the descendants of Jews who converted to Christianity at the beginning of the 20th century and even before that; they are not included in any category of the Law of Return. On arrival, they receive temporary residency cards and get full citizenship only after completing their conversion.

The Falashmura issue was already raised during the preparations for Operation Solomon in 1991 when 14,000 Ethiopians were brought here - the last Jews who remained there. It was decided not to take in the Falashmura, but nevertheless several thousand managed to arrive and were absorbed as new immigrants in every sense. Ever since, every government has come under tremendous pressure to allow "family reunions."

A coalition of interests represents them in the media with great success as Jews in every respect whom the state is abusing because of the color of their skin. This coalition includes the Shas leaders, who are true to the rulings of Rabbi Ovadia Yosef and Amar that recognized the Beta Israel community and the Falashmura as Jews, right-wing rabbis who dream of mass immigration that will make it possible to beat the Palestinians on the demographic front, and liberal Jews from America who seek tikkun olam - to repair the world. The Americans support this lobby's activities and the operation of the compound in Gondar where thousands of Falashmura have gathered. The price of bringing them to Israel and their absorption over the years - which adds up to hundreds of millions of shekels - will have to be borne by the state.

The media and most of the public are being deceived by the false picture painted by the Falashmura lobby. The voice of experts in the Jewish Agency and government is not heard at all - they say these people have no connection whatsoever to the Jewish nation, that their only wish is to escape from a life of destitution in Ethiopia, and that each of them who is absorbed in Israel has dozens of relatives who will become candidates for family reunions.

It's simple to accuse these experts of racism especially because "white" non-Jewish new immigrants continue to come here from the former Soviet Union. But as long as the Law of Return remains in effect, those people have the right to immigrate here, while the Falashmura come as the result of political machinations. At the very least, a public debate must be held on the issue before Israel imports another social time bomb that will add to its plethora of problems.

 

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******************************************************************************************THE NEW YORK TIMES

EDITORIAL

POLICING INDECENCY

 

A few years ago, Cher, the entertainer, and Nicole Richie, the television personality, uttered brief expletives on separate music awards shows on Fox. The Federal Communications Commission ruled that the comments were indecent. A federal appeals court in New York is now considering the case. The court should rule that the F.C.C.'s decision violates the First Amendment.

 

At the Billboard Music Awards in 2002, Cher directed a four-letter word at her critics. A year later, on the same show, Ms. Richie uttered two brief expletives while talking about a television series she was appearing on.

 

In 2006, the F.C.C. declared the two broadcasts legally indecent, though it did not impose sanctions — in line with an indecency policy adopted in 2004 when the commission abandoned its longstanding practice of giving legal immunity to so-called fleeting expletives.

 

Fox challenged the ruling, and the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, in New York, found that the commission's reasoning was legally inadequate. The United States Supreme Court reversed that decision by a 5-to-4 vote last year. But it left open the possibility that the F.C.C.'s ruling may have been unconstitutional. A three-judge panel of the appellate court heard oral arguments in Fox's First Amendment challenge last week.

 

The F.C.C.'s indecency policy is hopelessly vague. Indecency was once limited to forms of expression that were truly outrageous. Now the commission considers itself free to pick and choose among not particularly shocking content based on its opinion about the words and the context.

 

The same epithet that the commission regards as indecent when Cher says it on an awards show may not be considered indecent when showing the movie "Saving Private Ryan." Broadcasters have no way of knowing in advance what sort of content will upset the F.C.C.'s indecency police — and possibly subject them to enormous financial penalties. When the government punishes speech with vague rules, it has a chilling effect on expression of all kinds. Speakers, unclear on where the lines are, and fearing sanctions, have a strong incentive to avoid engaging in speech that is legally protected.

 

It is always risky to try to predict a case's outcome from oral argument. But it appears that the judges who heard this case understood that the commission's highly subjective standard violates the Constitution.

 

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THE NEW YORK TIMES

THE COAL ASH CASE

 

Just more than a year ago, one billion tons of toxic coal sludge broke loose from a containment pond belonging to the Tennessee Valley Authority, burying hundreds of acres of Roane County in eastern Tennessee and threatening local water supplies and air quality. The Environmental Protection Agency immediately promised new national standards governing the disposal of coal ash to replace a patchwork of uneven — and in many cases weak — state regulations.

 

The agency's recommendations, which have not been made public, are now the focus of a huge dispute inside the Obama administration, with industry lobbying hard for changes that would essentially preserve the status quo. The dispute should be resolved in favor of the environment and public safety.

 

America's power plants produce 130 million tons of coal ash a year, enough to fill a train of boxcars stretching from the District of Columbia to Australia. Some of this is usefully, safely and profitably recycled to make concrete and other construction materials. Much of it winds up in lightly regulated landfills, some as big as 1,500 acres, where toxic pollutants like arsenic and lead can leach into the water table.

 

One internal E.P.A. proposal suggested reclassifying coal ash as a hazardous material subject to federal regulation. It also recommended national standards requiring safe, sturdy disposal facilities. Industry counterattacked, arguing that the hazardous designation would ruin the recycling market and could trigger burdensome new investments. It also argued for continued state control, with the federal government providing "guidance."

 

These arguments do not hold up. The recycling market will not disappear. Materials that are responsibly recycled are not, typically, designated as hazardous. The real problem is the 60 percent or so of the coal ash that winds up in porous landfills. Evidence suggests that tough but carefully tailored rules could encourage even more recycling, protecting the environment while yielding income to help pay for more secure landfills.

 

This debate is being conducted behind closed doors, mainly at the Office of Management and Budget, where industry usually takes its complaints and horror stories. A better course would be to let the E.P.A. draft a proposal, get it out in the open and offer it for comment from all sides. The Obama administration promised that transparency and good science would govern decisions like these.

 

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THE NEW YORK TIMES

A LEANER BUDGET FOR LEAN TIMES

 

Gov. David Paterson of New York presented a lean budget on Tuesday that is a necessarily austere response to the state's financial crisis. It is certain to make almost everybody unhappy.

 

The overall budget would grow by 0.6 percent, a miniscule increase by Albany's standards, to about $134 billion. Though the governor has promised (unwisely) that there will be no significant cuts to the state's work force, he would trim budgets for schools, health care, the environment and most other sectors of government. He asks for about $1 billion in new taxes.

 

Now comes the hard part: persuading the State Legislature to go along. Between now and the April 1 deadline for enacting the 2010-11 budget, legislators will be bombarded by complaints, and, if history holds, they will slip back into their old ways of adding a little here, a lot there and producing an unsustainably large budget. Mr. Paterson's biggest task will be to keep them in check.

 

Facing an estimated $7.4 billion deficit for the upcoming budget year, the governor proposes cutting $1.1 billion in school aid — a 5 percent reduction that is the largest proposed cut in education in two decades. The cuts are, properly, concentrated in richer, suburban areas, which means they will be vigorously opposed by state senators from Long Island.

 

He also proposes to slow the growth in Medicaid costs and to decrease spending for state agencies, including the poorly run youth prison system that is now facing a court challenge and federal investigation.

 

The new taxes would include a $1-per-pack addition to the $3.75 state tax on cigarettes and a penny-an-ounce levy on colas and other sugared beverages. The revenue from the cigarette tax is expected to collect $218 million a year, but the far more controversial soda tax could bring in as much as $465 million a year.

 

Both are useful ways to raise money, especially since the governor has promised to use the proceeds for health care. But he has proposed a soda tax before, then caved, after orchestrated industry protests across the state. This time, he should resist and keep the tax.

 

Other proposals seem marginal and, indeed, could sidetrack the governor and Legislature from their primary mission, which is to pass a sensible budget. For example, Mr. Paterson wants to legalize mixed martial arts, popularly known as ultimate fighting, which he says would add $2.1 million to state accounts. That's peanuts, and hardly worth the legalization of a controversial "sport." It should be debated as a separate issue.

 

The governor also announced important reforms in higher education, giving state and city institutions much-needed authority to set their own tuition. That could be a hard sell with legislators who resist giving up control of any fund-raising mechanism.

 

Still, Mr. Paterson's budget makes sense and, for the most part, asks for shared sacrifice. That is a reasonable approach even though this is an election year, when reason does not routinely prevail. The governor has set himself a difficult but necessary task.

 

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THE NEW YORK TIMES

SECRETS OF THE IMMIGRATION JAILS

 

Americans have long known that the government has been running secretive immigration prisons into which detainees have frequently disappeared, their grave illnesses and injuries untreated, their fates undisclosed until well after early and unnecessary deaths.

 

What we did not know, until a recent article in The Times by Nina Bernstein, was how strenuously the government has tried to cover up those failings — keeping relatives and lawyers in the dark, deflecting blame, fighting rigorous quality standards, outside oversight and transparency. These deficiencies endure today.

 

It took digging by The Times and the American Civil Liberties Union to unearth the evidence. A detainee with a broken leg killed himself; his pain had been unbearable but never treated, and someone later faked a medication log to show that he had been given Motrin. A spokesman for Immigration and Customs Enforcement told a reporter asking after a mortally injured African detainee that nothing could be learned, even though the spokesman and top managers already knew the man had fallen, fractured his skull, lain untreated for more than 13 hours, was comatose and dying. The officials fretted by phone over how to avoid unflattering publicity.

 

Here, as evidence of the agency mind-set, is a spokesman's warning to his supervisors about a Washington Post reporter who was looking into detention deaths and the story of a man whose fatal cancer had been ignored and untreated:

 

"These are quite horrible medical stories, and I think we'll need to have a pretty strong response to keep this from becoming a very damaging national story that takes on long legs."

 

The strong response? A misleading public-relations offensive designed to show that mortality in detention was less serious than it really was.

 

The Obama administration has since promised a top-to-bottom reform of the immense detention system, which was erected in sloppy haste during the Bush years, largely by private contractors that had dim regard for oversight and standards. John Morton, the leader of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, has promised to create a system of civil detention suitable for inmates who are mostly not criminals.

 

But his agency has a long way to go. And it still is resisting adequate outside oversight and the adoption of legally binding detention standards, insisting instead that it can best change its own rules and police itself. The new disclosures about the agency's deep-set culture of shameful secrecy do not inspire confidence.

."

 

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THE NEW YORK TIMES

TAXING WALL STREET DOWN TO SIZE

BY DAVID STOCKMAN

 

WHILE supply-side catechism insists that lower taxes are a growth tonic, the theory also argues that if you want less of something, tax it more. The economy desperately needs less of our bloated, unproductive and increasingly parasitic banking system. In this respect, the White House appears to have gone over to the supply side with its proposed tax on big banks, as it scores populist points against the banksters, too.

 

Not surprisingly, the bankers are already whining, even though the tax would amount to a financial pinprick — a levy of only 0.15 percent on the debts (other than deposits) of the big financial conglomerates. Their objections are evidence that the administration is on the right track.

 

Make no mistake. The banking system has become an agent of destruction for the gross domestic product and of impoverishment for the middle class. To be sure, it was lured into these unsavory missions by a truly insane monetary policy under which, most recently, the Federal Reserve purchased $1.5 trillion of longer-dated Treasury bonds and housing agency securities in less than a year. It was an unprecedented exercise in market-rigging with printing-press money, and it gave a sharp boost to the price of bonds and other securities held by banks, permitting them to book huge revenues from trading and bookkeeping gains.

 

Meanwhile, by fixing short-term interest rates at near zero, the Fed planted its heavy boot squarely in the face of depositors, as it shrank the banks' cost of production — their interest expense on depositor funds — to the vanishing point.

 

The resulting ultrasteep yield curve for banks is heralded, by a certain breed of Wall Street tout, as a financial miracle cure. Soon, it is claimed, a prodigious upwelling of profitability will repair bank balance sheets and bury toxic waste from the last bubble's collapse. But will it?

 

In supplying the banks with free deposit money (effectively, zero-interest loans), the savers of America are taking a $250 billion annual haircut in lost interest income. And the banks, after reaping this ill-deserved windfall, are pleased to pronounce themselves solvent, ignoring the bad loans still on their books. This kind of Robin Hood redistribution in reverse is not sustainable. It requires permanently flooding world markets with cheap dollars — a recipe for the next bubble and financial crisis.

 

Moreover, rescuing the banks yet again, this time with a steeply sloped yield curve (that is, cheap short-term money and more expensive long-term rates), is not even a proper monetary policy action. It is a vast and capricious reallocation of national income, which would be hooted down in the halls of Congress, were it properly brought to a vote.

 

National economic policy has come to this absurd pass because for decades the Fed has juiced the banking system with excessive reserves. With this monetary fuel, the banks manufactured, aggressively at first and then recklessly, a tide of new loans and deposits. When Wall Street's "heart attack" struck in September 2008, bank liabilities had reached 100 percent of gross domestic product — double the ratio of a few decades earlier.

 

This was a measurement of the perilous extent to which bad investments, financed by debt, had come to distort the warp and woof of the economy. Behind the worthless loans stands a vast assemblage of redundant housing units, shopping malls, office buildings, warehouses, tanning salons and fast food restaurants. These superfluous fixed assets had, over the past decade, given rise to a hothouse economy of jobs that have now vanished. Obviously, the legions of brokers, developers, appraisers, contractors, tradesmen and decorators who created the bad investments are long gone. But now the waitresses, yoga instructors, gardeners, repairmen, sales clerks, inventory managers, office workers and lift-truck drivers once thought needed to work at these places are disappearing into the unemployment statistics, as well.

 

The baleful reality is that the big banks, the freakish offspring of the Fed's easy money, are dangerous institutions, deeply embedded in a bull market culture of entitlement and greed. This is why the Obama tax is welcome: its underlying policy message is that big banking must get smaller because it does too little that is useful, productive or efficient.

 

To argue, as some conservatives surely will, that a policy-directed shrinking of big banking is an inappropriate interference in the marketplace is to miss a crucial point: the big Wall Street banks are wards of the state, not private enterprises. During recent quarters, for instance, the preponderant share of Goldman Sachs' revenues came from trading in bonds, currencies and commodities.

 

But these profits were not evidence of Mr. Market doing God's work, greasing the wheels of commerce and trade by facilitating productive financial transactions. In fact, they represented the fruits of hyperactive gambling in the Fed's monetary casino — a place where the inside players obtain their chips at no cost from the Fed-controlled money markets, and are warned well in advance, by obscure wording changes in the Fed's policy statements, about any pending shift in the gambling odds.

 

To be sure, the most direct way to cure the banking system's ills would be to return to a rational monetary policy based on sensible interest rates, an end to frantic monetization of federal debt and a stable exchange value for the dollar. But Ben Bernanke, the Fed chairman, and his posse are not likely to go there, believing as they do that central banking is about micromanaging aggregate demand — asset bubbles and a flagging dollar be damned. Still, there can be no doubt that taxing big bank liabilities will cause there to be less of them. And that's a start.

 

David Stockman, a director of the Office of Management and Budget under President Ronald Reagan, is working on a book about the financial crisis.

 

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THE NEW YORK TIMES

RETURN OUR INVESTMENT

BY DOUGLAS W. DIAMOND AND ANIL K KASHYAP

 

Chicago

WALL STREET is considering legal action to prevent President Obama from imposing a new tax on bailed-out financial institutions. Because the law that created the Troubled Asset Relief Program compels the government to recoup the bailout money, it's unlikely that banks will succeed in avoiding recompense. So rather than debate the constitutionality of the proposed tax, it is far more productive to design the best possible repayment plan.

 

The consequences of getting this right are huge: with a new tax, the administration aims to raise $90 billion over the next 10 years, which would do much to offset TARP's estimated $117 billion losses. We therefore suggest taxing banks based on the difference between their assets at the end of August 2008 and their current level of capital. After all, the support these firms received was based on the size of assets before the financial panic began, not the size of those assets today.

 

With the bailout money, the government wound up insuring the bondholders and other creditors of the financial institutions. The tax we propose would allow the government to effectively collect insurance premiums now that should have been charged ahead of time. (Thus it exempts insurance companies and others that were not bailed out.)

 

Commercial banks might complain that they already pay a fee to the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, making the new fee a double tax. That is partly correct, but the deposit insurance they paid for was underpriced. As a compromise, however, we suggest that the current year's deposit insurance payments be deducted from the new tax payments.

 

Because our version of the tax would require each firm to pay a tax proportionate to the size of its bailout, it would fall hardest on the former investment banks whose very survival was in doubt before the government stepped in. These firms are now making eye-popping profits and are on a path to pay record bonuses, but more importantly they had the most borrowed money that wound up being unexpectedly insured. This is why they ought to pay more.

 

Even TARP recipients that have repaid the bailout funds benefited from the stability the government provided, so they too would have to pay some portion of the tax. But our formula would lower the tax for organizations that have raised capital after August 2008 and would lower it further if they raise more. Regulators around the world have announced a preference for having banks raise more capital, and our tax has the advantage of reinforcing this goal.

 

By focusing on each institution's assets before the fall of Lehman Brothers almost brought down the system, our plan would make it impossible for banks to shrink their way out of the tax. Since the crisis, banks have been reluctant to take on more risk and lend; some have responded to losses by selling assets and not renewing loans, which has only exacerbated the economic downturn. Our approach would remove the incentive for such behavior because it ties the tax to the size of the firms when the government guarantees were so valuable.

 

Likewise, by focusing on the historical size of a bank, our plan would allow little room to engage in sham accounting transactions to sidestep the tax. As we saw in the time leading up to the crisis, banks created many legally separate companies — the infamous "special purpose vehicles" — to buy certain assets without having to put up the bank's capital to support them. If the banks had bought the assets directly they would have been required to hold more capital.

By August 2008, these tricks had been exposed; financial institutions can't retroactively cover such vehicles back up, or make themselves seem smaller than we know they were. Nor should they be able to avoid the tax by inventing any new tricks to change the appearance of their current size.

 

It is generally a bad idea to enact after-the-fact penalties. But giving away free insurance, as the government did during the bailout, is also bad. Our tax would merely ask financial institutions to finally pay for the insurance policy that kept them afloat.

 

Douglas W. Diamond is a professor of finance and Anil K Kashyap is a professor of economics and finance at the University of Chicago Booth School of Business.

 

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THE NEW YORK TIMES

IS CHINA AN ENRON? (PART 2)

BY THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN

 

Last week, I wrote a column suggesting that while some overheated Chinese markets, like real estate, may offer shorting opportunities, I'd be wary of the argument that China's economy today is just one big short-inviting bubble, à la Dubai. Your honor, I'd like to now revise and amend my remarks.

 

There is one short position, one big short, that does intrigue me in China. I am not sure who makes a market in this area, but here goes: If China forces out Google, I'd like to short the Chinese Communist Party.

 

Here is why: Chinese companies today are both more backward and more advanced than most Americans realize. There are actually two Chinese economies today. There is the Communist Party and its affiliates; let's call them Command China. These are the very traditional state-owned enterprises.

 

Alongside them, there is a second China, largely concentrated in coastal cities like Shanghai and Hong Kong. This is a highly entrepreneurial sector that has developed sophisticated techniques to generate and participate in diverse, high-value flows of business knowledge. I call that Network China.

 

What is so important about knowledge flows? This, for me, is the key to understanding the Google story and why one might decide to short the Chinese Communist Party.

 

John Hagel, the noted business writer and management consultant argues in his recently released "Shift Index" that we're in the midst of "The Big Shift." We are shifting from a world where the key source of strategic advantage was in protecting and extracting value from a given set of knowledge stocks — the sum total of what we know at any point in time, which is now depreciating at an accelerating pace — into a world in which the focus of value creation is effective participation in knowledge flows, which are constantly being renewed.

 

"Finding ways to connect with people and institutions possessing new knowledge becomes increasingly important," says Hagel. "Since there are far more smart people outside any one organization than inside." And in today's flat world, you can now access them all. Therefore, the more your company or country can connect with relevant and diverse sources to create new knowledge, the more it will thrive. And if you don't, others will.

 

I would argue that Command China, in its efforts to suppress, curtail and channel knowledge flows into politically acceptable domains that will indefinitely sustain the control of the Communist Party — i.e., censoring Google — is increasingly at odds with Network China, which is thriving by participating in global knowledge flows. That is what the war over Google is really all about: It is a proxy and a symbol for whether the Chinese will be able to freely search and connect wherever their imaginations and creative impulses take them, which is critical for the future of Network China.

 

Have no doubt, China has some world-class networked companies that are "in the flow" already, such as Li & Fung, a $14 billion apparel company with a network of 10,000 specialized business partners, and Dachangjiang, the motorcycle maker. The flows occurring on a daily basis in the networks of these Chinese companies to do design, product innovation and supply-chain management and to pool the best global expertise "are unlike anything that U.S. companies have figured out," said Hagel.

 

The orchestrators of these networks, he added, "encourage participants to gather among themselves in an ad hoc fashion to address unexpected performance challenges, learn from each other and pull in outsiders as they need them. More traditional companies driven by a desire to protect and exploit knowledge stocks carefully limit the partners they deal with."

 

Command China has thrived up to now largely by perfecting the 20th-century model for low-cost manufacturing based on mining knowledge stocks and limiting flows. But China will only thrive in the 21st century — and the Communist Party survive in power — if it can get more of its firms to shift to the 21st-century model of Network China. That means enabling more and more Chinese people, universities and companies to participate in the world's great knowledge flows, especially ones that connect well beyond the established industry and market boundaries.

 

Alas, though, China seems to be betting that it can straddle three impulses — control flows for political reasons, maintain 20th-century Command Chinese factories for employment reasons and expand 21st-century Network China for growth reasons. But the contradictions within this straddle could undermine all three. The 20th-century Command model will be under pressure. The future belongs to those who promote richer and ever more diverse knowledge flows and develop the institutions and practices required to harness them.

 

So there you have it: Command China, which wants to censor Google, is working against Network China, which thrives on Google. For now, it looks as if Command China will have its way. If that turns out to be the case, then I'd like to short the Communist Party.

 

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THE NEW YORK TIMES

THE TRIALS OF GAVIN NEWSOM

BY MAUREEN DOWD

 

SAN FRANCISCO

Gavin Newsom still looks glossy, like someone who'd play J.F.K. in a Lifetime original movie.

 

But the 42-year-old mayor of San Francisco sees his once glowing political future in less glamorous terms.

 

"I mean, oh, God," he said, sipping green tea in his elegant office. "In a couple of years, you'll see me as the clerk of a wine store."

 

It's easy to picture the lithe and charming Newsom — with the well-cut suits, the electric Tesla, the beautiful blonde wife and baby — advising a Pacific Heights couple on a cabernet with aromas of eucalyptus and mint. Before he got into politics, after all, he started a boutique wine shop in Napa Valley that blossomed into a multimillion-dollar business.

 

So how did this onetime poster boy for the new face of the Democratic Party get to the point where he couldn't raise the money to compete with the old-school Jerry Brown in the governor's race, and why is he leaving politics just when he feels as though he's getting better at it?

 

"This is it. God bless. It was fun while it lasted," he said of his career, with a rueful smile. "Guys like me don't necessarily progress very far, which is fine."

 

If Newsom feels a little sorry for himself these days, it's perfectly understandable.

 

In a courthouse a few blocks from City Hall, Ted Olson and David Boies are defending same-sex marriage in a landmark case substantially financed so far by David Geffen and Steve Bing. While the mayor contemplates life as a wine clerk, the two lawyers are becoming bipartisan folk heroes to gays and lesbians and were lionized in a Newsweek cover story and a Diana Walker photo spread in Time.

 

Boies told The New Yorker that the "powerful images" of gay couples flocking to San Francisco to tie the knot had helped move him to get involved in the case to overturn Proposition 8.

 

Like many pioneers who go first — from the "Ellen" sitcom to the Hillary drama — the mayor who staked his career on giving equal rights to gays may have to settle for paving the way. The lawyers get praised, but he got pilloried?

 

"Grand understatement," he said dryly, noting that he still remembers press coverage from before the 2004 same-sex marriage eruption about shooting stars of the Democratic Party.

 

"There were five of us," he said, with a teasing nostalgia. "A guy named Obama. I'm like 'Why is he in here? This is ridiculous. I mean, he's a state senator. I'm kind of insulted.' Life was really good, and then it came crashing down. 'You're not going to be speaking at the convention. We overbooked.' And then it becomes the house of cards with the Democrats excusing themselves from visits to this city and being in the same room with me.

 

"I went in with the beginner's mind. I didn't know what I didn't know. I never imagined 4,036 couples getting married over a month. And this is by no means an excuse for the governor's race. But you just couldn't escape from the perception 'he's just a single-issue person.' I remember standing there at the window, and I swear to you, I resigned myself to not even being re-elected mayor. This is a much more conservative town than people give it credit for."

 

And now Jerry Brown might be governor redux?

 

"It's frustrating," Newsom admitted. "It's not a critique, but he wasn't particularly helpful at the time. I think he came around very recently, and I think there was some pragmatism to that as well, candidly."

 

I asked whether President Obama, who said at a Martin Luther King Jr. commemoration that the civil rights movement was partly about "changing people's hearts and minds and breaking out of old customs and old habits," had disappointed him given that the president is a triumph of civil rights himself.

 

"Oh, I can't get in trouble here," Newsom said with a playful wince. "I want him to succeed. But I am very upset by what he's not done in terms of rights of gays and lesbians. I understand it tactically in a campaign, but at this point I don't know. There is some belief that he actually doesn't believe in same-sex marriage. But it's fundamentally inexcusable for a member of the Democratic Party to stand on the principle that separate is now equal, but only on the basis of sexual orientation. We've always fought for the rights of minorities and against the whims of majorities."

 

He said the promise of Obama sparking an "organic movement" has faded and "there's a growing discontent and lack of enthusiasm that I worry about. He should just stand on principle, put this behind him and move on."

 

The mayor, who met with Olson and Boies the day after we talked, said he wanted to go to court and see them in action. After all, they're the local heroes.

 

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 I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

THE OTHER

 

The Supreme Court has made known the reasoning behind the short ruling it had passed on the NRO. It will take sometime to unfold fully and be absorbed. The rudiments of it are sufficiently clear though. What we have come to know about the judgement already reveals it to be a severe document penned down by those who mean business. It effectively calls into question the legitimacy of the president as holder of office of state and lays him open to a potentially damaging series of questions and court cases. The Honourable Justices have chosen to cite two instances in which the notably reticent Swiss were eventually persuaded to both open their banks to investigation and the eventual repatriation of very large sums of money to the governments of the Philippines and Nigeria. It will be recalled that President Marcos of the Philippines and President Abacha of Nigeria had had salted away their ill-gotten gains but were eventually brought to book — and their pockets emptied. The references to the two would not be music to President Zardari's ears. A Pandora's box of challenges to his credibility and qualification to hold office now lies open. The track record of legal advice given to the president can be described as dismal at best, starting from the legal mishandling of the NRO case, amazingly ridiculous utterings by the president's man, Kamal Azfar, and then the hastily drafted petition seeking a review of the NRO verdict. It would therefore be safe to assume that this latest development is not going to make him any more sagacious. If securing support resolutions from three provincial assemblies and the open show of defiance through the decision to ignore the recommendation of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry for his nominee's elevation to the Supreme Court were calculated moves to put the apex judiciary on the back foot and to tone down the expected bite in the detailed judgement, they didnít work. They couldn't have. And if we are to draw any lessen from his past record, we can certainly expect things to get worse.

Are we now seeing the beginning of a clash between the judiciary and the presidency? There is a lot more at stake here than the mere personal fortunes of an increasingly beleaguered president. We are a country at war with enemies within and across our frontiers. Our economy is in a shambles and cannot afford any more instability. The country and the system cannot be allowed to go down because of the maverick and ultimately self-defeating and self-destructive desperate actions of a few individual. On Monday last Prime Minister Gilani stood before parliament and declared in ringing tones that there were no differences between the government and the judiciary, and that the government respected the courts. As the old saying goes 'the proof of the pudding is in the eating'. This is in legal terms a defining moment in the history of the nation. How the government and the president himself conduct their business in the coming days as they respond to the judgment will perhaps determine their fall or continuity. The judiciary today shines as a light in a country blighted by darkness, and the rule of law and equality before the law may be the light at the end of the tunnel that we have so long sought. Let us hope that it is a light that burns ever brighter in the coming weeks and months.

 

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I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

 WICKED WEATHER

Weather comes in a multitude of flavours and is something that all of us everywhere are subject to. We have extremes of heat and cold and are currently experiencing one of the driest winters we have seen for many years – which is going to have serious negative effects further into the year. The Pakistan Meteorological Office forecasts light rain in Rawalpindi and Islamabad, and there was a little rain in south Punjab but not enough to break the long dry spell that has prevailed since November 2009. No further significant rain is expected and that which was forecast for January 18 never materialised. Punjab is likely to see more than a 90 pet cent shortfall in winter rains, and all other provinces will fare little better. The cause of our troubles is called the 'El Niño effect' and it has been with us since June last year, blocking much of the summer monsoon and now doing the same for winter rainfall. There is no expectation of the effect abating before the latter part of the year.

There are reports of an increase in respiratory problems in the twin cities and the Potohar region is going to remain under severe water stress at a time when the spring crops most need the rain. There is a scarcity of potable water and as a result an expectation of an increase in gastro-intestinal illness as people drink tainted water. Water levels in reservoirs, already low, are going to drop further – with the inevitable impact on hydro-power generation swiftly following. There has been a relatively poor snowfall over the winter in Gilgit-Baltistan and Kashmir which will again feed through to the rest of the country as less water will result from the summer melt. We cannot blame the government for the wicked weather, but we can all make what contribution we can to mitigate its effects. Do our driveways in front of the house really need to be hosed down every day? Are all of the lights in the house now converted to energy-saving bulbs? Are the children properly clad and fed for the weather? El Niño could not have arrived at a worse time for us, with a national power crisis in full swing – but at least we have the comfort of knowing that this is not something we caused by our own negligence or mismanagement.

 

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I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

OBAMA'S LOST MOMENTUM

SHAMSHAD AHMAD

President Barack Hussein Obama completes his first year in office today. Last year, exactly on this day, he took oath as first-ever non-white president in America's history. The son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas, Obama shattered two-century-old race barrier. It was Martin Luther King Jr.'s dream come true. Obama's election as president was a miracle but he won the election not because he was black. He got elected because he was a fresher and smarter candidate with no prior political baggage.

There was another reason for this miracle to happen. America was fed up with the Bush legacy and wanted a clear break from those eight years of domestic failure and external belligerence. There was a feeling among the American people that for the first time since John F Kennedy, they had a different kind of leader whose presence in the White House not only gave it a new 'facelift' but also symbolised hope for change.

In his election campaign, Obama was eloquent enough to project himself as the harbinger of change in America's outlook and behaviour. He ran on a platform for change, and gave a message of new hope which inspired not only his own people but also those around the world. At home, he said he would turn over the languishing economy. Abroad, he pledged to end the war in Iraq and defeat Al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan.

He had been speaking of the Bush era as a bleak chapter in American history. "America, we are better than those last eight years," he asserted while pledging to restore what he called "our lost sense of common purpose." At the Denver Convention, while laying out his vision of hope and change, Obama drew a sombre picture of America's defining moment while laying the blame squarely with "a broken politics in Washington and the failed policies of George W Bush."

In his inaugural address, President Obama explained how he would make the difference in America's policies and in the lives of Americans as well as those of the people of the world. But then he also listed the multiple challenges of Bush's terrible legacy which included wars, global image erosion, shattered economy, depleted social security, health-care crisis and decaying education system. One year later, Obama seems helpless. There is no sign of the promised change anywhere.

Obama had told his people that the challenges ahead were real and serious and they were many but he declared exuding confidence: "Know this, America, they will be met." Now that he has completed his first year in office, the American public as well as the world at large is wondering what happened to the promises he made to them, especially on issues of global peace and security and on ending the two 'bloody' wars that his predecessor left for him.

The American people and the media as indeed the whole world are convinced that fighting wars was a mistake that Obama should have redressed. According to the Washington Post, "in the name of the war on terror, we have invaded and occupied a country that had nothing to do with the attacks of 9/11, we have emboldened our enemies, we have lost and taken many lives, we have spent trillions of dollars, we have sacrificed civil liberties, and we have jettisoned our commitment to human dignity."

No other nation has done greater damage to its own global prestige and credibility because of its misdirected policies and misplaced priorities. Ironically, most of these policies have given no relief to the world in terms of peace and development, nor have they brought any political or economic dividends to the US itself. It is experiencing one of the worst fiscal crises of its history by waging wars in anger after the 9/11 atrocity. The 'war on terror' is now considered a 'wicked' war that has not gone beyond retribution and retaliation.

Washington's overbearing global conduct during the Bush era not only brought a serious backlash among foreign populations but also sparked anti-Americanism all over the world reflecting global dyspathy to the US unilateralism, its self-righteousness, its international conduct including the blatant use of force in Iraq and elsewhere, and as the late Robert McNamara said, "its contempt for moral and multilateral imperatives." Obama has done nothing to change this global perception.

With growing anti-Americanism all over the world, there is equally growing concern in the US today over the challenges that this universal phenomenon poses to US global interests and policy objectives. Public opinion polls show a marked increase in this phenomenon over the last few years in much of the world. A recent study by a bi-partisan group of national security experts from American governmental and non-governmental sectors concluded that anti-Americanism, not terrorism, was America's biggest problem.

The report acknowledged that "by flexing military might, ignoring multilateral institutions, and trying to transform the domestic politics of other states, we have triggered a backlash that increases extreme anti-Americanism, discourages key actors from fully cooperating with us, and weakens our global authority." There is a need for 'self-reappraisal' in Washington to identify the real causes, motivations, attitudes and criticisms that have over the decades contributed to global anti-Americanism.

Interestingly, during his visit to France last year, President Obama did not mince words in calling out his own country for 'arrogant' patriotism as against Europe's 'insidious' anti-Americanism. He admitted "in America, there is a failure to appreciate Europe's leading role in the world, and at times America had shown arrogance and been dismissive, even derisive" while in Europe, there is anti-Americanism that is at once casual, but can also be insidious.

The graph of anti-Americanism in Pakistan as elsewhere in the world has also been sky-rocketing in recent years despite all that the US claims to be doing to help Pakistan's long-term interests as a 'friend and an ally.' There is in fact a pervasive feeling all over the world that the US is not a 'steadfast and reliable' friend, and that its self-serving policies had contributed to most of the current problems in different parts of the world, including our own region where US nuclear and defence deals with India have created serious strategic imbalances.

Against this backdrop, the change of leadership in Washington was seen as watershed opening for change of direction in America's thinking and behaviour. Obama was expected to bring paradigm shift in US global policies and priorities to redress its strategic faux pas and correct its negative perception as an 'arrogant superpower' which in its behaviour is "hegemonic, unilateralist, interventionist and exploitative." If anything, Obama's policies in Afghanistan and elsewhere in the world have only deepened this perception.

President Obama may have been sincere initially when he intended to do and undo many things but in this one year of his presidency, he has not gone beyond rhetoric and has only been grappling with his faltering 'strategies' contrary to his own avowed mission. The mid-term elections are not too far. Obama and his Democratic Party are up for an early verdict on their performance, and there is a long checklist to judge on his unkept promises.

Obama had promised a new America which would be true to its values at home, and which would also be at peace with the rest of the world. His new America is nowhere in sight. He is fast losing the momentum on his pledges and commitments. American public opinion is increasingly losing patience with his policies which in essence are no different to those of his predecessor.

He has no magic wand but he could at least restore America's moral standing so that it quickly recovers from its global alienation and perception as an 'arrogant power'.

Apparently he is caught in a struggle against the neocon remnants in American 'establishment' with the Pentagon and the CIA calling the decisive shots in their lead role.

Obama was awarded last year's Nobel Peace Prize rather prematurely but it was a timely 'call for action' and an incentive to encourage him to remain steadfast in his mission. He must regain his lost momentum lest he is crossed as one-term president. Obama must go ahead and bring peace and justice to the world that his predecessor had turned upside down. But can he do it?

The writer is a former foreign secretary. Email: shamshad1941@ yahoo. com

 

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I. THE NEWS

BACHA KHAN'S LEGACY

SARTAJ KHAN

Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan, also known as Bacha Khan, died on Jan 20, 1988. What is the legacy of this great reformer -- an adherent of non-violence and anti-imperialism?

Bacha Khan was born in the house of a 'minor' Khan in 1890. Two important events took place before his birth: the advent of British Empire in the Peshawar valley in 1849 and the Mutiny of 1857. But the most import events that left an impact on his thoughts and shaped his struggle later took place between his birth and 1929. He launched his Khudai Khidmatgar (Red Shirts) Movement in 1929. The British were able to divide the Pakhtun land externally with Afghanistan in 1893 and internally into three parts. Seven years later there was the great uprising of the Pakhtuns against the British Empire in the tribal belt. All these developments shaped the thoughts of Bacha Khan, one of the great reformers of the subcontinent.

The British Empire introduced drastic changes in Pakhtoon society in accordance with imperialist interests. The development of the new irrigation system was accompanied by the introduction of many laws, including permanent settlements, imposition of heavy taxes, commencement of capitalist economic relations and a system of modern communications and transportation. The introduction of permanent land ownership was the most important one and this created a loyal minority of Nawabs, Khans and Pirs at the expense of commoners.

The great majority of masses were alienated from land in one way or another. It is estimated that in the course of 30 years 60 per cent of arable land was confiscated by landlords with the backing of the colonial power. The share of the common man declined by 30 per cent in just 20 years.

The introduction of a market economy and extraction of surplus crops from the rural poor resulted in the ruin of the traditional petty bourgeoisie. A new class emerged out of the ruin of Pashtun society. It resulted in the emergence of new merchants and minor Khans on the one hand and alienated rural poor and traditional artisans on the other. The situation was exploited by the Khudai Khidmatgars in the settled areas of NWFP.

A very different system and strategy was adopted in the tribal belt. The so-called Sandeman system was introduced by the British in Balochistan and in the tribal belt. But it was in the settled districts where the impact of capitalist market relationships was felt extensively.

As Hamza Alavi and Eric Wolf pointed out in their research on peasants' struggles, it was middle-class peasants who could stand up against the big landlords. So in the settled areas of NWFP it was Bacha Khan, a minor Khan of Charsadda, who founded a movement of the rural poor.

Before launching his anti-colonial movement, he not only collaborated with many Pakhtun reformers but also actively took part in many social and political movements of his time.

The British were alarmed by upheavals of the rural poor under the leadership of Bacha Khan and other minor Khans. The development was linked with the rise of Bolshevik Russia and was considered a threat to the British imperial power in the Indian subcontinent. The movement enjoyed the support of various sections of Pakhtun society. The interests of the minor Khans were translated in such a way that it became the focal point of the whole society. Syed Waqar Ali Shah aptly analysed the support of different strata of society for the movement led by Bacha Khan:

"To the Pakhtun intelligentsia, it was a movement for the revival of Pakhtun culture with its distinct identity. To the smaller Khans, it was a movement that demanded political reforms for the province that would enfranchise them and give them a greater role in governance. Its anti-colonial stand suited the majority of anti-establishment ulema, who always regarded British rule in the subcontinent as a curse. For the peasants and other poor classes it was against their economic oppressors: British imperialism and its agents, the pro-British Nawabs, Khan Bahadurs and the big Khans."

Traditionally, people such as blacksmiths, barbers, goldsmiths and even the mullah are not considered Pakhtuns. But the movement was able to mobilise every downtrodden section of society around a common cause -- social justice and an end to colonialism. The enemy was quite obvious: big landlords and the power behind them, the British. At the moment the Muslim League was a representative of the big landlords, Khans and Pirs. The movement culminated in the victory of the Congress in NWFP.

But the movement was exposed to contradictions once the Khudai Khidmatgars and the Congress came to power in the province. On the eve of the great peasant uprising in Ghaladir, Mardan, the provincial government sided with the Nawab of Turo against its own supporters. They extensively worked in Hazara and the Khudai Khidmatgars were marginalised there after two consecutive peasant conferences in the late 1930s.

The peasants were now organised by Maulana Abdul Rahim Popalzai. Many intellectuals and urban professionals were disappointed when Maulana Popalzai, a socialist leader as well as Mufti-e-Azam of the province, was arrested at the behest of the big landlords. Maulana Popalzai died in jail. It was a great blow to the Khan brothers -- Dr Khan Sahib and Bacha Khan. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, the president of the Congress, was so upset by the arrest of the great freedom fighter that he wrote a letter to the Khan brothers to express his discontent with the development.

Many urban professionals had left the movement, such as Sardar Abdul Rab Nishter and Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan. The Khudai Khidmatgar movement in its prime lost the support of tenants who had migrated from the tribal belt adjacent to the fertile settled areas of the Mohmands, Bajauris, Buneris, Malizais, Salarzais and others. Consequently, tenant cultivators deserted the movement in large numbers.

But the movement enjoyed the support of traditional petty artisans, small landowners and many landlords. Despite the British propaganda against him and his movement by the British, the big landlords, the Pirs and the mullahs, Bacha Khan's anti-colonial stance and struggle for social justice enabled him to face all odds. The Khudai Khidmatgar movement inspired generations of Pashtuns on both sides of the Durand Line, especially in the settled districts of NWFP.

The writer is an activist. Email: sartaj2000 @yahoo.com

 

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I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

RULE OF LAW

DR A Q KHAN

The duty of a government is to protect the lives and belongings of the public. It is duty-bound to provide justice without discrimination and to ensure the basic necessities of life.

Mahmood of Ghazni was a great king and his empire stretched across a vast area. One day a caravan was looted by dacoits within his kingdom and some travellers, including a young man, were killed. The old mother of that young man went to the court of the king and complained bitterly about it. When Mahmood made the lame excuse that it was a far off place, she became infuriated and reprimanded him for conquering such far off places even though he could not ensure the security of his subjects there. The king immediately ordered a contingent of soldiers to go to the spot and impose the government's writ.

In the olden days rulers did not hesitate to acknowledge their mistakes and apologise and accepting shortcomings, and advice was not considered something to be ashamed of. Kings and rulers of old were said to be absolute rulers with unquestionable authority, but the common man had access to them. Justice was dispensed promptly and there was no way of escape, even for the rich and powerful.

Caliph Umar (RA) punished his own son through lashing. Hajjaj Bin Yusuf punished the corrupt by lashing, and Sher Shah Suri punished his son in the same way when he was caught sitting on an elephant and teasing the wife of a poor man. Emperor Jehangir had a bell hung at the gate of his palace which any needy or aggrieved person could peal in order to get prompt justice or help. Mirza Ghalib was arrested for allowing gambling in his house and was prosecuted in the court of Mufti Sadruddin Arzu (Ghalib's own disciple) who convicted him according to the law, but paid the fine from his own pocket.

Hundreds of years before the birth of Prophet Isa (PBUH), there lived an Emperor in India by the name of Vikramajit (Vikamadattya), who had his capital in Ujjani (near Bhopal). The concept of "Nau Ratan" (nine wise people) originated in his court. They were persons famous for their wisdom and knowledge. Famous poet and playwright Kali Das, who wrote Shakuntala and Maghdoot, was one of them. Vikramajit is reported to have had the blessings of Almighty God to extract evidence from stones, trees, birds, and animals. He was famous for dispensing justice.

The Moghul Dynasty flourished just as long as the rulers were honest, God-fearing and just. After the death of Aurangzeb, the dynasty deteriorated and ultimately disintegrated and many local rulers declared themselves autonomous, making it possible for the British to colonise the whole subcontinent. The British cleverly applied the concept of "divide and rule" and regularly paid those who were willing to take up arms against the Indian rulers. Consequently, the Moghul Empire became limited to the Red Fort in Delhi.

The success of the British was due to their intelligence and intrigues and also because of the differences between the local rulers, their cruel and corrupt rule and the absence of justice and rule of law. The uprising of 1857 put the last nail into Indian rulers' coffin. The British gradually conquered the whole of the subcontinent and also made meticulous plans to keep it under their control for as long as possible. They eliminated those whom they considered to be nationalists, replacing them with stooges to make use of their services as and when required, as was done in both World Wars. They established Fort William College at Calcutta where British colonialists were compulsorily taught Urdu. Some became so fluent that they even became Urdu poets.

The British were wise in that they decided not to disturb local laws and religious traditions. Marriage and inheritance laws were left untouched and Maulvis and Pandits were employed to take care of these matters. They did not force people to learn English, but whoever spoke the language were assured of good jobs. They conferred titles on those who translated the Civil Procedure Code, the Indian Penal Code and other British laws into Urdu, notably Shamsul Ulema Deputy Nazir Ahmed. They did not change the names of the cities and abstained from interference in religious matters.

Hindu and Muslims festivals were declared holidays and loyal Muslim and Hindu officers were given titles such as Khan Bahadur, Rai Bahadur, Sir, etc. In the police force, the constable, head constable, inspector, DSP, SP and DIG were locals. Only the IG Police was British. Similarly, in the Revenue Department, the Patwari, Tehsildar and deputy revenue commissioner were Indians and only the revenue commissioner was British. In the army, the ranks of soldier to colonel were filled by Indians and those of Brigadier General and above by British.

There was no favouritism, nepotism, superseding of officials, corruption in civil work contracts, etc. Consequently, the quality of the work carried out was of such high standard that many roads, bridges and buildings still stand today and are in relatively good condition. People respected the law and fear of punishment kept them from breaking it. Law was the same for everybody. Immediately after Partition, the leaders and law enforcing agencies were honest, but within a few years corruption, nepotism and favouritism became the order of the day. Nowadays people are even committing suicide (or suicide bombings?) and the rulers are least bothered.

The Indians did a much better job. Its independent area was reduced to less than the size of Pakistan because 553 states were sovereign. However, Sardar Patel, the home and deputy prime minister, immediately annexed all the states and also abolished the Jagirdari System, thus saving the country from future intrigues and manipulation by a few rich families. We failed to take similar action. During the rule of Liaquat Ali Khan we had such a good system in place that the editor of Blitz, Mr Karanjia, advised the chief minister of Bombay, Mr Murarji Desai, to visit Pakistan and learn about good governance.

Soon autocracy and dictatorship destroyed the very fabric of the country and we are now known as one of the most corrupt, intriguing and cheating nations of the world. The ruling elite has only one purpose in mind – how to earn money quickly, by whatever means. Courts became corrupt, further facilitating the rulers in their nefarious activities. Stolen money was transferred abroad and property bought. If a case was initiated, it dragged on for years and was ultimately dropped.

Contrary to general expectations, the military rulers turned out to be no better. Dictators, having very little public support, relied on foreign powers and sold the sovereignty of the country in return for personal survival. The result is there for all to see. Loans worth almost Rs200 billion have been written off, foreign debt has increased, submission to foreign dictates is the norm, selling citizens for bounties has become acceptable, and foreign powers have been allowed to operate within the country and kill locals with impunity. Our leaders have not learnt to apply economic austerity. Our only survival lies in a popular public uprising and cleansing of the whole system, once and for all.

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I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

THE HEALTHCARE BILL 2009

SANIA NISHTAR

Discussions around the Punjab Health Care Bill 2009 have intensified following some instances of alleged medical negligence in Lahore. The purpose of this comment is to clarify many policy and institutional implications of this bill in an attempt to avert a confrontation.

To begin with it is acknowledged that as the steward of the health sector, it is the responsibility of the government to ensure the provision of quality health services. Health being a provincial subject, it is also perfectly legitimate for the provincial government to legislate in this area. There is also a need for legislation in the quality regulation domain and imperative to create an institute focusing on quality, as this area has remained outside of the domain of planning. The need to bring the private sector within a normative framework is also acknowledged, as it is currently outside of the state's purview.

It is also true that quality of care offered by the private sector is heterogeneous, that rampant malpractices are commonplace, that citizens and the bona fide elements within the private health market suffer at the hands of the non-bona fide private health actors, which are burgeoning at an alarming rate and that there is lack of awareness regarding the law of tort and the remedies available under it. In view of all these gaps, the move to regulate the private sector with a view to ensuring quality of services as an endpoint is perfectly understandable. But is the envisaged strategy to be pursued through the bill the right approach? I will draw insights from past experiences to support my opinion in this connection.

First, for any regulatory framework to be effective, the consensus of stakeholders is a prerequisite. Lessons from the failure of NWFPs' policy on Institution Based Private Practice is instructive in this regard. This time around also the private healthcare community is not fully on board as is evident from the Pakistan Medical Association's categorical call to confrontation at the outset and subsequent, post-hoc consultations. Even if a regulatory strategy is well conceived--and the present one has many gaps--it will be inherently constrained if there is no stakeholder ownership.

Second, the style of regulation and quality control measures to be adopted through this bill are intrinsically--and inadvertently--structured for failure. Current regulatory systems are plagued with institutionalized rent-seeking where low paid inspectors collude with private entities. It would be extremely difficult for any new regulatory institution to ensure a level of remuneration for regulators that could play a role in prohibiting such behaviors given the current fiscal constraints.

Third, even if resources are not an issue and a health care regulatory arrangement is created, the level of acceptability it will have in the present system should be brought to bear. From a broad health governance perspective, the creation of a Health Commission could represent the beginning of separation between three functions within the health administration. The commission could be mandated with a regulatory role, the Secretariat could retain a policy making function and implementation could be entrusted to the departments of health and the EDOs' offices. In theory this is a desirable model, but it needs long-term consistency of policy direction and robust technical capacity to institutionalize such a change. There are inherent limitations in this respect and resistance to change from stakeholders who have a vested interest in maintaining status quo. The saga of the Drug Regularity Authority is a case in point where action has not been forthcoming since 2005.

Fourth, Pakistan's history is replete with examples of 'independent commissions', which have not delivered on the intended premise. We tend to think of institution creation as an end in itself. We don't structure the measures needed for institution building and often trade off design robustness in favor of structuring loopholes for controls. In fact some sections of the bill indicate an intent to factor-in discretionary powers, which can allow uneven application of the law at a later stage.

And finally, even if the government of Punjab created the ideal regulatory authority and even if had the money to do that, it must be remembered that institutions cannot be disconnected from their environment and that in isolation they are not a substitute for the many inefficiencies that pervade the health system in general.

It is therefore recommended that the government should reconsider its approach to quality regulation. Given the size and scale of the private sector and the nature of needed changes, a market harnessing form of regulation, which can incentivize the delivery of quality services appears the most feasible. The importance of this approach is that it can be mainstreamed at the same time as some other critically needed measures to harness the outreach of private providers. The latter are needed in Pakistan as 70 per cent of the healthcare delivery is by the private sector, whose potential to deliver public goods in health remains un-harnessed.

The decision to use private providers to deliver public goods in health entails the creation of a set of policy and regulatory norms. It is in tandem with these fundamental changes that incentives for quality can be built and with careful monitoring and oversight, can be successful in Pakistan's complex environment. Coercive measures in isolation cannot be a substitute for the needed reform in the health sector.

The writer is the founder and president of Heartfile. Email: sania@heartfile.org

 

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I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

WHO'S AFRAID OF JUSTICE RAMDAY?

ANJUM NIAZ

The writer is a freelance journalist with over twenty years of experience in national and international reporting

A starter kit to block Justice (r) Khalilur Rehman Ramday's appointment as an ad hoc judge of the Supreme Court is under assembly. It's clear as the blue sky that the Zardari government is loath to see the fiercely independent judge back on the Supreme Court bench. It has therefore declared that Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry's letter sent to President Zardari nominating Justice Ramday has not reached its destination! More on that in a minute.

Meanwhile respected jurists like S M Zafar, Justice (r) Tariq Mahmood (my hero for the CJ's restoration movement) and the most venerable of all, Justice (r) Fakhruddin G Ebrahim are going on TV channels speaking against the re-appointment of Justice Ramday. On a recent chat show, the three gentlemen unanimously demanded that the chief justice "take back" his request to the president asking for the rehiring of Justice Ramday.

PML-Q Senator S M Zafar is technically right when he says that an ad hoc judge can only be appointed to the Supreme Court when all the vacancies have first been filled up. "Unless his newly vacated seat on the Supreme Court bench gets filled up by a judge of the High Court, it's premature to ask the president to appoint Justice Ramday."

Fair enough.

But what S M Zafar didn't tell the viewers was that only two months ago, when Justice Ghulam Rabbani retired from the Supreme Court, the vacancy was filled up by a judge of the Sindh High Court along with the appointment of Justice Rabbani as an ad hoc judge. It was done simultaneously. President Zardari gave his blessings to both the gentlemen who by the way took the oath one after another. The first to take the oath was the newly appointed judge followed by Justice Rabbani as an ad hoc judge.

"Justice Ramday's extension is against all principles," announced Justice (r) Fakhruddin G Ebrahim. This was his signature tune throughout the talk show. Did Justice Ebrahim and S M Zafar voice similar discontent when Justice Rabbani got an extension only last October? If so, then I salute the two for being men of 'principles'.

Justice (r) Tariq Mahmood, I adored, because he lambasted dictator Musharraf during the restoration of the CJ and other judges like Justice Ramday. He stood behind them like a rock, a voice of reason and courage, never abandoning their cause. Today, he's gone sour. Why? Criticising the CJ's move to rehire Justice Ramday, Tariq Mahmood cited the Al-Jihad Trust case, insisting that a retired judge of the Supreme Court is not eligible for reappointment. But surely he must know that apart from Justice Rabbani's extension, Justice Hamid Ali Mirza retired and was made an ad hoc judge in 2005. The tradition goes back to 1976, when Justice Waheedudin (father of Justice Wajhiuddin) was appointed an ad hoc judge after he retired from the Supreme Court.

I hope this clears up some things.

The anchor too, in unholy haste, passed judgment on Justice Ramday's extension. "The chief justice's letter to the president asking for Justice Ramday's reappointment does not carry weight and therefore should be withdrawn."
Why is the return of Justice Ramday causing such anguish among the punditocracy?

Our Constitution stipulates that the number of judges in the Supreme Court along with the chief justice must be fixed by parliament. Should the number be increased, then it can only be done by a 'President Order.' In 2007, an Act of Parliament fixed the number of judges at 16 plus the chief justice. But Article 182 of the Constitution states that if "temporary" judges are needed, then the chief justice is authorised to appoint anyone whenever he feels that he needs more judges in the Supreme Court. He can do it in two ways: either elevate a sitting judge of the High Court or appoint a retired judge of the Supreme Court within three years of his retirement. While the president appoints a judge of the Supreme Court in "consultation" with the chief justice, the protocol is reversed in the appointment of an ad hoc judge. The chief justice appoints the ad hoc judge with the "approval" of the president!

Make no mistake: the chief justice wants Justice Ramday as an ad hoc judge to the Supreme Court.

Traditionally, the president never turns down the chief justice's request. Doing so would mean an outright confrontation. But were that to happen, the president would be required to put in writing his reasons for not agreeing to the appointment. In Justice Ramday's case, President Zardari would have a hard time finding holes in his character. The witty, tough-minded judge has assumed an iconic stature. An editor in Lahore brought out a whole supplement when Justice Ramday retired.

What our distinguished legal experts and equally initiated anchors should be asking instead is: what is the fate of the chief justice's letter to President Zardari recommending Justice Ramday's appointment?

 

 I gave a letter to the postman/he put it his sack/bright and early next morning/he brought my letter back... Return to sender, address unknown/No such number, no such zone/return to sender/ return to sender/return to sender

The above song is a 1962 rock and roll hit single by the American heartthrob, Elvis Presley. Surely our president and prime minister must have heard and swung to it in their disco years; surely our learned law minister 'Dr' Babar Awan must have heard it on his transistor many a time; surely our lordships, Honourable Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, and Supreme Court's Justice Khalilur Rehman Ramday must have come across the lyric. And of course the earnest Farhatullah Babar, now the presidential spokesman, must know of Elvis and his pop songs.

We are all of the same vintage, no matter what our station in life today. But the honourable mention of the above gentlemen is linked to a letter which has gone missing. And I fear the case of the missing letter will fall through the cracks once the Supreme Court issues its detailed judgment against the NRO!

The letter encased in a file, stamped and sealed from the office of the highest adjudicator in the land left the Supreme Court premises over two weeks ago. The distance it had to cover was a few furlongs. Even if it was not sent through a 'special messenger' or couriered via a commercial organisation or sent 'by hand,' but instead was put in the mailbox to be delivered through snail mail, where in the world does it take more than 14 days to reach the most important address in the country – the presidency? The law minister has a lot to explain why his department failed to deliver the letter from no less a person than the chief justice of Pakistan.

Are we the Flintstones living in the Stone Age?

Let a thousand Khalilur Rehman Ramdays bloom. Pakistan needs judges like him to be models of honesty, truth and upholders of law. Since Musharraf's reference against the chief justice got thrown out in July 2007, the full bench of the Supreme Court has been seized with handling political cases, the latest being the NRO. Hearing of routine cases has been thrown by the wayside. Two million cases had piled up at all levels of judicial hierarchy when the independent judiciary was restored last March.

Let's get serious.

Email: aniaz@fas.harvard.edu & www.anjumniaz.com

 

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I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

BLAMING THE IMF

DR MEEKAL A AHMED

Apportioning all our economic ills to the IMF is the usual IMF-bashing that we enjoy. First, it is claimed that the IMF programme has increased poverty. I would have thought that it was Pakistan's recent nightmarish experience with galloping inflation when the headline rate of inflation peaked at a staggering 25 per cent per annum that pushed millions into poverty. The IMF programme has helped bring inflation down in Pakistan, not push it up, thereby helping people climb back out of poverty as prices stabilise and start to come down.

Secondly, it is argued that high interest rates are hurting industry and employment. High interest rates are a very minor factor when compared to the crippling effects of power outages. It is difficult to separate out the effects of the two, and other factors such as the security situation and the recent global recession, unless we undertake some sort of "factor analysis." Nevertheless, having no power to run our factories for up to 18 hours a day must be having serious economic consequences.

Furthermore, it is not clear how high interest rates are. If we adjust for present inflation, a "real" interest rate of around 2 per cent is not high. With inflation on the upside at present and threatening to rise, I see no room to cut interest rates further at this time.

Senior economist Naveed Anwar Khan's complaint is that while the world is applying stimulus measures to help their economies grow, Pakistan is doing the reverse under IMF advice. This is disingenuous. The global economies, with the IMF, the high priests of fiscal rectitude prodding them along, are indeed implementing strong fiscal and monetary policy-easing measures because most of them have the room to do so. India had, and probably still has, a current account deficit of a little over 1 per cent of GDP with ample foreign exchange reserves, including the gold it just purchased from the IMF. Inflation, while rising, is still low at around 4.7 per cent per annum, although the Indian central bank has already signalled a bias towards raising interest rates to keep inflationary pressures at bay.

Pakistan had a fiscal and external current account deficit of 8 per cent of GDP, an inflation rate of 25 per cent per annum, massive capital flight and vanishing foreign-exchange reserves when it turned to the IMF. It is true that the economy has been brought into better balance since then. The external current account deficit has fallen, inflation has come down, there is fresh public and private capital inflow, asset markets have stabilised and, with surging workers' remittances and IMF financing, our foreign exchange reserves have been built up to more comfortable levels. But the nascent economic recovery we are witnessing is fragile and tentative and subject to downside risks.

The last thing Pakistan needs is a "double-dip" economic downturn because we do something unwise and precipitate on the policy front. Any easing of macroeconomic policy must therefore be done cautiously.

In actual fact, whatever easing in policy that we have seen has made many economists uncomfortable. The IMF has loosened our fiscal deficit target for this year by arguably more than can be judged to be prudent, and probably will do so again next year. While some easing of the fiscal stance is desirable so as to cushion the economy's downturn and impart some demand stimulus, a too rapid easing not only harbours the risk of bringing inflation back with a vengeance just as we seem to have beaten it, but will require interest rates to be pushed back up again to compensate both for the easing on the fiscal side and to keep real interest rates in positive territory to control demand, the ensuing flood of liquidity, and inflation. That would be the worst outcome of all.

There is a sensible and well-meaning suggestion to tie all future releases of IMF money to better governance in the recipient country. It may surprise many to learn that efforts to do so in the past have been vehemently resisted by the developing countries themselves, including Pakistan, in the IMF and World Bank Executive Board where such issues some up for consideration and debate.

 

The writer has a doctorate from Oxford University and has worked at the Planning Commission and the IMF. Email: meekalahmed2@aol.com

 

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

PRESIDENT SPEAKS LANGUAGE OF DEATH

 

EVERYONE is baffled over President Asif Ali Zardari's consistent attempts to send a loud and clear message as if he was under great pressure and feeling sense of insecurity. However, the nature of the threat remains unclear as neither the President is speaking clearly as to what kind of threat he faces nor is there any indication of any conspiracy being hatched by any other institution as all of them are apparently working within the limit envisaged by the Constitution and the law.

With the passage of everyday, the body language of the President as well as his words speak volumes about the so-called conspiracies giving the impression as if he may be shown the door within a matter of weeks. But people are at a loss to understand as to why he feels like that because state institutions appear to be fully mindful of the fact that the country was passing through a critical phase and, therefore, they seem to be on board. But statements and remarks of Zardari are raising the temperature and the language of death he used during his visit to Faisalabad on Monday surprised the countrymen. The President claimed that he was not fearful of the death declaring in a challenging manner that he was chasing it and in this connection he also referred to the tragedies that befell the Bhutto family. If one recalls, late Z A Bhutto and late Ziaul Haq too used similar terminologies during their days of decadence and such statements are taken as signs of inner weakness and fear. As a grim scenario is emerging due to the hype created by the statements of the President, we would, therefore, urge Zardari to take the nation into confidence and if there are really any conspiracies he should expose them. We are sure that in that case the nation would be on the right side. Similar sentiments were also expressed by leader of the Opposition in the National Assembly Ch Nisar Ali Khan on Monday when he demanded of the President to take Parliament into confidence if there was any threat to the democratic system. We believe that instead of making vague references, the President should clarify the nature of the threat and concentrate on issues confronting the people. The masses are getting disappointed because of shortage as well as frequent and unjustified increases in the prices of oil, gas and electricity but the President is giving them the lollipop of bringing down — when? Mere slogans would not work.

 

 

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

TALIBAN DETERMINED TO FIGHT IN KABUL

 

KABUL, which is already at the centre of the world attention, came into sharp focus on Monday when Taliban struck in its heart launching suicide attacks on key government targets. There were a series of blasts and the gunfight outside several ministries and inside a shopping mall continued for more than three hours resulting in killing of 12 people.

It was really a show of strength by Taliban in the highly fortified Kabul, presenting a challenge to the authority of both President Hamid Karzai and the occupation forces of the United States and NATO. The foreign invaders are dreaming of taking control of the rest of the country, being ruled virtually by militants, but the ferocious attack in Kabul made it clear that things were far from the point where the US and its allies want them to see. It showed that surge or no surge, Afghan conflict cannot be resolved through the use of force and its prolongation would only add to human tragedies and miseries. It is perhaps in this perspective that the United Kingdom has come to the conclusion that there was no military solution to the mess and the US too appears to be thinking in terms of finding a way out. This realization is nothing new as it is the verdict of the history that Afghans, who are being dubbed as Taliban, never submitted and reconciled to the foreign occupation of their motherland. We are sure that even now the valiant Afghans would not submit to the occupation forces and, therefore, it is time that Karzai administration should start talking to 'brother' Taliban and Americans with 'good' Taliban. This is the only way out to restore peace in the war torn country.

 

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

INDIAN GIMMICK TO MILK US MORE

 

INDIAN leadership is following a well-considered plan to attract US attention that it has the capacity to play a bigger role to further Washington's interest in the region. In pursuit of this plan a number of statements have emerged from New Delhi in the past few weeks ahead of the visit of US Defence Secretary Robert Gates which could be described as Indian gimmicks to milk US more.

Indian Army Chief General Kapoor had the courage to challenge both Pakistan and China while the External Affairs Secretary Nirupama Rao repeated demand of dismantling the terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan which would sound music to the ears of Robert Gates and the United States. Foreign Office spokesman did well to reject the Indian terror allegations and asked India for a deep introspection of its own policies and conduct, notably in Jammu and Kashmir where killings of civilians by occupation forces and custodial murders are order of the day. The Indians also resorted to unprovoked firing on Pakistani positions in the Sialkot area on Sunday night which was retaliated and forced them to stop firing. It is a known fact that every time an American leader or senior official visits New Delhi, India indulges in such acts in order to blame Pakistan and achieve a higher degree of appreciation from Washington. It is a typical Nehruvian style being shrewdly followed by the present Indian leadership to draw US attention and extract maximum benefits. Already Delhi has entered into agreement with US for access to nuclear technology and is now engaged in a massive arms buying spree worth $ 50 billion in the next five years. During Gates visit, India intends to intensify negotiations to build momentum for military purchases and pacts including logistics support agreement and the communication and security memorandum that would boost its military might. In this perspective we would urge the political and military leadership to give a serious thought to the emerging scenario, which could pose serious dangers to the security of the country.

 

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

AMAN KI ASHA IS A DECEPTION

ASIF HAROON RAJA

It is befuddling to see two faces of India; one face breathing fire and yearning to annihilate Pakistan, and the other singing melodious tunes of peace and friendship. One year before, Indian civil and military leaders were indulging in high pitch saber rattling. Their strike formations had moved up into battle locations and fighter jets had scrambled to strike targets in AJK and Muredke. Indian media and public were up in arms beating war drums. Divorcing sanity and rationalism, Indian leadership accused Pakistan of its involvement in Mumbai attacks and charge-sheeted it without any shred of evidence. They had refused to listen to any explanation and spurned offer of joint investigation. Whatever one-sided evidence was provided to Pakistan was flimsy and fabricated. They got irritated when lies got exposed but USA and UK covered up their concoctions by fully backing them up and putting the entire blame on Pakistan. Their bellicosity has not died down to this date and they are still bent upon trying to coercively impose their will on Pakistan.

On 29 December, Indian army Chief Deepak Kapoor stoked embers of war for the second time in quick succession. No sooner this uncalled for jingoistic statement was made another equally puzzling move was made under the caption of Aman ki Asha (desire for peace). A seminar was organised in New Delhi jointly sponsored by India Times and Jang Group from 10-12 January to promote peace between two arch rivals. Notwithstanding the harmless and well-meaning title, timings of the same were rather odd since it does not fit into the vitiated atmosphere deliberately stoked by India. It is persistently inflating its defence budget and its armed forces are getting laced with latest art-of-weapons and its nuclear program is being radically expanded and upgraded. Added to it are its offensive designs and covert operations against Pakistan. It is in no mood to resolve disputes and ease tensions. From the time India signed peace treaty with Pakistan in January 2004 and promised to resolve all disputes through composite dialogue, India has not moved an inch towards resolution of any dispute. Major disputes are Kashmir, Siachen, Sir Creek, dams on rivers and water. Past master in foot dragging and making false promises, India kept buying time and under the garb of friendship deceived Pakistan by stabbing it in the back. Its intelligence agencies have been indulging in sabotage and subversion and supporting disruptive forces in Pakistan and making several regions turbulent. Even when RAW's involvement in Balochistan, FATA and Swat came to light our leaders preferred to remain quiet so as not to antagonize India.

Taking our policy of appeasement as a sign of weakness, RAW and Mossad in consultation with CIA cooked up Mumbai drama. Indian political leaders and media upped the ante and held Pakistan squarely responsible for the carnage without a shred of evidence. Their mentors in USA and UK lent credence to their false claims. The incident planned in a shoddy manner backfired and prestige of shining India got badly bruised. Indian public termed it as an intelligence failure. Intelligence agencies, Indian Navy, Coast Guard, Mumbai security apparatus as well as Army were censured since a band of ten terrorists managed to breach the cordon and held the port city hostage for over 72 hours. Response of security forces was simply pathetic, resulting in lots of fatalities including foreigners and loss of face. When Pakistan did not get over awed and held its ground firmly on diplomatic and military planes coolly, maturely and boldly, it nonplussed plot makers in India. As the dust settled down and glaring loopholes in the wicked plan started to prop up, it further perplexed them. It irritated them to find Pakistan objecting to their fake pieces of evidence and got panicky when their lies got exposed. Not knowing what to do, they were left with no other option but to keep crying as victims of terrorism and stubbornly clinging on to their ridiculous stance that India would not renew dialogue unless Pakistan acted upon its silly demands of punishing the culprits and dismantling terrorist networks. While expecting a lot from Pakistan, India refuse to admit that it is involved in subversive activities, well knowing that Pakistan has collected heap of evidence.

Hosts of steps taken by Pakistan were disregarded and like USA, it also started to stupidly sing the mantra of 'do more'. This piggish stance has become all the more necessary to hide their embarrassment since Ajmal Kasab, the lone witness on which the whole case was cleverly spun by Indian agencies has begun to unravel truths while recoding his statement in the law court. He has categorically denied having killed anyone on 26/11 and revealed that he was kidnapped and put in jail much before the incident and on the day of occurrence he was taken to the site, shot and injured. Involvement of local terrorists aided by elements within Indian army and RAW in Samjhota Express and Malegaon acts of terror has already been proven. In the backdrop of demonstrated Indian bellicosity, Aman ki Asha came as a surprise and left many in Pakistan gaping in wonder as to what to believe and what not to believe. Pro-Indian elements within Pakistan have however hailed the initiative. They have been ignoring Indian clandestine operations together with jingoism and have projected Indo-US theme that religious extremists and not India is the existential threat to security of Pakistan. They laugh and mock those who say that war on terror is US war and not our war. They also ignored Gen Kapoor's offensive statements but jumped with excitement at the proposed seminar on Aman ki Asha and lauded the idea profusely. In their series of write ups they have projected it as a breakthrough and a step in the right direction towards Indo-Pak détente. None bothered to contemplate that no Indian leader has brought any change in his tone and hawkish style, or taken any confidence building measures (CBM) to ease up tension.

List of invitees was prepared from among them. Aman ki Asha is not meant to promote peace but to once again harm Pakistan through guile and deceit. It has been conceived and sponsored by RAW with devious motives. Real motive behind it is to sidestep real issues of conflict and once again indulge in nonsensical CBMs. It is an effort to hoodwink world comity and to again take Pakistan for a ride.

India has somehow come to the conclusion that as a result of Indo-US-Israel-UK eight-year collective efforts, Pakistan has been sufficiently weakened from within and is now in dire strait. They feel that time is ripe to dictate terms either through military coercion or through peace mantra and extract maximum concessions. They want peace to be imposed on Indian terms which they perceive will be readily accepted by Pakistan. Pro-Indian lobbies particularly among ultra liberals in Pakistan will actively pursue their agenda.

If India is really interested in peace, it will have to first undo some of the blatant wrongs it inflicted upon Pakistan. It must immediately put an end to its intrusive and meddlesome activities in Pakistan, it should abide by Indus Basin Treaty of 1960 and stop stealing water and building dams on rivers flowing into Pakistan, abide by Indo-Pak agreement on Siachen inked in 1989, resolve Sir Creek issue on which already lot of ground has been covered, stop its vile propaganda against Pakistan, develop relations on the basis of trust, friendship, respect and equality. Above all, longstanding Kashmir dispute which is the main bone of contention should be resolved in accordance with UN Resolutions and pledges of Nehru.

 

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

POLITICAL POSTURING

RIZWAN GHANI

A latest round of political posturing has started ahead of the issuance of detailed NRO judgment. Reportedly, Zardari has been named defendant in three court cases already. If Sharif brothers' foreign trips are "charm offensives" to "win" support of establishment in Pakistan, PM's pro-Kashmir, pro-Pakistan statements have also been issued to woo the establishment. The chaos in PPP government is evident from Zardari's political sit in Punjab. The planned eight-day act of a co-chairperson is an affront to the office of the president, because the constitution expects the office holder to stay apolitical and keep either the party chairmanship or the presidency.

Amidst the political frenzy pointing to political change and ever deepening anti-Americanism on the main street in Pakistan, Holbrooke appeared nothing more than a persona non grata for the public due to Washington's ceaseless war crimes against Pakistan including drone attacks, moral and economic support to PPP which is one of the world's leading corrupt regime and destroying a welfare state by imposing failed Capitalism based on "trickle down" doctrine which in America has left 47 million people without health care and 76 million food victims (editorial, December 21, 2009, New York Times).

On foreign policy, Nawaz Sharif has visited China to extract political mileage than seeking a real policy shift in country's failed pro-US foreign policy. Nawaz Sharif as leader of the opposition party and head of government in waiting failed to offer from Beijing an alternate foreign policy including Afghan policy, future of Pakistan's observer status in Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and country's economic policy. British opposition party leader supported Afghan War during his visit to Washington in 2009. Nawaz Sharif's silence to seek Beijing's support to pressurize Washington to find political solution to Afghan war based on international law and conventions, and human rights instead of committing war crimes shows his tacit support for America's illegal so-called war against terrorism (SWAT) and its imperialistic policies in the region. This failure will restrict Nawaz Sharif to challenge and stop American and Indian military and diplomatic attacks on Pakistan at national level and international platforms with expansion of US Afghan war in 2010. Had Nawaz Sharif pushed America for a political solution on Afghan war, a statement from Shahbaz Sharif calling for respecting international conventions and treaties and human rights laws in Afghanistan and Pakistan from Turkey which supports pro-international law and justice EU would have cornered Washington on diplomatic front.

National Security Committee's (NSC) regional based recommendations are likely to fizzle out just as October 2008 Parliamentary Resolution did for want of credibility and sincerity on part of PPP government rather than content matter. Islamabad's failure to summon US Ambassador over illegal drone attacks justify media assertions that they are being carried out with the approval of PPP leaders. The open arm welcome by Zardari and Gilani to Holbrooke despite (three) drone attacks on the same day has left in tatters PPP government's confidence building measures on country's sovereignty and security interests. It has also raised serious questions about the hypocrisy of Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, "talking shops" and media avoiding arrests of US war criminal civil military leadership under Chapter 7 of UN Charter for involvement in crimes against humanity and to bring an end to Washington's illegal Afghan War. Reportedly, Condoleezza Rice escaped arrest by ordinary citizens during her visit to New Zealand in 2008 for crimes against humanity. Pakistan's leadership, judiciary, media and human rights organizations should understand the fact that Washington's Afghan war is an illegal war on multiple counts and all those involved in this war are committing war crimes and sooner than later they will have to face courts of law. a) US Congress has not voted on Afghan War therefore Washington's Afghan war is being conducted in violation of American Constitution and against the democratic will of American people. Accordingly, PPP government as Washington's non-NATO ally is involved in war crimes being waged in the name of American public. b) Reportedly, Washington has pushed UN over and taken control of Afghan war, which has compromised mission of UN Afghan resolutions warranting "capacity building, economic recovery" to end so called extremism.

Gillani's statement that US cannot win Afghan war without Pakistan indicates flawed policy. Islamabad needs to adopt regional based approach involving China, Russia and Japan to protect its geo-strategic interests in the region vis-à-vis India and beyond. Beijing is now at the center of diplomatic game to secure Afghan NATO supply routes because Moscow has given US a restricted non-military supply route access to Afghanistan and Tokyo has permanently ended its Indian Ocean Afghan War refueling Mission. Washington is urging Beijing to allow it a land route through China-Afghan border through Xinjiang province in wake of international suspicions of foreign involvement in unrests of Tibet and Xinjiang Uygur province.

Islamabad as trusted friend and supporter of one China policy is in a position to use Beijing's influence to push Washington to force Delhi to withdraw from Afghanistan. Reportedly, Washington has refused to entertain Beijing's proposal of "package deal" of settling long standing issues of Taiwan, Burma, Sudan and Iran to address China's national and security interests. It helps understand the so-called Iran-US nuclear standoff. The timing of the statements of Indian Army chief warning of increase in anti-terror activities from Pakistan and taking on Pakistan and China simultaneously are Delhi's pressure tactics to protect Indian interests in Afghanistan including proxy war against Pakistan and China. Next, bring US to dialogue table to give schedule of ending Afghan occupation to help Beijing and Islamabad secure their energy and economic interests including Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline, $400 bln year on year exports to CARS and reviving local economy based on domestic growth to end reliance on foreign aid. In terms of energy posturing, I am of the opinion that country's energy crisis is aimed to "arm twist" Pakistan to rely on international aid to legitimize foreign meddling in national policy making through K-L Bills, Holbrook's energy package and IMF/WB loans etc. Contrary to economic wizards claims justifying foreign aid, today reportedly Rs.1500 bln ($16 bln) deposits in National Savings Organization (NSO), foreign reserves of $15 bln plus and annual $8 bln plus foreign remittance can help Pakistan overcome economic challenges provided there is a vision on lines of China. Reportedly, China's alternate energy plan aims to add 150 GWs of installed wind power capacity by 2020 and two GW solar energy by 2011. Multinational energy setups in Pakistan block adoption of alternate energy to protect their oil and gas exports, allied profits and influence in country's decision making to undercuts country's national interests in collaboration with the local leadership.

Finally, the current political posturing could well be bell tolls for change as differences between PPP government and public grow over NRO, Swat and continuation of failed energy and economic policies. However, will the change end Washington's decade of totalitarian rule in Pakistan in next five years and beyond can be left to time. Reading history of US "Tea Party" against UK or watching Avatar could well be the stimulus of hope for the public to defeat a mindset which is based on social Darwinism (born to rule), ignoring the international law and conventions, and usurping human rights.

 

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

DESTABILISING PAKISTAN

SAEED QURESHI

The cracks are once again appearing in the national cohesion fabric that somehow was sustained in Pakistan despite immense upheavals including the cessation of the eastern wing of Pakistan now known as Bangladesh. In the aftermath of the truncation of Pakistan in 1971, it was believed that the remaining part, West Pakistan being a geographical contiguity would, henceforth strengthen and prosper. The brief leadership of ZA Bhutto rekindled the hope and recharged the will to move forward and reorient Pakistan as a vibrant and viable country. There were those who erroneously thought that the separation of East Pakistan was a good riddance and a blessing in disguise. Even Islam a strong binding force has remained debilitated to keep the nation together. On the contrary it has emerged more as a divisive force as witnessed in pervasive religious extremism and the resurfacing of the sectarian antagonism with added ferocity between Sunni and Shia sects.

There seem to be invisible hands and hidden forces trying to choke the economic viability of Pakistan as evidenced by the latest incidents of burning the Bolton market in Karachi. The flurry of suicide bomb blasts that have incessantly rocked the length and breadth of Pakistan were carried out mostly in busy Bazaars, trade centers and hotels.

Now the power grid stations and gas supply lines are being targeted and that frightening dimension would spell disaster and cause incalculable loss to the already fragile economy of Pakistan. With power shut off or being supplied piecemeal, the industry is moving towards a standstill situation. The Minister of Water and Power has lately recanted from his earlier claims that by December 2009 the load shedding would disappear. Now with a straight and remorseless face, he says that his earlier pledges and claims were wrong or false and that in future he would never lay such phony claims. With his loathsome statement of atonement the future of power looks dark and with that the country getting darker shadows as well. The situation is Faisalabad became desperate when the laborers who were rendered jobless due to closure of the textile mills, turned into a rowdy crowd chanting anti government slogans and demanding resumption of power supply. Similar unrest is mushrooming in other parts of the country. It doesn't forebode well for a country sunk up to neck in a civil war situation thrust on it by the foreign imperial powers. The inability and impotency of the respective Pakistani leaders to come up with a befitting response and posting a big no has to the foreign dictions has brought this beautiful country to such a nightmarish pass.

The armed militancy raging in Balochistan is the biggest danger to the federation of Pakistan. This insurgency is evidently being aided and abetted by India, a sordid fact widely acknowledged. The rebellion in Balochistan has its roots also in the indifferent way this sparsely populated yet profusely rich land mass has been treated by various governments in Pakistan. The foremost ingredient that fomented a prolonged climate of confrontation between the center and this province is the scourge of peerage or "Sardari Nizam" that is hell-bent to ferret out of the federation of Pakistan. The Bhutto crackdown on Baluchi resistance and later ratcheted up by Musharraf are the display of state's bids to impose its fiat on the renegade province. The death of Akbar Bugti in a combat with the army turned out to be last nail or a potent cause to openly cross swords with the center. The elements that want the Balochistan province to be independent state are hard nuts to crack and they can be subdued only by use of brute force. The pliant or patriotic Balochis can be talked to for reconciliation. Thus far that murky standoff has been markedly instrumental in generating a paradigm of destabilization.

The army's onslaught against the religious militancy is another monstrous factor that has catapulted Pakistan into a war being fought for others. Had Pakistan come under threat from the Tribal warriors without the apron string of America and the west, Pakistan was within its legitimate rights to curb and eliminate thus threat. But the ongoing military action is not aimed at saving Pakistan from the onset a theocratic Islamic empire, but to kill the enemies of America. This so called war on terrorism is being waged at the bidding and behest of foreign powers for which the blood of Pakistanis is being spilled on its own soil without any compunction.

The simple corollary is "we give you money and you kill our enemies even if they are your citizens and kith." And by the way the enemies are the Pakistanis, who could be cajoled or persuaded peacefully to desist from their militancy, not to challenge the state authority and instead join the mainstream national milieu. It is foregone that Pakistan would not be able to finish insurgents to the last and wind up its operations by announcing "the mission accomplished". Mind it, this civil war is not going to end so soon. Pakistan army would remain bogged into this filthy quagmire for quite some time.

At domestic front, the disillusionment of the people of Pakistan is reaching a breaking point, from where it might turn into a civil disobedience movement. Logically, if people have no jobs, no morsel of food to eat, no electricity to light their houses, no gas to cook or boil water, or petrol to run their cars and buses, no medicines for the sick and no fee to pay for schooling of their children, no orderly traffic to reach their destinations, no enough public transport to travel on time, no drinkable water, then what option is left with the people: either to die in silence or challenge the rulers and come out in streets. The other grotesque dimension is the genie of corruption that has charmed every mind in power corridors. The state institutions and government departments look like heaps of filth and diabolic models of incompetence and inefficiency. These are invariably manned by individuals with long blood licking fangs that spare no one and get grafts for their official obligations. The police supposed to be the shelter for the oppressed and harassed citizens are a cabal of rapists, collaborators of criminals, rogues and rascals.

The ministers and top brass are past masters in deception, falsehood, mockery, and creating hoaxes for better days. One provincial minister from Sindh conditions his loyalty to Pakistan with the loyalty to his chum Asif Ali Zardari. In one of his latest unforgettable, outrageous outburst, he thundered, "if today Asif Zardari says Pakistan "Na Khappey" (we don't want Pakistan), we shall too reject Pakistan." Do someone need any evidence of how treason is committed and that too so insolently. Pakistan to these guys, who are perched on top positions of power ladder, is like toilet paper that can be thrown away after rubbing filth to it. No wonder then, the prodigious drift towards destabilization is picking up momentum. Pakistan army is a savior, albeit of geographical frontiers. It cannot prevent the whole nation marching on the streets and demanding justice and revenge the wayward and derelict leadership. If the aristocratic or wealthy classes are ransacked and their citadel like mansions pillaged then who is to blame? At the saturation point, the public wrath like the divine retribution visits upon such individuals and leaders who incorrigibly project themselves as Roman emperors.
 

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

MUNDANE MINORITY POLITICS

DR KHALIL AHMAD

Had the Constitution of 1973 existed prior to 1973 and been enforced in its true spirit, we would have had no Bangladesh! And most probably there would have been no violent movements in any part of Pakistan! Basically it is a constitution that binds state authority to protect life, property and natural rights of individual citizens. Without it or in the absence of its implementation, who suffers most is the individual. He finds himself abandoned in a wilderness, lost in a crowd, and forgotten in a collective. It is this predicament that forces him to seek refuge in this or that affiliation.

This depends on a host of personal and non-personal as well as local and non-local factors that which group or class he inclines to ally or merge with. It may be ethnic, like the present Baluchi and Sindhi movements; linguistic, like the Mohajirs' organizations in Karachi; political, like the Pakistan Peoples Party's followers; religious, like the Hardcore and Softcore Taliban. Suppose we have a constitution in force ensuring the fundamental rights of each individual without any discrimination; we have the rule of law treating everyone equally and providing justice; we have an independent judiciary securing fundamental rights to each and every individual citizen. Will we still have individuals allying with or merging their beings in this or that identity? We will, and it is their due right.

An individual enjoying his freedom and life as he wishes is a settled being. He is not at war with himself or others, i.e. society, as especially the present-day religious people are in Pakistan. A state operating strictly under a constitution and protecting this individual from other individuals or groups of individuals acts like a long term guarantee to the security of his and his family's life, their property, their freedoms, and their future. Through the rule of law is he made to respect other individuals' freedoms, he learns this, as the Americans and Europeans have, and enjoys it also.

This includes the freedom to associate himself with any entity, be it ethnic or linguistic, political or religious, or merge with it or die for any personality (as some did when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was hanged) but obviously he has no right to encroach upon and trespass any other individual's person, property and his freedoms. That this is not the case in Pakistan no one will deny. Hence, the minority politics in Pakistan. It was the same minority politics that Muslim League pursued in the united India. Likewise, it was the same not-fundamental-rights-friendly politics that Awami League stood for and won the 1970 elections with, and then secured a Bangladesh. It was the same not-addressing-the-East-Pakistani-individual's-fundamental-rights politics of the 'West' Pakistani government and political parties which forced the individual citizens of the East Pakistan to ally with the Awami League.

For lack of constitutional rights, the individual faces two options: he looks for ways to assert his fundamental freedoms both negatively or positively. It is his individual initiative. It is affirmation of his individuality. Or, he throws himself into nearest available denomination, ethnic or linguistic, political or religious, to negate his individuality, and to lose it into a collective. This may be seeking an ideal or fighting for something he cherishes most. Such an individual is most vulnerable prey for organized groups and we see this in suicide bombers blowing themselves and others to death.

Mundane minority politics (MMP) is all about not the real issues, such as fundamental rights, rule of law. It packs up individuals into various ethnic or linguistic, political or religious minority boxes. It makes them believe they are being oppressed and exploited by a majority. Thus, it breaks the natural alliance of individuals, and puts them at war with each other.

By raising irrelevant issues MMP deflects a fundamental-rights-movement in the making from its real direction to sideways. We have our 'some Baluchi fellows' violently asking for independence from Pakistan, though it is not that forceful and supported by the electoral backing like it was in East Pakistan. Some other voices are making their demands within the parameters of 1973 constitution. Surprisingly they too are oblivious of individuals' fundamental rights in Baluchistan. Sometimes, they focus on provincial autonomy, sometimes on ownership of resources, sometimes injustices done to them by the federal government, and the like. Also, MMP itself comes to represent and protect interests of the elite classes of the minority. A number of new homelands could never achieve what was due to individuals inhabiting them. (But only in US after 1776, if any. Or in some form in West European states.) In the same homelands, new MMP start and culminate into another homeland. Pakistan gave birth to Bangladesh. Now the remaining Pakistan is again facing MMP in Baluchistan and in some form in Sindh also. Who gains through all the MMP is elite classes. They have another homeland to rule and misappropriate the wealth created by its individuals.

In view of the above, an MMP is justified in demanding a separate homeland only if it fails to achieve for its individuals security of their fundamental rights within the parameters of the existing constitution. Their right to a separate homeland must be honored, if it is supported by majority of its population. This is the Pakistan Principle. It is this principle which created Pakistan out of an MMP when the Muslim League had exhausted all the options to seek these rights within the parameters of one constitution.

Has the Baluchi leadership exhausted all the options to struggle for securing these rights? Or has the Sindhi leadership done every effort to secure the same rights? The writer thinks this is not the case. However, this does not preclude any MMP or pretend to provide anyone with any excuse to ban or crush on this or that pretext any MMP which aims at achieving a new homeland. The writer feels strongly that such MMP, be it in Baluchistan or in Sindh, or somewhere else in Pakistan, will be an exercise in futility. Better we should give up MMP and start doing Fundamental Rights Politics, FRP, which benefits individual, not elites!

 

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

PUT ON HOLD..!

ROBERT CLEMENTS

Thank you for being with us, we appreciate your calling, and will be with you shortly, thank you for calling we appreciate your calling and will be with you shortly, thank you for calling we appreciate you..." "Whoa, whoa, what's happened to him?" I asked his wife as I visited my friend at the hospital.

"He was put on hold when he tried to complain about his mobile bill and they've kept him there through the day," said his wife woefully. "Now he even keeps repeating all the advertisements they play when you are on hold!" "Effective from January all SMS messages will be charged one paisa. Thank you for calling, we appreciate your calling and will be with you..."

"Why didn't he disconnect?" I asked. "He did the day before after being kept two hours on hold, but yesterday he was determined to get through." "Did he?" I asked. "I don't know," said his wife wearily. " He's got his phone pressed to his ear. They can't pull it off his hand so I brought him to this hospital," said his wife. "Thank you for being with us, we appreciate your calling, and will be with you shortly," "Has he eaten?" I asked. "Hasn't touched a morsel," said the wife, " wants to be ready to speak once the customer care attendant comes on line.""Are there any other symptoms?"

"He hums and sings a tune," said his wife. "That's the tune they play when they put you on hold," I said as I listened to my friend humming. "Its terrible," sobbed his wife. "What?" I asked "His singing," said his wife. "He could never pitch and he sings through his nose." Then don't listen," I said and then found myself singing in the same lifeless way my friend was doing. "Even the nurses have started doing that," she sobbed, "Its contagious. Stop it!" I looked at my friend as he murmured, "You are in queue, please wait! You are in queue please wait! You are in queue.." It was later that night my wife let out a scream, "What happened?" I asked, jumping up and out of bed and found her standing over the bed, arms akimbo, staring at me angrily. "I just asked you if you love me and you murmured, "You are in queue please wait! What are you up to you rascal?" "It is certainly contagious..!" I murmured to myself and cursed companies who put people on hold and nearly wrecked their marriages.

 

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THE INDEPENDENT

EDITORIAL

INTERNECINE CLASHES

 

Violent clashes lasting for hours together between two factions of the Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD) on Dhaka University campus on Monday gave a severe jar to the academic atmosphere of the University though such a conflict was not entirely unexpected. Ever since the formation of the 171- member central JCD committee and its announcement on January 1, apprehension of such a factional clash has been simmering. Some of the aspirants who were left out in the cold have been raging with fury. The aggrieved factions reportedly took control of the campus and did not allow the members of the new committee to enter the university campus. The confrontation turned bloody on Monday when the new committee members bolstered by their supporters tried to enter the campus.

 This is not an entirely a new development in the country's student politics. For long, factions of different student fronts are locked in intermittent intra-party feuds. It has caused enough damage to the Chhatra League, student front of the ruling Awami League, and now the JCD is following in their footsteps. Add to this, the inter-party student violence, there emerges an ominous picture that does not auger well for the academic atmosphere of the country. 

This government can claim credits for a number of initiatives it has taken in the education sector. All this may now be severely tested and even left in jeopardy if the threat is not nipped in the bud. There is no point savouring the misery of student fronts of rival parties because it can backfire with the ugly culture gaining ground. We would, therefore, like the government to act immediately so that elements among students or outsiders who help them, resorting to violence on campuses cannot go unpunished. Keeping educational institutions free from violence is a prerequisite for developing the culture of democratic polity. The spill-over of violent student politics is bound to vitiate national politics. We cannot afford this to happen again and again and let slip our grip on stable politics.

 

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THE INDEPENDENT

EDITORIAL

SMILE, MY CHILD

 

A group of doctors, assisted by other medical staff from the Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib Medical University (BSMMU), organised a camp for almost 100 children with cleft lips. It was done jointly with an international NGO, Operation Smile, and a local NGO, BRAC. It is estimated that in Bangladesh about 400,000 people are afflicted by the problem and another 4,000 to 6,000 people are added every year. Most victims are poor and, therefore, they cannot pay for such costly surgeries.

It is highly appreciable that our doctors are coming forward to deliver service to people on a voluntary basis. The cleft lip camps are operating in the country for quite sometime now and it has given hope to people who were living an alienated life because of their physical deformity. The involvement of Bangladeshi doctors has certainly created an opportunity for acquisition of skills that were not there. Apparently, the operation is a very subtle one and it needs delicate handling. It is expected that now that the doctors are picking up on-the-job skills, they will do so, pretty quickly.

Modern medicine has come a long way since the days of Gray's Anatomy and the invention of the Roentgen Ray. But we, as a nation, are denied much of its benefits because of a number of factors. The philanthropy that goes with medical science has increasingly given way to commercial exploitation of skills and knowledge.

 

Hopefully, efforts like the current one will restore the lost glory of medical philanthropy.

Eradication of major health hazards has been a key objective of modern medical science. The discovery of penicillin in the 20th century gave a fillip to the idea. Since then a number of major breakthroughs have eradicated many of the epidemics that once claimed millions of lives, worldwide. For us, the challenge is to assimilate those technologies.

 

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THE INDEPENDENT

BOB'S BANTER

BRILLIANT SAFETY MEASURES..!

 

"..In the backdrop of three stationary trains being hit from behind in the last fortnight, railways have decided not to allow passengers in the rear coaches during fog…" TOI, 19th Jan Engine drivers I'm sure, all over the country are protesting, "Our engines are the ones that hit those rear coaches right?"
 "Right!"

 "So our engines should also ride empty during a fog!"

 "Excellent, why didn't we think of that? Go ahead!"

And with this brilliant safety measure by the railways similar measures will be being carried out elsewhere as in a plane somewhere up in the skies: "Where's the pilot?"

 "There's a fog silly, so no pilot in case we crash!"

And in a bus trekking across the Himalayas, "There's no driver!"

 "Of course not, it's misty!"

The same with companies who are getting out of the recession or financial mess: "Ladies and gentlemen, "says the CEO, "today at this AGM I would like to tender my resignation!"

 "But why?" shout the shareholders.

 "You can see our shares have nose dived and we are bound to hit ground zero soon, so the Board has recommended that the company remain without a CEO or MD till after the crash!"

And in the train where the last bogy is empty, passengers sit still as the train whizzes its way through tunnel and valley, mountain and plain, going past at breakneck speed, "TC don't you think our train is going a bit too fast, I just saw it rushing past a red signal!"

 "Don't worry ma'am there's no one in the last coach and there's no engine driver who'll get killed!"

 "But what about us?"

 "You want us to empty this coach also? How much more should we do for you people, without you complaining?"
The train rushes on and suddenly a giant thud, a gigantic jolt and the sound of screams. "How did this happen?"

 

shouts Didi from Kokota. "Didn't you empty the last coach?"

 "We did madam railway minister!"

 "Didn't you empty the engine?"

 "We did madam minister! But can we go ahead and buy fog lamps for the trains and other safety equipment like they have abroad?"

 "What? And have less money to increase the trains running in and out of my beloved Bengal? No!"

 "Then what do we do madam railway minister?"

 "No more passengers in the second last compartment and no one in the one behind the engine!"

 "Brilliant Madam minister! Brilliant..!"

—bobsbanter@gmail.com          

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THE INDEPENDENT

THOUGHTS ON HIGHER EDUCATION SYSTEM

KAWSER AHMED

 

The latest news on our education system revealed that none of our universities are ranked within World's top 500 and Asia's best 100's. The comment came from prime minister's international affairs adviser Professor Gouhar Rizvi on the eve of celebration of the 58th anniversary of Asiatic Society on 4th January 2010. This does not come as a surprise to me at all, being a student myself and seeking admission to universities in North America, as one of the university officials was wondering how to check my transcripts for its authenticity. Not long ago, students from Malaysia, Nepal, Palestine and Afghanistan flocked in our universities and medical colleges. But the situation drastically reversed within such a short span of time that we now stand on a precipice. I am not ready to suggest some quick fixes in this sector at all. As I view, our higher education sector is in total shamble. Clearly there is an absence of right strategy, which produces right tactics to guide right action. Let me analyse where we went wrong since the beginning. Though the recent agility demonstrated by education minister enthused me to a great extent but that is the tip of the iceberg that he handled.
Provision of education is listed as one of the fundamental responsibilities of the state in our Constitution. Education related directives are narrated in articles 15, 16, 17, 19, 28 and 41 of the Constitution. We conform fully to the Education for All (EFA) objectives, the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) and international declarations. Article 17 of our Constitution provides that all children between the ages of six and ten years receive a basic education free of charge (every year the government allocates its largest share in education sector boastfully). With this background, right after the liberation, a national education commission led by Dr. Muhammad Qudrat-i-Khuda was formed in 1972. The commission, popularly known as Qudrat-i-Khuda Education Commission-1972, produced a report in May, 1974. A committee was formed in 1976 for developing national curricula and syllabuses in conformity with the recommendations of the report. The second education commission was formed in 1979 with Dr. Mofiz Uddin as chair. Mofiz Uddin Education Commission submitted a report in 1988. In 1997, a 56-member committee was formed to update the education system. This committee, known as Shamsul Haque Education Committee, submitted an education policy report to the National Assembly. This report took into consideration environment, globalisation and gender issues for the first time. Mohammad Moniruzzaman Mia Commission-2003 submitted its report in March 2004 and made 880 recommendations (never really visualised how these to be implemented!) on all of the education sub-sectors.
Thus the Government of Bangladesh acknowledged the need for developing an overall strategy for higher education. Subsequently the ministry of education decided to develop a Twenty-Year Strategic Plan for the higher education sector. Under the guidance of the University Grants Commission (UGC), six expert groups comprising distinguished scholars and professionals of the country prepared the strategic plan. After a series of regional and national level consultative meetings, the UGC submitted the Strategic Plan to the government in May, 2006. Hereafter there is a lull. So this is all that we could do so far in pen and paper. It was a reality in text but not in spirit. Maybe we can bag some credit in achieving success about female education, raising literacy level through our primary education system, but as the secondary and higher secondary level traverse into tertiary one, the spirit and energy are lost all at once. I emphasise here the quality of tertiary level education as this is supposed to produce future leaders and policymakers.

At present there are 80 universities in Bangladesh of which 53 are private and 27 are public. The demand for educational opportunities seems to have increased dramatically. As a result, the number of students in the private universities is on the rise. Private universities in Bangladesh recorded a phenomenal growth after the enactment of the Private University Act in 1992. According to statistics, whereas in 1998 these universities had 8,718 students, in 2001 the number increased to 35,968. In 2006, private universities had a combined enrolment of more than 100,000. On the other hand, the enrollment in public universities is kept on growing. At present, nearly two million students are receiving higher education in Bangladesh. The average student/teacher ratio in the public universities is 1:18 while in the National University the ratio is 1:25. This clearly underscores the rapid rise of demand for higher education in our country but does it speak for a volume of quality students those are supposed to be recipients of this privilege? This trend has been set by job market where a rat race is ensured and intensified by the economic downturn and competitive market economics. I am making a point here about 'Quality Education'. The basic denominators of quality education that must be imparted to students aimed at: 'learning to know, learning to do, learning to live together with others and learning to be'. One of the prime goals of quality education is to build knowledge, life skills, perspectives, attitudes and values of the students to transform the society into a more productive, sustainable one. Could this be done so far? If the answer reverberates profoundly with a big 'No' then what are the impediments? Higher education in Bangladesh ideally should have become more responsive to the needs of a major constituency: its students. Professor Dr. Salahuddin M. Aminuzzaman, of Department of Public Administration University of Dhaka highlights that: "Quality in higher education is primarily an academic issue, but has also important crosscutting (social, political, economic and technological) implications. The quest for quality is attributed to a number of changing phenomena including: changing contexts (i.e., wider student profile, internationalisation of higher education and labour market), increased market forces and competition, dissatisfaction from employers and students, expansion with limited funding and demand of accountability from institutions.

No accreditation body exists that could ensure quality assurance and determine the strengths and deficiencies of programmes. Whatever system of quality assurance there is, it is generally subjective. In the absence of a scientific mechanism to assess quality in a whole range of inter-related areas such as mission, vision, academic programmes, curriculum, teaching, research, teaching aids, facilities, leadership, etc., attempts to measure quality are bound to be unsatisfactory and at best tentative. It is also difficult to set standards for accreditation, since the whole question of quality culture seems a matter of an institution's particular choice'.
Given this backdrop, let us try to address the core problem, what stops us from installing such accreditation body which will be the guardian for quality control? There might be plethora of logics at play but let me identify few of them. Firstly, ignorance plays a vital role. The policies are not coherent as these are only chalked out without keeping in mind any meaningful executable probability. Secondly, no feedback system is at work. Even if it is at work, it only submits the achievements to sooth the policymakers in power. Thirdly, too much commercialisation is imposed on the delivery of the system. It starts right from the coaching for admission and ends up to a lifetime of private coaching. The byproducts of such commercialisation are corruption in terms of forgery of certificates, manipulating results and campus anarchy. Fourthly, futile assessment of demand and supply mechanism is perceived. In progressive countries, higher studies are earmarked only for the deserving ones screened through all levels and bear potentials to contribute into designated sectors. What we see in our case is an en masse attempt to be educated from universities (simply speaking, manage a certificate for job interview, with multifarious educational track record). Finally, since the inception of private universities, the situation has been further compounded as these have corporatised the total system now. Only the wealthy and nobles are accepted in the league while rest all are destined to state subsidised universities. And it is expected that the education system will remain substandard in those institutions, as the teachers started filling the ad hoc and regular vacancies in private universities as faculty members leaving aside their primary roles. With the help of many research results, we can earmark few variable factors to determine the present deteriorating higher education system, such as teacher's quality, method and content, peer quality, facilities and resources, the effectiveness of the administration, campus politics, gender, and year of graduation.

If we even talk about research, we stand nowhere. In Bangladesh, the higher education institutions show a less than satisfactory track record in research and extension work. There is a strong realisation on the part of educators, educational policy planners, teachers and various professional groups that in the global and national contexts, institutions that perform poorly in research will not be able to get into the knowledge society of today. A denial of such entry will reflect adversely not only on the production and dissemination of new knowledge, but also on the goals of national and human development.

The forerunners of modern education system in England and later United States envisioned the necessity of founding quality institutions like Oxford, Cambridge, Harvard, Yale and Columbia, etc. The 'Ivy League Universities' are well-known in North America as a gateway to successful, prestigious life. It served them multiple purposes. They knew perfectly well that colonialism cannot be sustained by brute forces. It will require some sorts of soft force which will enable them to re-colonise their empires. They thought of making their higher education lucrative to draw the intellects from all around the globe. The brilliant but wretched students all over their poorer colonies will throng in such universities and with little sponsorship they can be retained in mainland and subsequently their intelligence, hardwork (by default) can be channelled to scientific/developmental sectors of the colonisers. While the students would come over and adapt, they would be attracted to the facilities, amenities of modern life offered by those societies and it would be less likely that they would go back contributing their nations (except the lunatic like Mahatma Gandhi! or lately the Chinese). This is another face of neo-imperialism. Finally, I wonder, are we subjected to a grand conspiracy then? If not, why we are still revolving within a vicious circle of too many policies, implementation conundrum, resource scarcity, absence of monitoring authority, etc.?

 

(Kawser Ahmed is an Mphil researcher in Peace and Conflict Studies, Dept of Social Science, University of Dhaka, Bangladesh)

 

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THE INDEPENDENT

EDITORIAL

GREEN DHAKA, CLEAN DHAKA

MD. MOZZAMMEL HAQUE

 

Non-motorised vehicles (NMV) running by people without machine, which include bicycles, cycle rickshaws and carts, may play a vital role in urban transport in Dhaka. It is used for short trips in many Asian cities like Beijing, Shanghai, Bangkok, and even in our nearest Indian cities such as Bangalore, Chennai, etc. more than anywhere in the world. In Europe, government encourages the people to use NMV to save the environment, health and money. Finally NMV strongly removes the traffic jams from the cities.

Bodies are fueled by food diet which play an important role in how the body performs. There are several benefits by cycling if you use a cycle to go to the office in the morning, excessive glucose in the blood which is mainly responsible for diabetics, which burns to give the fuel to the body, leads to keep up fit your health both physically and mentally. All kinds of medicines, lack of protein deficiency, excessive salts in the blood, indigestion, all are directly involved to increasing the blood pressure and in that case cycling strongly acts to stabilise the blood pressure, remove the obesity, cholesterols, good digestion and eventually it helps to make the actual good shape of the body. Alternatively, it helps to make clean, fresh air, save money, permanent solution for traffic jams, no doctors no medicine, etc.

Another NMV, the rickshaw in Dhaka, creates traffic jams because of loss of street space. Transport planning and investment in most of Asia has focused principally on the motorised transport sector and has often ignored the needs of non-motorised transport. Without changes in policy, NMV use many turn down suddenly in the coming decade, with highly negative effects on air pollution, travel overcrowding, universal warming, energy use, urban sprawl, and the employment and mobility of low-income people.

Japan, the Netherlands, Germany and several other European nations demonstrate the motorisation of urban transport does not require total motorisation, but somewhat the suitable combination of walking, NMV modes and motorised transport. As in European and Japanese cities, where major shares of trips are made by walking and cycling, NMVs may be an important role to play in urban transport systems all over Asia in coming decades. Buses are generally slower for the same trip made by bicycle. Today, 50 to 80% of urban vehicle trips in china are by bicycle and average journey times in china's cities appear to be comparable to those of many other more motorised Asian cities, with more favourable consequences on the environment, petroleum dependency, transport system costs and traffic safety.

In overcrowding Dhaka, bikes should be encouraged as the most efficient transport mode for short trips in Dhaka of all types, particularly for trips too long for walking and too short for express public transport services or where travel demand or economics do not permit high-frequency public transport services. Known to all, bicycles are most important for personal transport, but also accommodate light goods, being capable of carrying easily loads of 100-180kgs. There are many narrow roads inside the Dhaka city; those roads are mostly suitable to use the bike travelling for short trips, such as going to office, marketing, etc. Cycle rickshaws, which are available in Dhaka, are not efficient as bicycles for personal transport, because it creates Jam and blocks the roads. 

Bangladesh is a hot country, it is difficult to cycling at daylight but the advantages written for health above are more effective in hot countries than colder one. However, the benefits of cycling are known to all so we need the initiatives back to the history. In that case, the government, chiefs of the organisations, teachers, elite persons of society, may play important role to encourage the people for cycling. Without this, there is no alternative to remove the traffic jams in Dhaka.

(The writer is at the University of Amsterdam, US)

 

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THE INDEPENDENT

EDITORIAL

PROGRESS OF WOMAN IN INDONESIA

DR. TERRY LACEY

 

In five years the number of women riding motorbikes in Indonesia has risen from 11 to 15 percent of the entire population of about 250 million people. But a Muslim preacher in East Java, Tohari Muslim, has announced that women cannot charge for giving lifts on motorcycles and therefore cannot drive ojeks (motorbike taxis).
This is in a country where 25 per cent of women are in the labour force and half of them go to work on a motorbike. Not counting the huge number of students who go to school and college on motorbikes.
Mohammad Nabiel Haroen, spokesman for a forum of 250 leaders of Islamic boarding schools (pesantren) in East Java and Madura confirmed recently that this forum of Ulema had banned women from working as motorbike taxi drivers.

Tohari Muslim explained, "Just imagine if a female ojek driver carried a male passenger who was not her muhrim, or close relative who was forbidden to marry but allowed to associate with her. Women are not allowed to become ojek drivers because it would be hard for them to avoid sinful acts".
Muhammad also explained that apart from being banned from becoming ojek drivers, women are also banned from using ojek motorcycle services, especially on routes that pass through deserted areas. But transport expert Ofyar Tamin explains people need cheap fast transport in areas with severe traffic jams "People need ojek as an efficient form of transport. If riding an ojek is forbidden, it will hamper the mobility of people." (The Jakarta Post 17.01.10).

What is behind this?

Debnath Guharoy writing in The Jakarta Post (12.01.10) explained recently that Indonesian women are the boss in 90 per cent of Indonesian households in terms of the household budget. In a nation whose Gross Domestic Product is 60 percent consumer driven, it is women who control family economic decisions, from buying toothpaste to motorbikes. 

The conservative Ulema of East Java and their mosques and Islamic boarding schools face the erosion of their economic base and traditional influence through rapid urbanisation as well as economic and social change in rural areas.

More than 3.8 million Indonesians are moving into the cities every year.

If motorcyclists sell lifts in the rush hours and at lunchtime then they can make two or three dollars a day, not far short of the minimum wage. If they charge for lifts to work or school they can cover all their petrol and half their monthly loan for the bike.

No cleric can tell women not to do this, when 37.5 million Indonesian women already ride motorbikes every day, and female ownership of motorbikes is rocketing.

The political economy of traditional rural Islam is threatened, whilst young women are racing ahead and women dominate 90 per cent of households on budget decisions.

Pesantren are drawing too much negative attention to themselves through attempts at conservative edicts against Facebook, gossip TV shows and now motorbikes, while their networks have no authority to make binding fatwas. 
A minority of pesantren have been previous recruiting grounds for militias in inter-communal conflicts or for support for terrorism. 

What is needed is more modern education and training for Ulemas and leaders of pesantren and to help regenerate the deteriorating revenue base for rural Islam, for example through modern waste management and clean energy.

Support for the Islamic parties is falling in Indonesia. People are voting for economic and social solutions, and against corruption, and not for minority puritanical positions on personal conduct.

Attempts at enforcing unpopular puritanical rules would produce collisions between conservatives and majority modernisers on human rights and constitutional grounds.

There are already some signs of this in Aceh province.

The pluralistic state of Indonesia is bound by its constitution to defend the rights of its citizens.
The provincial government has decided to take control of the East Java pesantren (Islamic boarding schools) by taking responsibility for the healthcare of the clerics who run them, while putting their schools into a unified administration with the secular state education system. (The Jakarta Post 18.01.10). This is a sign of the times and that rural Islam is falling behind the speed of modernisation and needs to catch up.

 

(The writer is a Jakarta-based columnist of The Independent)

 

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THE INDEPENDENT

EDITORIAL

HASINA-MANMOHAN SUMMIT

ABDUL QUADER CHOWDHURY

 

The honourable prime minister of Bangladesh Sheikh Hasina's state visit to India concluded recently has ballooned the bubbles of peoples' expectation in the South Asia.

In a quick gesture, Indian PM Dr. Manmohan Sing sent his foreign minister Pranab Mukherjee to newly elected PM Hasina on the Feb 8th last year with an official invitation to visit India. Since then both governments kept doing own home-works simultaneously to make this summit fruitful.

PM Hasina claimed her summit as total success. But opposition BNP leader Begum Zia has raised red-flags to contents of the Treaty signed. She has termed it a total flop for BD. Begum Zia has also threatened with her 'street movement' against this secret 'sale-deal' of BD with India.  It is remarkable that Madam Zia explicitly did not demand to scrap this treaty though. She might roll out some other strategy to counter the government on this issue. Though, her past official role in this chapter of foreign policy was not shiny. 

India had also sent its PM's then national security adviser Mr Brajesh Mishra as special envoy to then PM Begum Zia in early 2001 extending an official invitation to visit India. Under some complicities/compulsions, Madam Zia finally managed to go to the next-door neighbour India after four years (March 20-22, 2005) for the 1st time ever in her eleven (11) official years.

That summit did not release any joint Declaration or even a joint statement. They signed two agreements, one on the revised Trade Agreement and other one on Mutual Cooperation for Trafficking Drugs. Later those were even frozen.   Indians - on its major part - then were blamed for its non-cooperation and gave a polite 'cold shoulder' at Begum Zia, just before the BD elections, thinking that it would alter the level playing-field in BD. Indian leaders might thought that then ruling BNP alliance might try to extract political mileage out of that India visit. The truth was that BNP also wrongly ignored the case of our relation-growth with India. It was unfortunate. The nation, as a result, dished out big bills for the opportunity costs. 

It is too early to measure the on-spot achievements of this summit for BD, right now. We can analyse its outcome in various ways from various angles to understand the signals for the future results for both nations. We must not see it from the view of sectarian party politics at home. 

Noteworthy that PM Hasina's adapted new approach to Indo-Bangla relation was sort of regional pattern partially, besides the traditional bilateral viewpoint. Today, modern statesmen think globally and act locally/regionally for own national interests. 

The hysteric hype of 'Hindustani-ghost' had became as political-religious weapon first in the hands of Muslim League rulers, after the killings of Jinnah-Liaqat Ali, to under-dog the secular nationalist movements of Bengalis during the fifties/sixties. Even during 1971 war, those fanatic reactionaries had out-cried against saying that BD was going to be occupied by India. But Bangladeshis bluntly rejects them always.
However, later deep mistrust in Bangladeshi's heart had been accumulated as a result of India's serial denials to grant her agreed share of common rivers water, and demarcating her maritime boundary; further offering shelters to the Chittagong hill tracts rebellions on Indian land, refusal to return border side enclaves to BD. 
Paradoxically, bad and sad-feelings might also have hurt the Indians because she has played a major role in 1971's Liberation War dedicating BD all her political, logistic, humanitarian supports possible. India - in her belief - also has serious security concern that the BD government allows Indian/foreign militants active against India on BD soil. Thus, BD bilateral relation with India has not grown for mutual benefits due to mutual mistrust.

After the 1975, Jamayet-Muslim League's dead-souls were revived in BD politics as results of the fall of ruling Awami League from power. President Zia dynasty always kept BD doors total shut down to India; reciprocally, India also did the similar to us during the governments of the Janata Party, BJP alliance specially.  

Recently, both nations elected their own government through a fair and widely accepted elections to the power.

 

With such bilateral and regional/global realities and historical legacy of friendship between BD and India population to population, A-L and the Congress, families of Bangabandhu and Indira Gandhi- these significant changes in the guard of the State power quickly facilitated leaders of both nations to read the minds of each others about the neighbours' daily external affairs.

The cost-to-cost analysis - meaning cost of doing such a treaty versus the cost of NOT doing it - will help to understand better its insights. Zia dynasty ruled BD for long sixteen (16) years while AL eight (8) years. From the global spectrum, BD's image was then become in-impressive, dim, embarrassing, shattered and suffered. To this context, the outcome of this treaty with India is boldly appeared as positive in its face-value in the region.  
But, the costs benefits analysis by experts will show the ultimate picture on our balancesheet, after the certain period of time to calculate costs and gains. Theoretically, points of the treaty show there a lot of openings of opportunities have surfaced before BD, India and neighbours. For the practical results, both nations have to wait for a certain period of time letting the officials and experts to implement. 

On the imaginary cost part, Begum Zia said in advance that this done-deal will violate BD security and sovereignty. Allowing India to use Chittagong and Mongla ports, in another word, Zia has meant that it is a sort of granting 'transit' corridor to India. Without studying the full text of the Treaty, it is not understood what/how there might be any security risk for BD. However, at this point, the parliament - not the street - is the right place to talk about it.

By the way, the cross-border train, road and river communication plus the evening /temporary border-hats (bazaar) were active in regulation between then East Pakistan and India until 1965 Indo-Pak war. Then no security breach was experienced.

Few recent examples of how the basic norms of foreign relation work with certain variation are relevant here. No big neighbour was let to occupy Kuwait in '90s. Luxembourg, a Sylhet-size tiny state, was never violated by any fascist gigantic neighbour around the WW-II period. Cuba was not occupied by its giant odd-neighbour.

 

They are still/ultimately sovereign independent nations without any external security disturbance. On the benefits side, importantly, Hasina-Manmohan summit generated a groundbreaking progress by unblocking psychological barriers on both sides. It invigorated the mutual confidence of both nations. 
Israel suddenly attacked Egypt in 1967 and occupied its Suez etc; but later president Anwar Sadat made friendship with Israel recognising her, totally reversing his Egyptian middle-east policy in 1979. They, as history proves today, both - Sadat and Begin - were then correct/prudent for own national interests in prevailing global situation.

Recently, in the rapid changing global situation after 9/11, ex-President Musharraf of Pakistan tactfully and boldly initiated to reshape Pakistani foreign policy toward the one rooted in its security and economic self-interest by departing from its religious ideology. Then foreign ministers of Pakistan and Israel have for the first time held publicly acknowledged official secret talks about making their bilateral state relationship held in Istanbul, Turkey.

Today, statesmen-like Sadat/Musharraf mentioned above-in the fast moving world do not like to be stone-headed. But the pointless anti-India stance should progressively be changed as national demands and opinion are being rapidly changed. No one should be left out cynically minding as unfriendly by any nation in this liberal globalised world.

Skeptical opinion is also out there that Bangladeshis who believe that India must not be given land transit unless India shows her political will to give Bangladesh her legitimate share of water, based on the 1996 treaty and flexibility and accommodation on other outstanding issues, such as maritime boundary and trade deficit.
In such a situation, revival of the Gujral Doctrine might work effectively. The first principle of the five-point Gujral Doctrine was that India would not seek reciprocity with neighbours like Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives and Sri Lanka, but would give and accommodate what it can on good faith and trust.  

Anyway, expecting overnight solutions would be naive. Mass people on the both sides have to have the enjoyable results of this summit on their dinning tables, in their paddy fields, on schools, business workplaces in a reasonable period of time before weighing costs/gains/loses from this Treaty.  

At this point, PM Hasina, as part of democratic practice, should place the full text of the Treaty for debate in the Parliament. Then people would have democratic chance to make own understanding/opinion on it. National parliaments in BD and India should approve it after a sincere debate on it own.

(The writer is an Accountant based in Montreal, Canada) 

 

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THE INDEPENDENT

EDITORIAL

FUTURE OF ASIA-PACIFIC REGION AND AMERICA

 

In a policy speech delivered recently at the East-West Center in Honolulu, Hawaii, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton outlined US goals for multilateral engagement in the region. "America's future is linked to the future of the Asia-Pacific region, and the future of this region depends on America," Clinton said.

The speech came at start of what had been scheduled to be Clinton's fourth trip to the Asia Pacific region as America's top diplomat. However, she later postponed the remainder of her trip and returned to Washington due to the devastating earthquake in Haiti.

Clinton spoke at the East-West Center in observance of the 50th anniversary year since the Center was founded by Congress to promote better understanding and relations between the peoples and nations of the US, Asia and the Pacific.

"During the five decades since the Center opened, no region has undergone a more dramatic transformation,"

she said. "The East-West Center has been part of this sea change, helping to shape ideas and train experts. ... I thank all of you for bringing greater awareness and understanding to the economic, political and security issues that dominate the region and the world today."

Clinton noted that President Obama's mother, Ann Dunham, had been an East-West Center scholar when she pursued her graduate studies in anthropology, focusing on the emerging field of microfinance. Obama himself spent his formative years in Hawaii and Indonesia, a background that she said fostered a world view that "reflects his appreciation of - and respect for - Asia and its people."

Speaking before an invited audience of about 150 East-West Center students, staff and Hawaii dignitaries, the Secretary said that nearly a year into the Obama administration, it should be clear that the Asia-Pacific relationship is a priority for the United States. "We are working to deepen our historic ties, build new partnerships, work with existing multilateral organizations to pursue shared interests, and reach beyond governments to engage directly with people in every corner of this vast region," she said.

In recent decades, she pointed out, the Asia-Pacific region has undergone unprecedented transformations. "Asian countries that were destitute a generation ago now boast some of the highest living standards in the world," she said. "…In the space of two generations, Asia has become a region in which the old is juxtaposed with the new, a region that has gone from soybeans to satellites, from rural outposts to gleaming mega-cities, from traditional calligraphy to instant messaging, and, most importantly, from old hatreds to new partnerships."
This progress is the product of hard work and ingenuity multiplied across billions of individual lives, Clinton said, "and it has been sustained by the engagement, security and assistance provided by the United States."
Clinton said that Asian leaders have long talked about strengthening regional cooperation, and that regional institutions have already played a significant part in Asia's evolution. "Yet looking forward, we know that they can - and I would argue must - work better," she said. "…There is now the possibility for greater regional cooperation, and there is also a greater imperative."

She laid out several principles that she said "will define America's continued engagement and leadership in the region, and our approach to issues of multilateral cooperation."

First, she said, the United States' longstanding nation-to-nation alliances are the "cornerstone" of U.S.

involvement in the region. She cited relationships with such nations as Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand and the Philippines as being among "the most successful bilateral partnerships in modern history" and said other bilateral relationships would continue to develop.

"The security and stability provided through these relationships have been critical to the region's success and development," she said. "… Our commitment to our bilateral relationships is entirely consistent with - and will enhance - Asia's multilateral groupings."

Second, she said, regional institutions and efforts should focus on clear and increasingly shared objectives, such as enhancing security and stability, expanding economic opportunity and growth, and fostering democracy and human rights.

"To promote regional security, we must address nuclear proliferation, territorial disputes and military competition - persistent threats of the 21st century," Clinton said. "To advance economic opportunity, we must focus on lowering trade and investment barriers, improving market transparency, and promoting more balanced, inclusive and sustainable patterns of economic growth."

Regional organisations such as APEC have already shown considerable progress in these areas, she said, and in addition the U.S. is engaging in the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations as a mechanism for improving linkages among many of the major Asia-Pacific economies.
In regard to democracy and human rights, Clinton applauded ASEAN's decision to establish an Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. "Over time, we hope the Commission and other regional initiatives will enhance respect for fundamental freedoms and human dignity throughout the region," she said.
She cautioned, however, that in all these objectives, multilateral regional institutions must be effective and focused on delivering results. "It's more important to have organisations that produce results, rather than simply producing new organisations," she said.

As an example, she cited the international relief effort in the aftermath of the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami. In that case, Clinton said, "the world witnessed how concrete collective action and a relentless focus on results can provide hope in the face of tragedy."

Clinton also said that since regional leaders must be flexible in pursuing the results they seek, the US would continue to support less formal multilateral arrangements focused on specific challenges, such as the Six Party talks on North Korea's nuclear program, along with "sub-regional institutions that advance the shared interests of groups of neighbors."

Finally, she emphasized that Asia-Pacific nations, including the US, need to decide which will be the "defining"

 

regional organisations. "It's important that we do a better job of trying to define which organisations will best protect and promote our collective future," she said. "…The defining ones will include all the key stakeholders.

 

And these may be well-established, like APEC, or they could be of more recent vintage, like the East Asia Summit, or more likely, a mix of well-established and new. This is a critical question that we must answer together through consultation and coordination."

Clinton added that there is also a continuing need for an institution that is aimed at fostering economic integration of the region. "I think APEC is the organization that we and our partners must engage in, ensuring that it moves toward fulfilling that responsibility," she said.

Following her remarks, Clinton took several questions from East-West Center students in the audience. Vijoy Chattergy of Honolulu, a fellow in Center's the Asia-Pacific Leadership Program, asked how Hawaii could best showcase itself when it hosts the APEC summit in November 2011.

 "I don't think it takes much to showcase Hawaii," Clinton joked, saying that if she could, she would come the islands every month as a stopover on her on her travels, "but that would be too obvious."

In a more serious vein, she added that APEC would provide an extraordinary opportunity for Hawaii, "which is such a meeting place for East and West. You have a lot of very smart, experienced leaders and experts … who can put together a program that not only showcases the culture and the history, but the diversity, the extraordinary mixture of people from across the Asia-Pacific region, and do so in a way that I think serves as a reminder to our friends coming about what is possible in the 21st century."

Noting that her country only has one female member of parliament, Evelyn Pusal of Papua New Guinea asked the secretary how women can increase their rights in the region.

Women in many places still face legal, cultural political and barriers, Clinton responded. "They are not easily removed unless there are enough women exercising leadership," she said, adding that to overcome such obstacles, a "critical mass" of support is needed from both women and men. "The old habits that prevent women from participating just have to be taken head-on," she said.

Qiong Jia, a graduate degree fellow from China, asked the secretary to respond to concern about U.S.-China relations.
 "We know we have differences," Clinton said, but she added, "We're working to develop a relationship that will be a mature one, that will not be knocked off course when one or the other does something we don't agree with."

Addressing skepticism that the U.S. can develop a stable relationship with China, she said: "It is in both of our nations' interests for China and the United States to have a productive relationship. It will be challenging and it will not come easily or quickly, but certainly President Obama and I are committed to that. And I hope that we have a similar level of commitment and confidence building in China as well."

 

—The East-West Wire

 

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THE INDEPENDENT

EDITORIAL

EDUCATION: A SHORT VIEW

YUSUF AZAD

 

The end of it all is to acquire knowledge and raise the level of individual excellence in one's quest for equilibrium and harmony so that one is able to leave behind his own impress in the interminable relay of human journey. Apart from this there is obviously another goal we seek to achieve through properly educating our children. Education can be an effective tool for combating the contingent by-product of distorted trend that justifies cruelty, crime and extremism in the society. "Theories which justify cruelty almost always have their source in some desire diverted by the will from its natural channel, driven underground, and at last emerging unrecognized as a hatred of sin or something equally respectable." So observes Bertrand Russell. The present day reality bears testimony to Russell's divining which he did in 1925 (On Education). Bertrand Russell probably borrowed the theme from Socrates who postulates that "goodness is a matter of knowledge and no man does wrong on purpose because no man is willingly ignorant. We are good in so far as we are wise." Plato also maintained this apparent paradox throughout. The recently concluded two-day international conference on education reform recommended redesigning and modernising the education system which will favour reconstruction of the state of the learners' mind and inculcate a philosophy of tolerance and love instead of hatred and violence. Academics and policy planners from all across India, Nepal, Japan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh viewed the school textbooks should be revised and madrasah system should be modernised. Public schooling system should as well be improved. It also visualised the sheer military means to combat the menace of terrorism and extremism is not enough without taking the holistic approach to it.
It is understood and appreciated that the purpose of education is substantially more high and far-fetching in every generation than it is supposed to be in the present day scenario. The deliberation seems timely and absolutely relevant because it proposes reform in the embryonic stage of the learning process. To return to the point, learning is a pleasurable experience originally. No scope for a battle plaguing a learner immediately after he comes to the fold. Because one has to go a long way. The start of a journey should be always smooth and pleasurable. It is a waste of energy flaring and fuming in the effort to force anything on the young mind is typical in primary and secondary schools of our country.
Man is known to brave all odd in search of knowledge. He has always been excited to know the unknown even at the cost of his own life. Human journey did not stand still facing the high mountain, turbulent ocean, the icy stretch of remote polar extremity and the burning sands of endless deserts. He offered himself as a prey to ferocious animals exploring jungles and depth of the seabed. Nothing stopped him or frightened him away even from undertaking the galactic voyages. The search of knowledge is a great motivating factor and a driving force behind his venturing out of the cave and spreading over the face of the earth. Therefore, every effort to acquire knowledge is a remote possibility without the thrill of knowing the unknown and pleasure of adventure exact opposite the boring and punishing experience of a classroom regimen. To quote Russell again, "What is important is the spirit of adventure and liberty, the sense of setting out upon a voyage of discovery." Without simulating a condition for adventure in the learning process no learner will feel thrilled to undergo the pains of acquiring knowledge as a cave dweller felt many millennia ago in the hot pursuit of a reindeer and confronting marauding boars. This applies on every stage of our lives. And this is why textbook reading is so vapid, insipid and colourless; novels and thrillers and magazines just the opposite. Love, sincerity and an urge for conquest are absolutely important in the quest for knowledge and which cannot be created in a vacuum or by any artificial means. A learning process must strike the harmonious note in the mind of the learner. And once the right chord is struck the wheel is set in motion. Reading of books, news dailies, periodicals and every printed material is a daily staple to an enlightened mind. He hungers for books and inquires for new publications continually. No further stimulus is necessary. This is a self-sustained and self-automated hunger only a hungry mind can feel its pain and pleasure and know how it can be appeased. The more a man has learnt, the easier it is for him to learn still more. Marshall McLuhan posits that electromagnetic technology will radically alter the milieu of human perception. In fact, caught between two cultures one representing the Guttenberg's lineal i.e. literal culture generated by print media and the other the electromagnetic culture represented by TV configuration, humankind staggers confusedly in the flux. Man's sense organs so evolved through millennia along the course of literal and logical line is on the point of being overthrown by the invasive thrust of audio-visual exposure. Indeed a grave prognostication! But in reality little of McLuhan truism stands vindicated by the fact. Nevertheless, we make partial allowance for his observation as a large segment of world population is being drifted towards television based audio visual culture but their saturation in the glare of light is still not deep enough to break their bond with the print media totally. People still read whatever they can lay their hands on. This is evidenced by the growing expansion and circulation of books, periodicals and newspapers and the industry based on it. Computer-based digital technology where literal medium spurs over audio-visually fed staple, further consolidates the position of literal culture of humankind. Little allusion has been made by McLuhan to it. So reading-writing still holds good and has proved difficult to be dislodged from its predominant position and will remain so, so long mankind will not be stripped of his intellectual endowments.
At the beginner's stage reading is a horrible business compared with any other stages, no doubt. A book of novel or a volume of encyclopedia means nothing to one who cannot read or understand it. One may at best turn the pages of a new volume which is very much like a wad of fresh notes. Who else will not sniff it? What do most people with scant education do to a new book? First of all his curious mind will lead into the pictorials beginning from the cover, then take its savoury smell and then toy with it leafing through its pages for a little while before abandoning it for good and never to look back again. This is how the majority of us quench our thirst for knowledge. How one will appreciate what charm is foisted in the volumes of Dostoevsky's "Brothers Karamazov" or "Crime and Punishment", "King Lear" or "Hamlet" or "Ana Karenina" or "War and Peace" or Solzhenitsyn's "Cancer Ward" or epics of Homer or Sophocles and countless other classics! We are not willing to allow ourselves the trouble of exploring into the volumes in real earnest. Reading disability is a great obstacle and which is never surmounted without a whole life's effort and dedication. After completion of masters course a very rare few bother for books. A rather thankless job for many, as if! We do not believe in delayed gratification. We want everything readymade and bottle fed. A clear result of indiscriminate cramming from note books in the student life. After expiry of student life translated edition of popular thrillers or abridged version of famous classics come in handy. We are opposed to imposing books on the youngsters doesn't mean the idea of forming reading habit should be shelved forever. The exit route from it is not very smooth. Then what is the way out? The seed of the exit route is needed to be sown at the beginner's stage, from the pre-school nursery and nurtured all through the life that follows ever after. A countless number of our bright boys drop off our education system as a result of their being mishandled early on and routed wrongly. Other reasons excepting poverty are just secondary. And those who can manage to cling on, do so on their own and pressure from guardians. Their forbearance and ability to stomach the disagreeable stuff may be credited more than their merit alone. A mind given to originality and creativity finds the entire process revolting and finally cut a sorry figure in the exam. But those who are doing very well are definitely talented. We do not underestimate their aptitude for learning and power of concentration for securing shinning results even in a most adverse situation but we can definitely say that the education system and classroom condition are not wholly palatable for their performances. Neither are the dropouts solely responsible for their fate. We have proof enough to justify merit is not the sole criterion for success in the education career. A successful education career demands of a student enormous amount of patience and the ability to withstand the banality of book learning, noting and cramming and other disagreeable conditions in the run up to the examination. If the boy or the girl is from a very affluent background and the parents can afford to engage their brats to subject wise private tuition and ensure required amount of calorie intake it works wonders. The results are guaranteed by all means. The whole thing is a mechanical one done on a mathematical precision and calculation. For a select few this sounds ideal, for the majority not. The country is not meant for the select few. Here lies the fundamental weakness of Rousseau and Dr. Arnold as both of whom advocated elitist education. Rousseau advocated for total segregation of his pupil from the harmful association with the society till before he matured enough to protect himself from any undesirable exposure (Emile). Which is absolutely impracticable and utopian idea. The modern society is concerned with mass education. But in our contemporary context in the absence of proper beginning success in the exam counts for little of a candidate's creative potentials.

In a system of education which has been geared for professionalism, earning and high standard living as the sole purpose of life there is not much scope for doing otherwise. There is little the education system can do about it. A very brilliant career on many occasions was seen failing to live up to its early promise and reflecting equally brilliantly in the field of creativity and originality. Seldom have we seen any careerist contributing meaningfully to our literature, art, economy, history, culture, jurisprudence and journalism. I doubt they are either leaving their marks in the realm of science, technology and medicine, etc. A system of education which provides little for creativity and love of learning has gone basically flawed. It is only capable of creating self-satisfied class of careerists who are a class apart in their self-centered world of arrogance and snobbish virtue. In comparison to it those who showed comparatively less promise in their early stages of lives were found to bounce back in the later parts of their career and leave impress of their talent in the field of art, architecture, of course literature, journalism, legal profession and teaching. Rousseau had no formal education as countless other gifted persons including Tagore and Nazrul. I understand these analogies are misplaced and cannot be generalised. But at least they expose the built-in weakness of our system. A student initially failing to fit into the frame should not be written off for lost. For with the passage of time they can still flower with their talent unfurling. As they discover themselves and their intellectual faculty gets pressed in the condition of freedom outside the very constrictive and claustrophobic environment and in more favourable ambient they stand out every promise in their respective fields. In fact human mind cannot operate in a watertight compartment.
Our system of education is a routine container of curricular overload. Which allows little for flourishment of our creative, imaginative and thinking potential. An education system solely programmed for career chase becomes a prisoner of its own success.  On the other hand, we cannot however afford the luxury of experimenting with the fate and future of our brilliant students and pushing them off the beaten track, I agree. Yes, we have no luxury of time in this respect. q

 

—Note: Part-I and II of this article earlier appeared in Editorial page.

(The writer is at the Education Board Office, Rajshahi)

 

Things have been established in such a fashion that the guardians and students have made GPA-5plus a sole mental furniture like chasing the golden duck. Apple does not fall far from the tree. A product of a prefabricated system of profiteering cannot be any different. There is no dispute or divergence of opinion about a system of education conforming to the need of time and be commercially viable in the global village of razor-sharp competition. But no education can be credited with propriety and balance unless it creates ample scope for nurturing a student's mind that ensures to bring out his inner potential into full play, that stimulates his thinking prowess and writing skill. There is no lack of instances of doctors, engineers, physicists, chemists, bankers and bureaucrats in spite of having shinning educational career to their credit are poorly given to articulate their thought either in writing or spoken language or contribute to any innovative idea to their respective field of studies. Cut off from the basic humanities subjects under the pressure of specialised courses they not only develop language disability but are seen to be on the precipice of losing human values too. No learning system can be regarded complete without the course of studies that help to understand human values and teaches one to be kind and compassionate to others. Without making a synthesis between humanism and scientific spirit, we cannot produce scientific humanism, a thing that is so essential to save our planet at this critical juncture. On the other end of the spectrum there is a land of Circe in this gold rush of success. We don't seem to be able help being gravitated towards it. In a situation like this our success has ironically proved to be our failure and failure our success as far as creativity and originality are concerned. A good many of our academics speak bookishly as no less number of our thinkers think foolishly. They make thing not only difficult for others, incomprehensible even to themselves too! Whereas we could make our system of learning a truly meaningful pursuit if cares were taken to create harmony of both mind and body, of physical, mental and spiritual flourishing of the learners in the system of education that would bring out doctors, engineers, economists, scientists, physicists, executives side by side with artists, writers, journalists, historians, philosophers and poets with goals of creativity and originality and not money only. The cramming habit is geared more for crippling a promising brain than for safe guarding the originality and creativity.

What is our original contribution to the field of research and analogous areas of creativity. To be frank our research papers are not credited with high degree of merit. They are at best treated as imitative, derivative or secondary, at worst as waste papers! How long we will ride pillion to others. We must strive to break out of this trend of  self-validation exercise. We must salvage our education from stagnation and make it substantially creative and fertile so that a student should feel the urge of being drawn to his reading table in a manner he feels glued to the television set hopping from channel to channel or browsing the internet overnight and derive full benefit out of it. A student fixed to the library will automatically have his intellect tuned to a wide range of interest.
              So far I have discussed rather extensively different aspects and states of pre-school and school education in our country. I made special references to the existing learning process and drop out cases. I touched upon methods thought ideal to liberate minds from the impacts of obscurantism and stressed upon the value of freedom of choice and love and care in the quest for knowledge. I also pointed out problems and profit of liberal discipline in raising the level of individual excellence vis-à-vis utilitarian education. I gave some occasional touches on the state of pedagogue in our country. If the crux of the issue is to find a suitable education system matching the need of the 21st century there is no scope for losing sight on the aspect for teacher's training side by side with the wellbeing of student's education. These two features should be looked at par with each other  and integrally linked. Without producing squarely capable and trained teachers the idea of crafting generation of upgraded version of intellectuals and future leaders is but a distant dream. We cannot buy the idea of rash and radical eugenics of Aristotle that the state should determine shortly after birth which child should be allowed to live and destroy physically and mentally handicapped; that marriage should be state-controlled to ensure desirable offspring." In a democratic set up there is no scope for justifying such brutal and barbaric practice of eugenics. Even in the time of Aristotle the Sophists held the field and few accepted the educational view of Aristotle. Our approach is humanistic and we believe ' knowledge is wielded by love.' We must manage things within our available means. As a first step in the direction an integrated curriculum accommodating both  for teachers' training and teaching methodology and students' learning process should be developed which should be continually upgraded and modified depending on the changing need of the time. Number of Teachers' training schools and colleges should be enhanced in ratio with the number of schools and colleges. The number teacher student ratio should brought down from the current 1:49 to 1:35 at least. On the whole there needs a basic shift in the focus from " teacher is teaching and students are attending classes" to " teacher is teaching and students are learning. " The idea for teachers' training program has to be based  on this philosophy. The students teaching and teachers training should be seen as part and parcel of the whole process in which scopes should be created for frequent feedback and assessment of both the parties on mutual basi    A prescribed proforma is to be furnished entering therein some essential tables such as (1) How do you like attending classes and why? (2) What kind of lesson do you like most-play or reading (3) Why do you not like--- Eng.,Math., Hist., etc.etc. or do you like them? (4) Do you like singing, painting or music or story telling or do you like watching TV and which program or channel of the TV you enjoy most ? (5)Do you like your teacher or why you do not like that teacher ? Nature of the queries may vary or may not but the queries and answers should be regarded as a binding process. For this helps us gather some concrete facts of learning-teaching combination. Francis Bacon(1561-1626) who saw learning as the dissipation of all prejudices and collection of concrete facts is one of the early proponents of universal liberal education and his idea exerts lingering influence and inspire thinking of the successive generation of philosophers including Locke and Rousseau. We must continually devise means of collecting concrete facts of knowledge through solving basic learning and teaching methodology and their up gradation and modification and insert the recycled information in the log book for reference. The students should be given freedom to give their respective feedback and which should be analyzed by a neutral committee of experts. School inspection under the education Board should be frequent and invasive. Affiliation of any school or college failing to live up to mark be suspended or annulled totally. A large amount from government exchequer is drained annually to maintain school at the private sector. The school must prove they are worth it. Assistance from the NGOs may be sought for in this regard. Teachers may be notified of the assessment outcome and monitoring should continue on a regular basis. Besides prescribed courses of studies students should be encouraged to developed reading habit at pre-secondary level. Books and colorful magazines and adventure stories should be specifically written in simple language and be widely supplied. To stimulate creative thinking and churning up the students imaginative power and language skill there is no substitute for reading extensively extra-curricular books but the degree of the students' engagement depends on the teachers' skill and the academic environment . This also provides for expanding their general knowledge base and a keen appetite for learning. This trend continues insatiably for the rest of life. The interest for extra curricular books develops in student's mind a fertile premise for inter-disciplinary awareness in the context of universal liberal education. Disparity and sense of deprivation should be removed in the education system. An integrated education creating scope for all students should be a closely guarded principle of the government. It would not out of place to mention that the government has already taken some really admirable steps to redress some disturbing huddles in the way to guarantee education for all. Despite some minor set backs Bangladesh has crafted an incredibly brilliant success story in the field of education. For the first time it could bring cohesion in the sector by introducing uniform curriculu8m for all kindergarten, madrassa and primary level  education. For the first time the government conducted nationwide primary terminal examination on the basis of common syllabus and question paper starting from this year. This provides for equal opportunity for all pre-secondary student in the country. Coverage for stipend beneficiaries is scheduled to be enhanced from 4.9 million to 7.8 million. In spite of resource constraints and unexpected adversities the government could distribute school text books to all students of the of the country from class I to X totally free of cost just at the start of the new academic session. Total number of books so printed is around 19 crore. A Herculean task indeed and an achievement of no mean significance.  The Premier's warning of stern action against those to be found guilty obstructing admission of autistic and physically handicapped students in the mainstream institution also rings a very optimistic note and bring education a step closure to all  and eradication of illiteracy from the country by 1914.This also marks a paradigm shift from the pagan culture of Aristotelian society which pleaded for sacrificing the physically and mentally disabled children as scapegoats.     Plato prescribed the mode of studies for different age groups stage by stage in his rather totalitarian system of education.( Ref. Republic.) His system combines intellectual education with cultural and physical education in a balanced development of man. Except for minor differences which is a matter of adjustment in the context of time and reality we find in it a thin outline indication for a guide to formulate an all inclusive curriculum according to the demand of our own reality. We can safely discuss the outline of our own curriculum without prescribing books by name. Rousseau suggested Robinson Crusoe, Bertrand Russell's fascination went for Lewis Carroll and Tangle wood Tales just as for examples. Which is good . But we concentrate on the scope of curriculum only. In our proposed outline we want to include religious and moral education first but in the spirit of secular self-edification and moderation so that students could be guarded against the influence of dogmatism and twisted logic of  absolutism, cruelty and intolerance. They should be focused on the basic beauty of religion which preaches the message of love and peace, faith in the creator and moral life. Then comes the compulsory English education from very early on and compulsory computer training starting from junior level( from class-VI possibly) together with health education through dissemination of information on various communicable and non-communicable diseases like HIV Aids and various forms of venereal diseases to prevent possible risk of vulnerability among the adolescent and young generation owing to lack of knowledge and consciousness. Students should be continually indoctrinated very early on, I mean from secondary level against the harmful effect of drugs and smocking and other secret vices like promiscuous sexes, radicalism and extremism. The whole matter should be incorporated in text books carrying 50 marks at least. Posts for physicians, psychiatrists and councilors should be created and deputed for five schools each for constant checking of students' and teachers' mental and physical health. The students should be taught fellow feelings and the joy of sharing everything with  neighbors and class friends and also the ideal of charity, self-reliance and social service, to fight fear, to love truth and never to miss an opportunity to do a kind act.. They should be indoctrinated against any form of violence and anything that tempts physical force whereas the weapon of logic could best serve to solve any problem or dispute in a better manner. They should be introduced to the theology of love and tolerance. Moral education deserves an important place in the curriculum. Campaign against pornography, horror movies and books titillating sex should  begin with the academic lessons. Hence writers, publisher and film producers should be tagged to the campaign and be encouraged to produce interesting pieces for the students' consumption. They should be awarded with cash incentives. Mosques, madrasas and any religious forum should be inspired to propagate ideology of humanity and peace as part of the education policy of the government. Students be taught repeatedly there is no glory in causing pain to others for disagreement, in possessing superior physical prowess and physically overpowering a dissenter as a means to win what cannot be won by logic. They should be taught self-discipline and roused up over to the idea of democratic values and awarded for writing poetry, story and essays in the little magazine. They should be fostered to sense of humor, intelligent jokes and quizzes. Since culture is a pursuit of perfection and refinement, students should be inspired to take their time off for sports and cultural activities like singing, dancing, acting and voice modulation, recitation, acting and skill of presentation. And thus they can be kept engaged and protected from harmful extraneous involvement. To ensure promotion of teachers' skill regular weekly feedback and assessment classes should be arranged along with academic workshops. The students should be sensitized to the beauty and balance of nature, the importance of maintaining ecological balance. They should be introduced to the exciting world of our flora and fauna. They should be facilitated to tourism. The government together with business houses and transport agencies may organize routine program for guided tours for the students at heavily discount rates " so that the growing generations should be introduced to the values of everything primitive and fundamental of our life. The season and the weather, sowing and harvest, crops and flocks and herds have a certain human importance and ought to be intimated and familiar to everything if the divorce from the mother earth is not be too complete" (Russell). "The greatest good" wrote  Spinoza in the seventeenth century , " is the knowledge of the union which the mind has with the whole nature….The more the mind knows the better it understands its forces and the order of nature; the more it understands its forces or the strength, the better it will be able to direct itself and lay down rules for itself and the more it understands the order of nature the more easily it will be able to liberate itself from useless things; this is the whole method." Students can be engaged in group discussion in a familiar intercourse of ideas and intellectual interaction. Every institution should form debating society and teachers' guild. Art and painting should be in the curriculum. I am appalled that every year there comes a hefty budgetary sanction for promotion of games and sports, boy scout and girls guide for the students under the aegis of the Education Boards but nothing of which are seen to be conducted except for holding some nominal pageantry of sporting events at the central level. Whereas full appropriation of allotted funds are shown in the balance sheet as a matter of routine! A regular sporting and athletic culture has to be built up paralleled with boy scout, girls' guide and civil defense program in every schools and for colleges and universities UOTC and BNCC separately. Apart from all there is a practical side of education which should deserves equal importance. No system of education will bear fruit which finds no job opportunity at the end of course of studies. Students failing to excel in different branches of education should be diverted for vocational training and job oriented courses. They should be trained for skill development in productive engagements and if necessary exported for overseas employment for which demand based education may be chosen for them under the auspices of the government. It should be borne in mind as age group and class of a student changes so the form of education undergoes gradual transformation in the physical edifice. It's a bottom up vertical ascendancy process fragmented as building blocks class by class only to represent an organic whole and should be taken likewise in a unified and yet differentiated system. As a matter of fact education in every form and manifestation aims at a single target and that being the reconstruction of man within in the mould of enlightenment. It gives us eye to see things in a new light. This calls for a sustained cultivation of liberal attitude, deductive and critical reflection in discerning and disseminating knowledge from its pseudo and spurious substance like how a goldsmith separates gold from dross. Only then we are able to define the universe and different phenomena of life and nature. There is not a single subject in philosophy that is not still being disputed. There are many different opinions on one and the same subject and we look in vain for certainty from the source………………………………………………. "There is an endless variety of man's mind. Each one sees the truth in his own way and is often unable to appreciate another's viewpoint. Out of this comes conflict. Out of this interaction also a fuller and more integrated truth emerges. There may be different ways for different people in different situations, but the problem arises  when one thinks his or their way is the only way and takes up every means to impose his version of the truth on the interpretation on every thing, history, culture and different values. ( Ref. Discovery Of India- Nehru.) Well, it takes a rational awareness and critical sense perception not to be confused at identifying sham from substance in the crowd of ideas. We shall never be near to our goal even though we should read all the reasoning of Plato and Aristotle, Hegel, Burchardt or Pascal if we cannot form a sound judgment upon any proposition. To know the opinion of others is not science, but history. A man should do his thinking instead of slavishly parroting his lesson and regurgitating from memorized scripts. But how shall we proceed in our attempts to reach certain knowledge, what method ought we to follow? There is no exact guide book that leads to proper direction. Only our internalized cogitation, sense perception and power of observation developed through long practice of thinking objectively and shunning the habit of thinking wishfully or being influenced by any personal prejudice in matters of critical judgment can remedy any trend of self-deception and intellectual deformity. No bias no fear or favor should come in the way of train of thought process.

 

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THE AUSTRALIAN

EDITORIAL

TESTING THE WATERS?

NO SUCH THING AS A PRIVATE VISIT FOR THIS ROYAL PRINCE

 

IN 1867-68, the Duke of Edinburgh visited Australia and apart from a failed assassination attempt the most extraordinary aspect of the visit was the way some of the locals grovelled, kitting themselves out in court attire to meet a man who did not stand on ceremony.

 

Prince William, here on a short "private" visit, seems to be cut from similar cloth: his demeanour so far being relaxed and unpretentious. Such manners will endear him to Australians who, whether or not they want to see him as governor-general or even king of Australia, continue to be curious about Princess Diana's first born. And far from wanting to be left alone, it's a fair bet that Prince William - or at least the palace - is dead keen to see how he goes down Down Under. Nothing as unseemly as counting the crowds, of course, but Windsor Inc has shown a capacity to adapt to changing times and position itself for a new generation.

 

Prince William and younger brother Harry are the future as far as the royals are concerned. This is so, whether or not Australia eventually becomes a republic. Talk of William replacing his dad is specious, given the constitutional hurdles. But testing the prince's talent for connecting with modern Australia makes sense to a monarchy that understands the value of its blend of glamour, celebrity and tradition.

 

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THE AUSTRALIAN

EDITORIAL

THE TALIBAN CAN BE BEATEN

IN AFGHANISTAN, THE TERRORISTS' TACTICS BETRAY THEIR WEAKNESS

 

THE Taliban has no hope of winning its war against the Afghan people for as long as the US and its allies, including Australia, remain resolved to helping them. And so the terrorists try to intimidate the locals and exhaust the patience of the Western powers, in the hope that both will decide that it is all too hard. This is why Taliban insurgents plant roadside mines to kill whoever they can, intimidate and execute those who offer an alternative to their authority at a local level, teachers and doctors, engineers and honest administrators. And it is why the terrorists specialise in symbolic attacks in the capital, Kabul, to demonstrate that they can kill wherever they like. In April 2008, Taliban insurgents humiliated President Hamid Karzai by attacking a parade outside his palace, sending local politicians and military leaders plus allied diplomats into an undignified dash for cover. And on Monday they attacked again, using suicide bombers to hit the capital's government quarter as Mr Karzai's new cabinet was sworn in.

 

In military terms this is senseless stuff, demonstrating how hopeless the Taliban's strategic position is. The fact that Afghan security forces saw off the attack in Kabul shows the limitations of the Taliban's strategy. Nor is this any way to win popular support - the people of Kabul will not support insurgents who use indiscriminate explosions. But the terrorists do not have to win a conventional war, they simply have to regularly remind ordinary people that they can commit atrocities whenever and wherever they like.

 

This does not mean the terrorists will inevitably outlast the allies. The additional 30,000 US troops on their way to Afghanistan will make it harder for the Taliban to operate in its rural heartlands. However, modern armies find it a great deal easier to fight terrorists in open country than they do to eradicate their influence among clan and community leaders who treat with the Taliban to protect their people. But it can be done, by buying off Taliban leaders who are more bandit chiefs than religious fanatics, by leaning on Mr Karzai to deal with greed and opportunism among his own allies, by convincing ordinary Afghans that they need not live in fear of bigots and bullies who quote the Koran, when it suits them. Fighting and beating the Taliban in the field is essential but this is only the first campaign that the allies must win before Afghanistan is free.

 

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THE AUSTRALIAN

EDITORIAL

PRODUCTIVITY TARGETS: THE DEVIL IS IN THE DELIVERY

THE PRIME MINISTER HAS MADE IT HARDER FOR HIMSELF

 

REFORM is hard, really hard. But reform is what Kevin Rudd is talking about in his bid to achieve productivity growth of 2 per cent a year. It's a bold statement from the Prime Minister but one that The Australian welcomes as essential in securing long-term prosperity. Without a clear agenda for productivity, we risk squandering the wealth flowing from our rich mineral resources. The goal is laudable, the devil will be in the delivery, especially since Mr Rudd had just made it that much more difficult for himself by capitulating to vested union interests in his new industrial relations laws.

 

The imperative for productivity improvement comes not just from the need to maintain global competitiveness but also from the need to manage the demographics of an expanding, but ageing, population. The forthcoming Intergenerational Report - Australia to 2050: Future Challenges - clearly suggests that while the numbers are not quite as bad as in the last report three years ago, they remain chastening. Even with a bigger population, by mid-century there will be only 2.7 Australians working for every retired person. Thus demography is not only destiny, it's a political nightmare for a government that has embraced the notion of a big Australia but must now embrace reform if it is serious about "nation building".

 

The government's own Productivity Commission knows what needs to be done and has comprehensively outlined the short-term and long-term measures required. Yet in specific areas - industrial relations, subsidies to industries and the cost-benefit analyses of big infrastructure projects such as the national broadband network - the government has moved in the opposite direction in recent months as it resorted to populist measures in the wake of the global financial crisis. Most worrying is the revival of industrial laws that threaten to reinstate an inflexible workforce culture just at the time when the country needs adaptable workers. Equally, just as the country moves back to growth, the government is locked into relatively non-productive spending on schools and a carbon emissions agenda that poses significant challenges. There are real doubts, as detailed in today's report from Monash University economists Bob Birrell and Ernest Healy, that the demographic time-bomb will allow the government to reach even its minimum goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 5 per cent on 2000 levels by 2020.

 

The Productivity Commission has not pulled its punches in outlining the detailed work needed to improve productivity: everything from removing restrictions on government procurement policies to speeding up the reduction in red tape in 27 "hot-spots" identified under the Council of Australian Governments' agenda. These are typical examples of the grinding, relentless activity needed to get more bang for our collective buck at a time when the pressure on basic infrastructure such as water, health facilities, transport and housing will intensify. Some of these areas have been identified by Mr Rudd as priorities, but the action in some, such as hospitals, falls far short of the rhetoric.

 

The Prime Minister is clearly in nation-building mode as he heads into an election, but he should take care not to focus on big infrastructure projects as an automatic solution. As Productivity Commission chairman Gary Banks says, infrastructure has too often been seen as a " cure all" for waning productivity. Yet as with the NBN, it all depends on the cost. Equally important will be how the government deals with the forthcoming Henry tax review and its likely recommendations on dealing with the welfare-tax churn. Getting more Australians off welfare and into jobs is an obvious and critical aspect of the productivity push.

 

It is almost 30 years since the Hawke-Keating Labor governments launched the extraordinary reforms that helped transform the Australian economy. The big ticket items, however, are long gone: as Access Economics director Chris Richardson says: "You can only float the dollar once." This time around, the reforms will be detailed, and as always will involve losers as well as winners.

 

The Prime Minister is on the right track in making productivity a priority, but he will need all his commitment to get there.

 

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THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

EDITORIAL

BIG THINKING FOR AUSTRALIA DAY

Kevin has been thinking again. This time, he's turned the worthy but dull concept of productivity into his message for the Australia Day period. Unless we can dramatically lift our annual growth in productivity - output per worker - by about 50 per cent and hold it there for the next 40 years, we will be unable to afford our growing proportion of oldies the health and welfare benefits we now take for granted.

 

To the extent we can read the future from current trends, this is indeed a worry. Instead of the five people in the workforce for every person above the common retirement age of 65, there will be a little over half as many paying taxes to support them by 2050. By then, about one quarter of the population will be over 65, up from 14 per cent now.

 

There are several ways this can be tackled. One is by raising participation in the workforce, by getting more women into paid work through measures like better childcare, by raising the retirement age as the Federal Government has proposed in future eligibility for the aged pension, by removing disincentives to shifting from welfare to work, and so on.

 

Another is by importing extra workers. Depending on their age cohort and propensity to have a lot of children, this can be a way of rejuvenating the population. The Prime Minister seems to accept the high-migration pattern forecast to raise Australia's population from the present

 

22 million to 36 million in 2050, and says this will help a bit, but not enough to offset the ageing trend.

 

This population growth has its critics anyway. The Federal Opposition wants a national debate on the subject. A Labor backbencher, Kelvin Thomson, says the forecast growth means ''we are sleepwalking into an environmental disaster'' and wants to cap numbers at 26 million. This would put even more onus on productivity to offset the greying of Australia.

 

The Prime Minister wants us to think past that perhaps futile debate. He's setting a context for challenging proposals, including those in Ken Henry's taxation review just handed in. But lifting annual productivity growth to 2 per cent, a level attained rarely (such as in the years after the Hawke-Keating demolition of decades of regulation), goes beyond tax carrots and sticks. Chris Richardson, of Access Economics, points to constitutional reform, chiefly streamlining government at the expense of the states. Another would be to stop pouring money into sunset industries, like cars. This dull subject is actually a political minefield, but vital to cross.

 

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THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

EDITORIAL

WHAT NEXT - THE HARBOUR BRIDGE?

 

NSW VOTERS are entitled to be sceptical about the State Government's plans to sell leases over major commercial properties in Darling Harbour and The Rocks from next month. The plan raises more questions than it answers.

 

In the Government's own blurb, the properties constitute "Australia's premier tourism precincts". Together with a handful of other assets owned by the Sydney Harbour Foreshore Authority, they generate significant, ongoing income in rental and car parking fees - about $71 million for state coffers last year.

 

The properties include six big hotels (the Shangri-La and the Park Hyatt among them), and Darling Harbour's faded Harbourside Shopping Centre, Novotel hotels, the Imax Theatre, Sydney Aquarium and Sydney Wildlife World and car parks. The sale by tender follows that of the NSW Lotteries business and other Government property including the Australian Technology Park in Redfern. It's starting to look like a fire sale.

 

State Labor's woeful record with developers means voters want to know much more about why this sale is a good idea, how it will be carried out, and who is waiting to bid.

 

It is not a government that inspires trust, and the foreshore authority's recent form - spending more than $6 million converting a heritage building in George Street into a nightclub and then leasing it to a Labor Party donor without a tender - does little to instil confidence.

 

Nor is it clear how much control the Government will retain over redevelopment of the sites. Certainly the western side of Darling Harbour, particularly the Harbourside mall, is tatty and in need of a revamp. While nearby Barangaroo undergoes a skyline-changing, once-in-a-century redevelopment, co-ordination between this scheme and Darling Harbour's foreshore improvement would be desirable. But it is not clear that a series of competing private interests will seek an integrated solution to rehabilitate the waterfront.

 

Tony Kelly, the Minister for Planning and Lands, has said that the revenue from the sales - which is dependent on the tenders received - would go to transport, education and health programs. We don't know exactly what these would be, partly because the Labor Government has shown itself incapable of drawing up workable projects. If it was capable, it would have qualified for much more federal funding and wouldn't have needed to go in for these sell-offs.

 

This short-term money-raiser will have costs and consequences long after this Government is history. It's yet another boon for the property dealers who hang around NSW Labor. There needs to be a better reason prime Sydney waterfront real-estate, now in public hands, should not stay that way.

 

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THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

EDITORIAL

A TEST OF SCHOOLS AND GOVERNMENTS

ONLY TRANSPARENCY ON RESULTS AND RESOURCES WILL RAISE STANDARDS.

 

THEY can see the headlines: ''Our worst school'', ''Schools of shame'', ''Bottom of the class'' and so on. That is why many teachers fear ''league tables'' will result from the publication of national literacy and numeracy test results. In Melbourne yesterday, the federal conference of the Australian Education Union, representing 180,000 primary and secondary government school teachers, unanimously voted to boycott the tests in May.

 

While noting that the Rudd Government opposes league tables, AEU members will boycott testing for the National Assessment Program - Literacy and Numeracy unless satisfactory measures are introduced by April to stop their creation and publication. Opposition is becoming heated, but Deputy Prime Minister Julia Gillard, who holds the education and industrial relations portfolios, is standing firm. NAPLAN test results are to be incorporated with information published on the Government's My School website from next week. Ms Gillard says parents have a right to information about their child's school.

 

She won't get an argument from The Age about the importance of transparency and accountability for improving education. The key qualification is the need to present information in a meaningful context, one that enables anyone looking at the results to take account of all circumstances that affect a school's performance. Last November, the Victorian Government was the first in Australia to publish school progress reports. These were an improvement on the federal approach because they included measures of student wellbeing, parent satisfaction and schools' socioeconomic profiles. The missing element was school funding and resources. The State Government argued that all state school students are funded equally. Yet not all school communities are equal, so their needs vary greatly.

 

The lack of regard for need is the key problem with the Howard government model of funding, which has been maintained until 2013 to give schools certainty, according to Ms Gillard. Some very well-off schools are receiving public money that could be better spent in needy schools, so the promised review of the model before the next four-year deal is welcome. Of course, most government school funding comes from the states, but how then will the Federal Government ensure Ms Gillard's stated intent of My School - ''to help us identify schools that need a hand to lift standards'' - be honoured?Underperforming schools have slipped under the radar for too long, at their students' expense. The AEU's fears about misleading, damaging and demoralising league tables - while legitimate if schools are inappropriately compared - should not distract anyone from the grim reality of failing schools. While socioeconomic factors are powerful, schools can learn from others that have made progress in similar circumstances, but only if both can be reliably identified.

 

Sadly, only if the process is public can one reasonably expect governments to provide anything like the funding and support needed by underperforming schools. The response must include a better deal for their teachers, one that improves the conditions of those who take on the challenge and helps them perform at their best. If such a response from government were assured, AEU members might feel differently about transparent and accountable reporting of results.Yesterday Ms Gillard said: ''The worst thing in the world is for a child to be at an underperforming school and for no one to know that, and no one to do anything about it.'' In fact, it would be worse for a child to be at an underperforming school, for everyone to know that, and still no one does anything about it. The responsibility is now on the Federal Government, in conjunction with the states, to ensure that does not happen.

Source: The Age

 

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THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

EDITORIAL

OBAMA'S ANNIVERSARY TALLY

 

WHAT a difference a year makes. On January 20, 2009, Barack Obama was inaugurated as the 44th president of the United States, after a campaign in which he promised to heal the divisions of the Bush era, restore America's international standing and chart a path out of the global financial crisis.

 

His approval rating was almost 70 per cent. Just 12 months later, however, it is barely 50 per cent, and last week, before the President's response to Haiti's catastrophic earthquake began to stem the decline, it had sunk to 46 per cent. What went wrong?

 

The short answer is ''not much''. Mr Obama may be a disappointment to some of his starry-eyed fans on the left who appear to have thought that he would fulfil all his pledges immediately on taking office, and is inevitably a source of resentment to Americans who continue to suffer the consequences of the credit crisis - the US economy shed 4.2 million jobs last year.

 

And, many who had yearned for an end to Bush-style military adventurism watch in dismay as the President winds down the occupation of Iraq but escalates the war in Afghanistan.

 

Against all this, however, must be set solid achievements that portray Mr Obama's first year in a very different light. He has been criticised for being too quick to rescue banks and big corporations such as General Motors, and for doing too little to help ordinary Americans. Yet these interventions forestalled the collapse of institutions on which American economic survival depends, and the associated stimulus measures are restoring prosperity.

 

Though unemployment remains stubbornly high, America has emerged from recession.

 

Even more impressively, the Administration is poised to deliver health insurance cover to the vast majority of Americans, a goal that has eluded US reformers for decades. When Mr Obama signs a merged version of the bills passed by the House of Representatives and the Senate, he will be making history - yet again.

 

Finally, Mr Obama has revived the respect for American global leadership that withered under his predecessor. The Afghanistan war remains a great risk, on which his reputation may yet founder. But he has been willing to negotiate with other leaders who show good faith, and therein lies hope.

 

More has changed in a year than some people think.

 

Source: The Age

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THE GURDIAN

EDITORIAL

CADBURY: NOT SUCH A SWEET DEAL

 

A finger of Fudge. And all because the lady loves. A Fruit & Nut case. Those are some ­slogans from Cadbury; here are some others from the post-crash Labour party. Real engineering, not ­financial engineering. Long-term ­commitment, not short-term profit. Can you spot the ­difference? Not only are the Cadbury lines catchier (ad agencies are good like that); the chocolate maker also has some products to go with them. Government ministers, on the other hand, talk a good game about how City spivvery must not be allowed to destroy ­companies and thrust workers on the ­scrapheap, but when it comes to the Crunchie they go awol.

 

That must be the conclusion after yesterday's capitulation by Cadbury to an £11.5bn bid by the American food giant Kraft. Sure, Gordon Brown greeted the news by saying that he was "determined" to "secure" jobs from the Uxbridge head office to the Bournville factory. But the lie was immediately given to that by the Cadbury chairman, who described sackings at the firm as "inevitable". Indeed, since Kraft is largely paying for this deal with borrowed money, the list of losers is likely to be longer than a Curly Wurly. First and foremost are the workers in the UK and abroad, who are likely to be culled by the tens of thousands; there are the creditors to Cadbury, who face a surefire depreciation in their holdings of the company's debt; and there are the stockholders who just a few days ago were promised by the board that they were looking at £10 a share (as long as they steered clear of the "derisory" offer from Kraft), but are now being advised by the same directors to accept £8.40.

 

Oh, but there are winners, too. Kraft is a flatlining mess of a conglomerate and Cadbury gives it both growth and prestige. Todd Stitzer, the boss of Bournville, will get his handsome payoff. And then there are the hedge funds and other fly-by-nights who piled into Cadbury when it looked like it was up for sale – then made it their mission to pump up the price for all they could get, and are now set for a nice little windfall. How much is the sacking of tens of thousands of workers worth? About 50p on the share price over the past three months.

 

To be clear, Cadbury is not the national champion and Quaker exemplar of tabloid legend. Around 40% of its shareholders are based outside the UK; it has been busily outsourcing its production facilities; and the CEO is now a rather odd American who talks less about ethics in business and more about "unmet beverage requirements" and the "mouthfeel" of his products. But its sale is still a crying shame. For a start, this is a rare example of a big and important firm which is not a bank. Worse, the conditions of its sale show that all the post-Lehman Brothers sermonising about how the City must change its way is for the birds. This is an old-fashioned Square Mile stitch-up, driven through by City short-termists, acceded to by Roger Carr, a chairman who has sold so many FTSE firms down the river (just ask the good folk at Thames Water), and nodded through by the reliably sleepy pension funds.

 

All this poses a direct challenge to the government. Some sections of New Labour have spent the past decade in thrall to the financial elite; others have seen the limits of their role as being merely to take the edge off the dislocations caused by globalisation. Neither position has held up well in the crisis – which is why Mr Brown now talks about a new industrial activism. And yet there is precious little policy to accompany the rhetoric. Low interest rates for green companies? Strategic importance for the energy sector? How about a ministerial statement that the sales of hi-tech manufacturers (Pilkington, say) to foreign rivals is harmful to Britain's skills base? Fat chance. Fifteen months on from Lehman Brothers, and Labour's industrial policy contains more Fudge than anything produced in Bournville.

 

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THE GURDIAN

EDITORIAL

IN PRAISE OF… BILL MCLAREN

 

Tributes to Bill McLaren, who died yesterday in his native Hawick at 86, will struggle to avoid the phrase "the voice of rugby" for a broadcaster who became synonymous – and, thanks to his bright Borders baritone, euphonious – with his sport. Unlike some today, Mr McLaren cared more about his sport than about winning. He also had the glorious fortune, with a famous exception, to be in the right place at the right time and, as he said, not to have to pay to get in. He was rugby's voice in its golden age. Look on YouTube for almost any magic moment from the 1970s and 1980s, and you will hear the ardent, almost operatic, climax as Mr McLaren describes rugby's greatest deeds. "It's beautifully laid back for Gareth Edwards … Edwards over the Welsh 10-yard line … over halfway … the kick ahead by Edwards … Can he score? … It would be a miracle if he could … And he has … The sheer magic of Gareth Edwards has brought the whole of this stadium to its feet." No fan of a certain age can read those words, and hear that voice saying them, and not see in their mind's eye the nonpareil Edwards diving into the Murrayfield mud in 1972 to score. The famous exception was the Barbarians v All Blacks match in Cardiff in 1973 and That Try (also by Edwards, of course). Mr McLaren had to cry off that day with flu. Not even his beloved Hawick Ball mints could get him through. Cliff Morgan got the gig – and proved he could talk a bit too. In the end, though, Bill McLaren was indeed the voice of rugby. No argy-bargy about it.

 

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THE GURDIAN

EDITORIAL

HAITI: WAITING FOR WASHINGTON

 

Almost everything that could have gone wrong in Haiti over the past week has gone wrong. The airport is jammed – there is just one runway and one ramp for over 100 aircraft a day. The port is broken. The dead have overwhelmed the cemeteries – and even mass graves – and the living began quitting the devastated capital of Port-au-Prince in their thousands in an uncertain hunt for shelter, water and stability. There was better co-ordination yesterday between the US, which runs the airport, the UN, which distributes food and provides security, and what remains of the Haitian government, but valuable time has been lost sorting out who does what. Eight days on, a huge international aid operation has yet to deliver to the people who need it most.

 

But a few things have gone right. Law and order has not broken down after a rash of looting and robberies on Monday, although the risk of a breakdown is real enough. The UN security council yesterday unanimously endorsed a proposal from its secretary general, Ban Ki-moon, to send 3,500 peacekeeping troops to assist the humanitarian effort. Nor are there any political obstacles to aid deliveries, as there were in Burma and Sudan. Foreign troops are welcomed, if only because so many people in shock have had to fend for themselves for the past week. But whereas US military spokesmen, mindful of a long history of interventions, fell over themselves to say they were acting for the Haitian government, there was little such political sensitivity on the ground. Quite the contrary. Haitians are looking to the first black president of the United States as their saviour, and he should have no qualms about putting as many US boots on the ground as he is able.

 

So far, the US administration has had the right reactions to a major humanitarian disaster on its doorstep. When the US secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, pledged a US presence in Haiti for today, tomorrow and the time ahead, she was addressing a central concern of a ­relationship that has swung wildly from intervention to neglect.

 

The international community should now speedily redress this balance. Haiti's public external debt, some $1.8bn in September 2008, should be cancelled, as the Paris Club of international creditors urged yesterday. A permanent food distribution programme should be established around the capital and in Haiti generally. The port and the airport, and the network of smashed roads and bridges, which has so hampered the distribution of aid, should be rebuilt. Forests should be planted and people should be encouraged to return to the land from the swollen, gang-plagued shanty towns. This is a proper use of long-term international aid.

 

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THE KOREA HERALD

EDITORIAL

'NUKE SOVEREIGNTY'

 

"Nuclear sovereignty" is a phrase often heard these days in government offices. People may be confused that these words refer to any independent efforts to develop nuclear arms - there actually are some individuals who are inclined to mean that - but the catchphrase is of course related only to peaceful uses.

 

Since a Korean consortium led by the state-run KEPCO won a $40 billion nuclear power plant project late last year, much is being talked about the country emerging as a global leader in the peaceful use of nuclear power. And attention is directed to the 1973 Korea-U.S. Peaceful Nuclear Cooperation Agreement which provides various restrictions on Korea's handling of nuclear materials, requiring prior U.S. consent to the reprocessing of used nuclear fuel.

 

The bilateral agreement expires in March 2014 and the two countries have to negotiate a replacement agreement. Korea has pressing needs to change the pact to a less restrictive one so it could engage freely in the global (peaceful) nuclear power market and, more urgently, resolve the problem of the growing amount of spent fuel by reprocessing it on its own. As the United States would not agree to that, Korea is seeking to introduce what experts call "pyroprocessing," which reduces the volume of high-level waste to about one-100th, producing virtually no plutonium that can be used for nuclear weaponry.

 

Given the U.S. proliferation concerns on the Korean Peninsula heightened by North Korea's nuclear arms program, getting a more liberal nuclear cooperation agreement ratified by U.S Congress will be as sensitive an issue as the Korea-U.S. free trade agreement. But Seoul should exercise all its diplomatic capabilities to persuade Washington with a strong commitment to nonproliferation safeguards.

 

The situation in Korea is truly serious, hence the utterance of the suspect words "nuclear sovereignty." As of the end of 2009, about 10,800 tons of spent fuel is stored in temporary pools at nuclear power plants and with the addition of some 700 tons each year from 20 reactors these pools will be full by 2016. In order to dispose of the large volume of spent fuel from the existing reactors and those to be built in the future, Korea will need a storage site 30 to 40 times larger than the low-level waste storage site near Gyeongju that the government secured through so many difficulties at so much cost.

 

Technological advances such as pyroprocessing and fast-breeder reactors offer solutions, but the United States may not consider revising provisions on fuel reprocessing until the North Korean nuclear question has been resolved. Washington is trying to avoid setting a precedent for other countries regarding the reprocessing issue, as it can add to concerns of proliferation. However, the United States has already established a long-term arrangement with Japan and India.

 

A recent expert report on how the United States and Korea can adjust their different positions on the reprocessing question upon replacing their nuclear cooperation agreement suggested several options, including international or regional storage and shipment of spent fuel to Europe for reprocessing. The report by Fred McGoldrick, former U.S. representative to the International Atomic Energy Agency, further recommended that the two countries work together on the development of proliferation-resistant pyroprocessing technology with the IAEA providing advanced safeguarding techniques.

 

In the course of upcoming negotiations, Korea will pursue the pyroprocessing goal, which looks the most realistic. As the report indicated, essential is developing and demonstrating technological capabilities with which Korea can sufficiently convince U.S. authorities of its perfect readiness with regard to nonproliferation safeguards. Officials and experts of the two countries need to engage in constructive dialogue to produce an economically, technologically and diplomatically viable agreement.

 

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THE KOREA HERALD

EDITORIAL

INTRA-PARTY SPARRING

 

It has come to the point where we have this legitimate question: Is there a single ruling party named the "Grand National Party?"

 

Watching the ever-intensifying intra-party conflict over the Sejong City issue, one wonders what the meaning of a government party, and beyond that a political party, actually is.

 

President Lee Myung-bak, elected on the GNP ticket, is still a member. And then there is the so-called mainstreamers headed by Rep. Chung Mong-joon, the present chairman of the Executive Council. The third entity, which is gaining attention these days as the Multifunctional Administrative City (Sejong City) question flares up, is a body of lawmakers called the pro-Park (Geun-hye) group. What characterizes the GNP's problems is the total absence of dialogue between the two groups. They talk to the media, in carefully honed acrimony - sometimes alluding to ancient Chinese anecdotes - but not directly to each other. President Lee, busy 24 hours a day, would not arrange a get-together and shuns meeting with dissenters himself.

 

Chung the other day compared Park to a man who drowned in swollen water while awaiting his lover under a bridge in a rather direct criticism of her inflexibility on revising the Sejong City plan to bring in business and academic organizations instead of government offices. Park reacted by praising the man for his being faithful to his promise and regretted that Chung lacked the power of good judgment. The two apparent contenders for the next presidential election have not had a one-on-one meeting over the past months and might not have one until a possible television debate in 2012.

 

Pessimists diagnose that the factional feud has crossed the bridge of no return and a reasonable and peaceful solution to the Sejong City problem has also floated down the river. Hong Joon-pyo, another presidential hopeful currently on the side of Chung demanded that Park come to a dialogue or leave the party. Scenes are getting nastier by the day, as the ruling party drifts to nowhere.

 

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THE KOREA HERALD

EDITORIAL

EUROPEANS FEARFUL OF NONNATIVES

DOMINIQUE MOISI

 

PARIS - A referendum in Switzerland forbids the construction of new minarets. Racial violence explodes in the southern Italian region of Calabria. An intense and controversial debate takes place in France on the issue of national identity. These events have little in common, yet they all point to a growing European trend.

 

More than ever before in recent decades, fear is becoming the dominant force in European politics. And it is not an abstract, undefined fear: it is above all the fear of the non-European "other," perceived by a growing numbers of "white" Europeans as a threat to our European identities and ways of life, if not our physical security and jobs.

 

At the very center of these debates lie the issue of Islam and immigration. The success of Christopher Caldwell's recent essay "Reflections on the Revolution in Europe" is indicative of this growing fear of "Islamization" - a fear heightened by the destabilizing impact of economic hard times.

 

The case of France is interesting, because the country has fared slightly better than most in confronting the downturn, thanks to its well functioning welfare state. But the right is nervous that regional elections scheduled for two months from now could turn into a referendum on its rule. So the launch of a debate on national identity by President Nicolas Sarkozy is anything but accidental.

 

But his tactic could easily backfire. By playing to the instincts of the extreme right, Sarkozy runs the risk of reinforcing a decaying party, whose electorate he attracted during the last presidential election in 2007, but which may regain its voters in 2010. Why not vote for the "real thing" if you can?

 

But, beyond short-term and potentially counterproductive electoral politics, the debate about national identity is indicative of a state of mind that goes well beyond France. Globalization, and the frustration accompanying it, is leading many to a jittery search for self-worth. And the less convinced people are about their future, the more they tend to focus on their identity in a negative, defensive manner. If you lack confidence in your ability to surmount the challenges of modernization, you might as well retreat into yourself and focus on who you are, rather than on what you want to achieve with others.

 

In defense of the debate he launched, Sarkozy presents his initiative as a barrier against the threat of "multiculturalism and tribalism." According to him, nothing would be more dangerous than to impose an artificial silence on a question that is boiling under the mask of political correctness.

 

Many French were troubled by the explosion of joy that followed the victory of the Algerian soccer team over Egypt in its qualification for the 2010 World Cup in South Africa. The streets of many French cities vibrated with "Southern Mediterranean" emotions, which stood in stark contrast to the apathy that surrounded the French national team's game that night.

 

The contrast between the vibrant pro-Algerian emotion and the more discreet pro-French sentiment was all the more troubling because it recalled another soccer night, when France was playing Algeria in Paris and the French team was booed by a sizable portion of the spectators, whose parents or even grandparents were born in Algeria.

 

Beyond football patriotism, the issue of the burqa, the full veil that covers the face and body of only a very few Muslim women in France, has also re-emerged as a focus of agitated attention. Should it be banned, as Sarkozy has suggested, or should such private matters that concern so few be beyond the long arm of the law?

 

By launching a national debate on the issue of identity, Sarkozy risks creating unnecessary boundaries between French citizens - at the wrong time and for the wrong reasons. Is the French state doing its utmost to make all of its citizens feel included in the practice of its three cherished universal values, "liberty, equality, fraternity?"

 

One cannot preach what one does not fully practice. If a sizable number of young French people feel Algerian or Muslim first and foremost, isn't it proof that something has gone wrong in French integration policies? Before asking "them" to clarify the nature of their attachment to France, perhaps we French ought to make certain that we treat them in a fraternal, equal, and free manner. The only answer to the complexity of identity is the absolute clarity of values. Every French citizen has to accept the values of the Republic, democracy, the rule of law, respect for the other.

 

Identity is not a matter of mere ethnicity or religion. For those who want to join the French and European project, it is a matter of values. Confronted with the challenge of a rising Asia, fear is not the best response for Europeans to indulge.

 

Indeed, they should remember the words of Franklin Roosevelt in his inaugural address at the height of the Great Depression of 1933: "That the only thing we have to fear is fear itself."

 

Dominique Moisi is a visiting professor at Harvard University and the author of "The Geopolitics of Emotion." - Ed.

 

(Project Syndicate)

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THE KOREA HERALD

EDITORIAL

BETWEEN TERRORISM AND WAR ON TERROR

KIM SEONG-KON

 

Once again, Muslim extremists are trying to launch terrorist attacks on the Western world in an attempt to massacre innocent people and destroy human civilization. We need to condemn terrorism for its blind hatred, selfishness, and self-righteousness; terrorists remorselessly slaughter people out of hate or for political gain. They wrongfully believe that the more they kill, the better they will be rewarded in heaven. They also firmly believe they are morally, religiously and politically infallible - all others are just wrong. Meanwhile, they leave indelible scars on victims' families and menace international travelers, who have to go through reinforced security checkpoints.

 

Since the Bush administration declared the "war on terror" after 9/11, writers have examined the problems of terrorism and the "war on terror" from various angles. Tom Clancy's, "The Rainbow Six," which is an account of an invincible counter-terrorism unit, provides catharsis for Americans who are frustrated by terrorist attacks on their powerful nation. More serious writers explore problematic aspects of the "war on terror" such as unethical espionage by Western countries, the suppression of individuality, and destruction of human life.

 

A British writer John le Carre's recent novel, "A Most Wanted Man," poses a compelling question: "what if the 'war on terror' violates human rights and victimizes innocent people?" In this novel, the writer also laments the conformity and complicity of European countries in dealing with the seemingly omnipotent American intelligence agencies.

 

"A Most Wanted Man" is set in Hamburg, Germany, where a group of terrorists originally conspired the 9/11 attacks on the United States. One day, a gaunt illegal refugee named Issa Karpov drifts into Hamburg. Issa is an illegitimate son of a corrupt, diseased Russian colonel who left a fortune at a private bank in collusion with the British intelligence. As Issa wants to donate the money to his mother's hometown in Chechen, a young German philanthropic lawyer and an old British banker try to help him facilitate the donation. They contact Dr. Abdullah, a fundraiser for Muslim charities, not knowing that he is on the CIA's blacklist. As German and British intelligence helplessly watch, the powerful CIA arrests Issa for allegedly funding Muslim terrorists and takes him from Germany to the United States. In the never-ending war on terror, there is no space for humanity and morality.

 

In 1963 le Carre tackled the Cold War mentality based on the bipolar order: the "Good West" and the "Bad East." When the world was intoxicated with the romanticized version of international espionage found in Ian Fleming's James Bond thriller novels, le Carre shocked readers with his grim spy novel, "The Spy Who Came in from the Cold." Fleming's Bond is a spy in his prime who enjoys fantastic adventures and sexual promiscuities, whereas le Carre's Alec Leamas is a burnt-out character whose career is at stake, whose love affair is problematic, and whose mission is almost ruined out of emotion. Representing the Good West, Bond always destroys Evil, protects democracy from communist or terrorist threats, and manages to save the world in the end. Le Carre's Leamas, however, boldly defied the naive presumptions espoused in the 007 series and awoke readers from their patriotic fantasy.

 

In "The Spy Who Came in from the Cold," le Carre powerfully indicts the British intelligence, which, ruthlessly uses and ruins the romantic relationship between a British spy Alec Leamas and his Jewish communist girlfriend Liz Gold in order to save a wicked, anti-Semitic German double agent, Mundt. Mission is accomplished, but both Leamas and Gold are killed by Mundt who wants to hide his double-agent identity; to Mundt and the British intelligence, they are just expendable commodities.

 

In his novel le Carre unflinchingly exposes the fact that intelligence agencies of the East and the West exercise ultimately the same amoral, inhumane practices under the banner of national security. Perhaps le Carre was the first writer to tell readers of the Cold War era that Western espionage, too, resorts to expedients inconsistent with the democratic values of the West, victimizing innocent people for political gain whenever necessary. Reading le Carre's novel, readers come to realize that there is no clear distinction between good and evil; they are all fundamentally the same, if pushed to the extreme.

 

As a scholar of American literature and culture, I used to think I knew America quite well. After the Twin Towers fell, however, I no longer think I do. I have lost my confidence, for America has radically changed since 9/11. Traveling to the United States is no longer a pleasant experience due to tightened security checks and unfriendly airport personnel. No protest is tolerated, and if you look like a terrorist, you may be detained without a lawyer. It is understandable, considering the unprecedented devastating terrorist attack on American soil. And yet, it is undeniable that, however unwittingly, America went to the wrong direction during the Bush administration, thereby losing many precious things we had valued and admired. I hope under the direction of President Obama, America can return to the good old days before the "war on terror."

 

Kim Seong-kon is a professor of English at Seoul National University and director of the Seoul National University Press. - Ed.

 

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THE JAPAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

DPJ DRAWN INTO MR. OZAWA'S PICKLE

 

A regular Diet session started Monday — less than a week after the chief secretary and two former secretaries of Mr. Ichiro Ozawa, the secretary general of the Democratic Party of Japan, were arrested. The Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office's special investigation squad arrested the three on suspicion of falsifying official records of Rikuzankai, Mr. Ozawa's political funds management organization, in connection with the receipt of ¥400 million and the purchase of land in 2004.

 

The arrests have plunged the Hatoyama administration and the DPJ into the biggest crisis since the DPJ-led administration came to power four months ago. In fact, the latest survey by Kyodo News shows that for the first time since its inauguration, the Cabinet's approval rating (41.5 percent) is lower than its disapproval rating (44.1 percent).

 

Opposition forces are set to launch a strong offensive in the Diet over the suspected violation of the Political Funds Control Law by Mr. Ozawa's staffers. Debate in the Diet over this matter could stall discussions on important issues such as the second fiscal 2009 supplementary budget and the fiscal 2010 budget, measures to stabilize employment, and the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa Island. Given the economic downturn, such distractions could deepen people's concerns about their livelihood. Depending on how events develop, people could lose trust in the Hatoyama administration and the DPJ.

 

Mr. Tomohiro Ishikawa, a DPJ Lower House member and a former secretary to Mr. Ozawa, has been arrested on suspicion of falsifying records about ¥400 million in cash he received from Mr. Ozawa. The cash (which Mr. Ikeda's lawyer has claimed was inherited by Mr. Ozawa from his father) was allegedly used to purchase a 476-sq.-meter plot in Setagaya Ward on Oct. 29, 2004, for ¥340 million. Mr. Ishikawa is suspected of failing to record two transactions in a financial report for 2004: the ¥400 million income; and an outlay of ¥352 million, which included the purchase of the land. Also curious is that Mr. Ozawa reportedly took out a ¥400 million bank loan several hours after the payment was made for the land.

 

Public prosecutors apparently suspect that included in the ¥400 million was a donation of ¥50 million secretly received by Rikuzankai from Mie Prefecture-based Mizutani Construction Co., a subcontractor of general contractor Kajima Corp. Mr. Ishikawa denies receiving such a donation.

 

Meanwhile, the other former secretary arrested, Mr. Mitsutomo Ikeda, is suspected of falsely recording the outlay of ¥352 million in a report for 2005. It is also suspected that he conspired with Mr. Takanori Okubo, the chief secretary, to omit another separate outlay of ¥400 million from a report for 2007.

 

Mr. Okubo is already being prosecuted on a separate charge of camouflaging donations of ¥35 million to Rikuzankai from Nishimatsu Construction Co.

 

At a DPJ convention Saturday, the day after Mr. Ishikawa's and Mr. Ikeda's arrest and the day of Mr. Okubo's, Mr. Ozawa publicly criticized the prosecutors, saying the arrests were deliberately timed to coincide with the party convention and that he could not let that go unchallenged. He went on to say, "If this is accepted, Japan's democracy has gloomy prospects. . . . I am firmly determined to fight this method of doing things, following my beliefs."

 

Mr. Ozawa said that, in the past, authorities accepted the correction of "these kinds of perfunctory mistakes" in political funds reports. He stressed there was nothing to hide regarding the ¥400 million in question, adding that he had given prosecutors the name of the bank branch where his account is held, and that they had obtained the necessary information.

 

At the convention, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama supported Mr. Ozawa, saying he should continue as party secretary general: "I request that without flinching, (Mr. Ozawa) explain his innocence and devote all of his energy to executing his job." The prime minister also told reporters that he had told Mr. Ozawa in person to "fight on."

 

This shows that Mr. Hatoyama has decided to share the same fate as Mr. Ozawa and that the two leaders are at war with the prosecution — a move that could cost Mr. Hatoyama and the DPJ a lot depending on future developments.

 

The situation doesn't look good for Mr. Ozawa. For example, Mr. Kei Kanazawa, a former secretary of Mr. Ishikawa — speaking at a meeting sponsored by the Liberal Democratic Party — described how Rikuzankai staffers hid documents immediately before the search conducted by prosecutors on March 3, 2009, in connection with the Nishimatsu Construction Co. donations.

 

Mr. Ozawa can save himself, Mr. Hatoyama, the DPJ and the administration by explaining publicly the details of the ¥400 million in question and of the loan. If his words are sufficiently convincing, they could devastate the prosecution's credibility.

 

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THE JAPAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

SWORDS CROSSED IN SRI LANKA

BY BRAHMA CHELLANEY

 

Two celebrated heroes who, as president and army chief, helped end Sri Lanka's long and brutal civil war against the Tamil Tigers are now crossing political swords. Whichever candidate wins Sri Lanka's Jan. 26 presidential election will have to lead that small but strategically important island-nation in a fundamentally different direction — from making war, as it has done for more than a quarter-century, to making peace through ethnic reconciliation and power sharing.

 

Sri Lanka, almost since independence in 1948, has been racked by acrimonious rivalry between the majority Sinhalese and the minority Tamils, who make up 12 percent of today's population of 21.3 million. Now the country is being divided by the political rivalry between two Sinhalese war idols, each of whom wants to be remembered as the true leader who crushed the Tamil Tiger guerrillas.

 

The antagonism between President Mahinda Rajapaksa and the now-retired Gen. Sarath Fonseka has been in the making for months. No sooner had Sri Lanka's military crushed the Tamil Tigers — who ran a de facto state for more than two decades in the north and east — than Rajapaksa removed Fonseka as army chief to appoint him to the new, largely ceremonial post of chief of defense staff.

 

Once the four-star general was moved to the new position, his relationship with the president began to sour. After rumors swirled of an army coup last fall, the president, seeking military assistance should the need arise, alerted India.

 

When Rajapaksa decided last November to call an early election to help cash in on his war-hero status with the Sinhalese, he had a surprise waiting for him: anticipating the move, Fonseka submitted his resignation so that he could stand against the incumbent as the common opposition candidate. In his bitter resignation letter, the general accused Rajapaksa of "unnecessarily placing Indian troops on high alert" and failing to "win the peace in spite of the fact that the army under my leadership won the war."

 

Now the political clash between the two men — both playing the Sinhalese nationalist card while wooing the Tamil minority — has overshadowed the serious economic and political challenges confronting Sri Lanka.

 

Years of war have left Sri Lanka's economy strapped for cash. Despite a $2.8 billion International Monetary Fund bailout package, the economy continues to totter, with inflation soaring and public-sector salary disputes flaring. The government, desperate to earn foreign exchange, has launched a major campaign to attract international tourists.

 

But a vulnerable economy dependent on external credit has only helped increase pressure on Sri Lanka to investigate allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity. This was a war with no witnesses, as the government barred independent journalists and observers from the war zone. Yet the United Nations estimates that more than 7,000 noncombatants were killed in the final months of the war as government forces overran Tamil Tiger bases.

 

How elusive the peace dividend remains can be seen from the government's decision to press ahead with the expansion of an already large military. The Sri Lankan military has more troops than the British and Israeli militaries, having expanded five-fold since the late 1980s to more than 200,000 troops today. In victory, that strength is being raised further, in the name of "eternal vigilance."

 

With an ever-larger military machine backed by village-level militias, civil society has been the main loser. Sweeping emergency regulations remain in place, arming the security forces with expansive powers of search, arrest, and seizure of property. Individuals can still be held in unacknowledged detention for up to 18 months.

 

Now calls are growing for the government to surrender the special powers that it acquired during the war and end the control of information as an instrument of state policy. Fonseka has promised to curtail the almost unchecked powers that the president now enjoys and free thousands of young Tamil men suspected of rebel links. Rajapaksa, for his part, has eased some of the travel restrictions in the Tamil-dominated north after opening up sealed camps where more than 270,000 Tamils were interned for months. More than 100,000 still remain in those camps.

 

Neither of the two main candidates, though, has promised to tackle the country's key challenge: transforming Sri Lanka from a unitary state into a federation that grants provincial and local autonomy. After all, the issues that triggered the civil war were rooted in the country's post-independence moves to fashion a mono-ethnic national identity, best illustrated by the 1956 Sinhalese-only language policy and the 1972 Constitution's elimination of a ban on discrimination against minorities. Sri Lanka is the only country, along with Malaysia, with affirmative action for the majority ethnic community.

 

As the incumbent with control over the state machinery and media support, Rajapaksa has the edge in the election. But, with the fractured opposition rallying behind Fonseka and a moderate Tamil party also coming out in support of him, this election may produce a surprise result.

 

Whichever "hero" wins, however, building enduring peace and stability in war-scarred Sri Lanka requires a genuine process of national reconciliation and healing. The country's future hinges on it.

 

Brahma Chellaney, a former member of India's National Security Council, is a professor of Strategic Studies at the Center for Policy Research in New Delhi and the author of "Asian Juggernaut: The Rise of China, India and Japan." © 2010 Project Syndicate

 

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THE JAPAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

POVERTY REMAINS ENDEMIC

BY JOMO KWAME SUNDARAM

 

NEW YORK — Last year the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization announced that the number of hungry people in the world increased over the last decade. In 2008, the World Bank announced a significant decline in the number of poor people up to 2005.

 

If poverty is defined principally in terms of the money income needed to avoid hunger, how can announcements such as these be reconciled?

 

According to the World Bank's much cited "dollar-a-day" international poverty line, which was revised in 2008 to $1.25 a day in 2005 prices, there are still 1.4 billion people living in poverty, down from 1.9 billion in 1981. However, as China has accounted for most of this decline, there were at least 100 million more people living in poverty outside China in 2005 than in 1981.

 

In Sub-Saharan Africa and parts of Asia, poverty and hunger remain stubbornly high. International agencies estimate that more than 100 million people fell into poverty as a result of higher food prices during 2007-2008, and that the global financial and economic crisis of 2008-2009 accounted for an increase of another 200 million. Delayed job recovery from the global downturn remains a major challenge for poverty reduction in the coming years.

 

Meanwhile, measurement controversies continue to cast doubt on actual progress. With the 1995 Social Summit adopting a wider definition of poverty that includes deprivation, social exclusion and lack of participation, the situation today may be even worse than suggested by a money-income poverty line.

 

Inequality appears to have been on the rise in recent decades at the international level and in most countries. More than 80 percent of the world's population live in countries where income differentials are widening. The poorest 40 percent of the world's population account for only 5 percent of world income, while the richest 20 percent account for 75 percent.

 

The mixed record of poverty reduction calls into question the efficacy of conventional approaches. Countries were advised to abandon their national development strategies in favor of globalization, market liberalization and privatization. Instead of producing sustained rapid growth and economic stability, such policies made countries more vulnerable to the power of the rich and the vagaries of international finance and global instability, which has become more frequent and severe due to deregulation.

 

The most important lesson is the need for sustained rapid growth and structural economic transformation. Governments need to play a developmental role, with implementation of integrated policies designed to support inclusive output and employment growth, as well as to reduce inequality and promote social justice.

 

Such an approach needs to be complemented by appropriate industrial investment and technology policies, and by inclusive financial facilities designed to support them. In addition, new and potentially viable production capacities need to be fostered through complementary developmental policies.

 

By contrast, the insistence on minimal government and reliance on the market led to precipitous declines in public infrastructure investment, particularly in agriculture. This not only impaired long-term growth, but also increased food insecurity.

 

Advocates of economic liberalization policies cited the success of the rapidly industrializing East Asian economies. But none of these economies had pursued wholesale economic liberalization. Instead, governments played a developmental role by supporting industrialization, higher value-added agriculture and services, and improvement of technological and human capabilities.

 

Structural transformations should promote full and productive employment as well as decent work, while governments should have enough policy and fiscal space to enable them to play a proactive role and to provide adequate universal social protection.

 

The last three decades also saw the divorce of social policies from overall development strategies as a consequence of the drive for smaller government. National economic development strategies were replaced with donor-favored poverty-reduction programs, such as land-titling, micro-credit and "bottom of the pyramid" marketing to the poor.

 

Such fads have not succeeded in significantly reducing poverty. This is not to deny some positive consequences. For example, micro-credit has empowered millions of women, while important lessons have been learned from such schemes' design and implementation.

 

Meanwhile, universal social programs have improved human welfare much more than targeted and conditional programs. However, conditional cash-transfer programs have been quite successful in improving various human-development indicators.

 

Unfortunately, poverty remains endemic, with more than a billion people going hungry every day. Urgent action is needed, as the recent financial and economic crisis, following hard on the heels of the food-price crisis, is believed to have set back progress on poverty reduction even further. There are also growing fears that climate change will more adversely threaten the lives of the poor.

 

The United Nations' biennial Report on the World Social Situation (RWSS 2010), titled "Rethinking Poverty," makes a compelling case for rethinking poverty-measurement and poverty-reduction efforts. For the world's poor, "business as usual" has never been an acceptable option. Nor have the popular trends of recent decades proven to be much better. There will be no real poverty eradication without equitable and sustainable economic development, which deregulated markets have proved unable to deliver on their own.

 

Jomo Kwame Sundaram is United Nations assistant secretary general for economic development. © 2010 Project Syndicate.

 

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THE JAKARTA POST

EDITORIAL

IS INDONESIA A RELAPSE NATION?

RALPH TAMPUBOLON

 

A friend once said "You wanna know the most superficial statement a person can make? It's someone saying 'I'm gonna fast today' only after he realizes the fridge is empty."

 

Damn straight.

 

The easiest time to say "I'm through with drugs" is right after you've had your fix. Or "I'm done with porn" right after you've finished gratifying yourself. Or "No more junk food" right before you burp and fall asleep holding an empty Coke can on top of scattered crumbs of chips and fries.

 

These days I wonder if we really do have what it takes to finish the race toward something noble we had set out to do in the first place. To stick to a commitment and, in the process, exert the staying power to endure the withdrawal symptoms.

 

Take Garuda for instance. After the European Union lifted its two-year ban to fly to Europe last July, word goes around saying Garuda has wised up by all of its flights, both domestic and international, being punctual.

 

But just five months later, it is back to its old ways again. I have started reading so many tweets complaining about delays. My wife was stranded for two hours in Pekanbaru waiting for a flight back to Jakarta. When boarding, she asked the flight attendant the reason. The answer: "We had to return to Jakarta to switch aircrafts to get here. Otherwise, we might not even be having this conversation."

 

Yikes!

 

And so the adventurous takeoffs and landings have returned. Whereas, a couple of months ago, the Jakarta anti-smoking law eventually became the "missing" tobacco article. While several years back, there were some who even longed for the good old days of Soeharto's New Order, when prices were more stable and life felt more secure.

 

What's next? Back to selling spices while hoping for the Dutch ships to come in?

 

We are creatures of habit. And that's exactly where the problem lies.

 

Habit.

 

Get rid of the "h", "a bit" remains.

 

Remove the "a", "bit" is left.

 

Wipe out the "b", "it" is still there.

 

And it just won't go away.

The writer is a news anchor at MetroTV. You can catch him on Indonesia This Morning
at 9 a.m. Jakarta time Monday to Friday and Sundays.

 

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THE JAKARTA POST

EDITORIAL

TRANSFER PRICING PRACTICE IN INDONESIA

ROBERTUS WINARTO

 

Indonesia marks a significant development in the transfer pricing area this year. For the first time, companies engaged in related party (controlled) transactions are required to maintain transfer pricing (TP) documentation. A number of disclosures pertinent to it must also be presented in their 2009 corporate income tax returns (CITRs). This is part of the rules set out in regulation issued by the Director General of Taxation (DGT) in July 2009.

 

As the CITR filing deadline is drawing closer, taxpayers need to observe this requirement. Ignoring it could cost them significantly as transfer pricing adjustments normally entails a substantial amount of tax assessment.

 

Tax has accounted for a bigger and bigger part of the Indonesian state revenue. Given its growing importance, the DGT always keeps a watchful eye on any potential linkage of tax. transfer pricing within groups of multinational companies (MNCs), and as in many other countries, has apparently been perceived as an area bearing such a drawback. The DGT may use TP documentation to mitigate this potential problem.

 

Taxpayers engaged in controlled transactions, on the other hand, may use TP documentation to demonstrate their adherence to the arm's length principle. This is a universal principle adopted by most countries in the world including Indonesia, which asserts that deals be structured and prices for goods or services be established in such a way so as to reflect what would have resulted had the transactions been conducted between unrelated parties.

 

Determining the arm's length nature of controlled transactions is a complex process.  It involves identification and analysis of economically significant factors affecting the prices charged in the controlled transactions. It then goes to comparing those factors with uncontrolled transactions taking place in comparable circumstances. The OECD 1995 Transfer Pricing Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises and Tax Administration provide detailed steps on this process.

 

Many countries have adopted the OECD TP guidelines as a standard to deal with transfer pricing issues. In relation to the TP documentation requirement above, the DGT has also declared the adoption of the OECD TP guidelines where a tax treaty is in force. This may improve TP practice in Indonesia, however uncertainty may still remain as every issue is not always adequately addressed in the guidelines.

 

The most difficult part of the OECD guidelines is the search for comparable uncontrolled transactions.

 

In this respect, unless the taxpayer also concludes transactions with unrelated parties, the search has to rely on public information, i.e. general financial statements filed by companies following certain legislation or stock exchange regulations.

 

Ideally a given set of controlled transactions should be compared with contemporaneous uncontrolled transactions taking place in the same geographical area. However, information regarding contemporaneous uncontrolled transactions is normally only available months after the CITR filing date. This entails a question on the extent to which past-year information can be used to determine the arm's length nature of controlled transactions taking place in a particular year.

 

Additionally, if the use of local comparables becomes a norm, there is another potential problem in the Indonesian context. In practice, searches for comparables mainly rely on commercial databases containing regional financial statements. Sometimes it is difficult to locate Indonesian companies on databases. Can regional comparables be used if local comparables cannot be found?

 

Given the universal applicability of the arm's length principle, the DGT and taxpayers engaged in related party transactions actually have a common interest in ascertaining adherence to this principle; and TP documentation can serve as a media of communication between them. However, because the complexity of the issue compounded by the public information constraints, even the best-intentional taxpayers and tax authorities may arrive at a different conclusion regarding the arm's length nature of the same set of controlled transactions. Uncertainty will therefore prevail as long as the risk of TP adjustments remains high.

 

Some measures of the DGT may reduce uncertainty. Because of the time lag on the availability of public information, contemporaneous comparables should be used only in exceptional situations, e.g. in an audit of a taxpayer who fails to prepare TP documentation. Taxpayers should be allowed to prepare TP documentation either before concluding controlled transactions or after concluding transactions, but before filing CITRs based on the information reasonably available to them by then.

 

It makes sense to give priority to local comparables. However, in the absence of local comparables the DGT may need to rule the relevance of regional comparables.

 

Additionally, to broaden the basis for local comparables, the DGT may need to encourage the enforcement of another regulation that requires Indonesian limited liability (PT) companies to file their financial statements on an annual basis to the Trade Ministry.

 

The writer is the managing partner of PreciousNine.

 

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THE JAKARTA POST

EDITORIAL

ULEMA-NIZATION

 

For the devout, religion is a way of life. They look to what is condoned in their religion for what to eat, what to wear, whether to use contraceptives, etc. As needs arise, the faithful turn to religious scholars for answers not found in their holy books.

 

Why some would ask the ulema whether it is okay for women to straighten their hair, or ride an ojek (motorcycle taxi), is not quite clear; except that, now and then, new questions crop up on a wide range of  activities, reflecting the anxious desire to express devotion in cities large and small.

 

A member of the Indonesian Ulema Council said the ban on hair treatment was "exaggerating", reports said, "because what is haram is the exposure of women's hair" to men who are not her muhrim (members of her family).

 

Whatever the precise reason, last week a group of ulema gathering in East Java said it was haram for women to change the shape and color of their hair, for it entailed changing their physical appearance to attract the opposite sex, unless it was for the husband, and with his permission.

 

The 250 leaders of pesantren (Islamic boarding schools) said the ulema also banned women from riding an ojek because of the potential of brushing up against the male driver who was not her husband or relative. They added that women can't work as ojek drivers either "because it would be hard for them to avoid sinful acts and matters that could lead to slander," except if they only catered to female passengers.

 

Another surprising edict was one on prewedding photo shoots – the ones seen on the wedding invitations. This is also haram, the ulema said, because in such circumstances the couples are unmarried but already mixing with each other.

 

All this may secure a Golden Globe for the most entertaining edict, if ever there was one. But at the end of the day, moderation and common sense must win in the current war over values.

 

Many would opt to ignore the report from East Java, dismissing it as a product of backward ulema. But its capital, Surabaya, is the country's second largest city, which, like Jakarta, should be a benchmark when it comes to regulation of society.

 

"Talibanization", to put it coarsely, cannot be given space in a nation which is learning the hard way how and why our founding fathers endured a gruelling debate on whether the new independent country  should be based on religious or secular foundations. A woman here appreciates her right to wear the veil or not, but may feel differently over having the ulema rule on whether she can ride an ojek, or on how she can make an honest living.

 

The Indonesian Muslim here would appreciate their ulema much more if they tackled society's most troubling challenges. If corruption is a crime, then where is the edict which tells us it is haram for the pesantren to receive billions in donations originating from graft and money laundering?

With so many pressing issues, it is high time our learned scholars move away from their narrow pet motive of "protecting" women and society in the name of God.

 

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THE JAKARTA POST

EDITORIAL

LATENT BATTLE ON PRESS FREEDOM

SIRIKIT SYAH

 

In the world of mass media and journalism, 2009 was filled with conflicts between the freedom of the press (and freedom of expression) and several regulations that were meant to protect citizens.

 

Forget the business anti-monopoly law or the pornography law, even though both also touched on the operation of mass media.

 

Let us pay attention to the most "hated" regulations by the press: The Criminal Code and the ITE (information and transaction via electronic) law.

 

The dispute between criminal law and the press started in 2003 when Tempo fought against Tommy Winata in court. Winata accused the magazine of libel (false information without ground – fitnah), while Tempo rallied and campaigned throughout Indonesia with the slogan "Don't criminalize the press".

 

Among those involved were Gunawan Mohamad, Adnan Buyung Nasution, T.M Lubis, and Gus Dur, who occupied the green table in the court room: an act that could have been dubbed as "contempt of court" in other circumstances.

 

However fierce the 6-year-long fight between Tempo and Tommy Winata, last year they agreed to settle their case in a peaceful manner. The public did not have the privilege of knowing the details of the settlement, despite much curiosity about who apologized to whom, it was in the end an anti-climax. In the world of journalism, no lessons were learned. Should the press be more cautious next time? Or, should people like Tommy Winata refrain from taking such matters to court?

 

The over-sensitivity of the press toward several Indonesian laws may jeopardize the need to educate our citizens about the relevant laws. Libel and defamation in the media happens, but how it is dealt with is another matter.

 

The victim wants justice. To gain justice, he/she uses the only available law: libel. When the press refuses it, it

means the victim comes to a dead end and no justice is served. The press claims it is trying to use the press law, but there are no articles related to libel or defamation in those laws.

 

Recently, at the end of last year, the Institute of Legal Aid for the Press (LBH-Pers) and the Independent Journalists Alliance (AJI) also raised concern about the ITE law, particularly Article 27.

 

They claimed the article intimidated journalists by making them feel threatened and restricted from exposing the truth.

 

Why is everything taken as "potentially dangerous to the press"? Not everything is about the press. Can the press think outside of the box for a change?

 

The criminal law and Article 27 of the ITE law were made to protect citizens. The unwanted or illegal distributions of indecent pictures (via mobile phones or emails) can be reduced or stopped by this law.

 

False news and defamation will no longer go unpunished. People who do the wrong thing are those that will be affected by the law.

 

This is good for citizens. Journalists with strong ethics will not be intimidated by this law. If journalists undergo the correct procedures to gather information and report it without bias or malicious intention, there is nothing to worry about. If a journalist writes bad things about certain figures and they are known to be bad people, there is no case for libel or defamation.

 

This was proven by the court decision to free Prita Mulyasari who was taken to court for writing an email complaining about the treatment she received at Omni hospital.

 

Even though it was valid for the doctors to report Prita for defaming their reputations, the judges did the right thing by successfully finding the truth. The truth was that Prita didn't lie. What she wrote was what she experienced herself – talk about prime sources. She received bad treatment, and wrote the truth. What is so wrong with that?

 

Citizens have also observed President Yudhoyono frequently deny accusations made by the media that he is dubiously connected to the Bank Century or Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) scandals. Yudhoyono even accused the media of libel. In his speech following the Jakarta bombings last year, Yudhoyono also accused the mass media of "spinning" his words because the media focused on the discrepancy between what happened and what his speech was about.

 

Speculation grew and the President got upset. But, how could the media spin the President's speech when it was aired live and unedited?

 

In the case of the KPK, Yudhoyono did not seem to mind bribery suspect Anggodo Widjojo and his friends talking about their connection to him in a phone conversation. While citizens understood it as libel (and think about ITE law), the President ignored it. The Century case also brought up issues of libel by the media and their sources towards the President and the Democratic Party. But so far, no legal reports have been filed to the police.

 

The solution for this latent problem is to revise the press law, by completing it with articles of libel/defamation through the media. By doing this, the media will have the access and the authority to handle such problems.

 

Let them decide what punishment is suitable for the abuser. But first of all, the media should agree that libel and defamation does happen and should be duly sanctioned.

 

The writer is a lecturer of journalism and a Media Watch activist.

 

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CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

NASTY HOME PRICES

 

"Land prices in Kunming are lower than in all neighboring (provincial capital) cities. But not home prices. Why? Because the money has found its way into the purses of developers. This is huge corruption. Why? Because some officials have played the role of protectors of developers."

 

The statement could have been from anyone irate over soaring housing prices in Kunming, or any other Chinese city. Except for the obvious truth, it shows little restraint.

 

But that doesn't matter. What matters is that Qiu He, a controversial Party chief in the southwestern city, is the person who said the angry comments. The outspoken Party cadre is known not only for his disregard of unspoken rules in civil service, but also for his unyielding resolve for pressing ahead with what he believes to be correct.

 

The remarks immediately made a stir on the Internet, inviting comments that were overwhelmingly sympathetic.

 

We have heard plenty about corruption behind skyrocketing home prices well before Qiu's comments. We therefore agree with those who say Qiu's outburst was nothing but belated acknowledgment of a plain truth.

 

But still, Qiu, for making his comment, garners our respect. He is after all one of the first officials to openly express his opinion of the corruption behind the housing industry.

 

And chances are we may expect more after Qiu's comments. How will his assertion that local authorities were aware of evidence of corruption pan out? He also said that some officials would be investigated. We are waiting to see what happens next.

 

It may be overly simplistic to unilaterally blame unreasonable and increasingly unbearable real estate prices on corruption. State monopoly of land ownership, and the local governments' emphasis on land use rights as a major source of revenue and growth are also partly responsible. Corruption in land transactions is a mere nasty consequence.

 

But such a cancerous consequence has an immediate impact on housing prices and public perception of the problem. Many tend to accept the assumption that government officials have allied with developers to keep housing prices rising.

 

Qiu, in fact, confirmed this sentiment: "Now in our city, some bosses have kidnapped officials to stage a puppet shadow show. The officials are the puppets, and the bosses are the string-pullers. The officials are chess pieces, and the bosses are chess players."

 

If this is also true in other places, what does that mean for the country and the society at large? We can't afford to imagine. By airing the truth, Qiu is now obligated to act. We are sure he will do something.

But without sufficient sympathy and support from within his own ranks, he can't go far.

 

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CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

REV UP MEDICAL REFORM

 

The new policy that allows migrant workers to transfer their medical insurance across the country is a welcome step forward to help fix China's fragmented health insurance system.

 

Small as the initiative is, such efforts are sorely needed to facilitate reform of the country's healthcare, which is a long and complicated process.

 

There have been healthcare problems for years in China, and the global economic recession has only made tackling the issue more urgent than ever.

 

It is no secret that while China's remarkable economic growth has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty over the past three decades, medical costs remains one of the top financial threats to low-income residents.

 

Worse, as the global recession makes it increasingly difficult for China to rely on exports for growth, the lack of an adequate safety net has forced many Chinese households to engage in precautionary savings to buffer against disasters.

 

Chinese authorities have recognized the need to boost domestic spending into a crucial engine for growth and written up a slew of new measures to build a better safety net.

 

Last year, for example, the State Council passed a plan to ensure a minimum standard of healthcare for more than 90 percent of the population of 1.3 billion by 2011.

 

But the 850-billion-yuan ($125 billion) medical reform package won't benefit as many people as officials are hoping for unless loopholes in the existing medical insurance system are fixed timely.

 

The difficulty for migrant workers to transfer their health insurance upon finding new jobs in other provinces, autonomous regions or municipalities is one of the problems that hinders labor mobility.

 

Since China's expansion of urbanization efforts and its industries will draw more farmers from their rural homes to urban jobs in the coming decades, it simply does not make sense to keep a fragmented medical insurance system that discriminates against the free flow of the labor force within the country.

 

To dismantle such unnecessary institutional barriers is just the first step in providing people with affordable and accessible medical services.

 

It's a good thing that the strong recovery of the national economy has not weakened a sense of urgency among Chinese policymakers to build a more sound healthcare system.

 

But as the government presses the need for more consumer spending, it must also speed up reforms to improve the social safety net.

 

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CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

HELP HAITI TO SEND A MESSAGE OF HOPE

BY BAN KI-MOON (CHINA DAILY)

The disaster in Haiti shows once again something that we, as human beings, have always known: that even amid the worst devastation, there is always hope.

 

I saw that for myself this week in Port-au-Prince. The UN suffered its single greatest loss in history. Our headquarters in the Haitian capital was a mass of crushed concrete and tangled steel. How could anyone survive, I thought? Yet moments after I departed, with a heavy heart, rescue teams pulled out a survivor - alive, after five days, buried, without food or water. I think of it as a small miracle, a sign of hope. Disasters such as the one in Haiti remind us of the fragility of life, but they also reaffirm our strength. We have seen horrific images on television: collapsed buildings, bodies in the streets, people in dire need of food, water and shelter. I saw all this, and more, as I moved around the stricken city. But I also saw something else - a remarkable expression of human spirit, people suffering the heaviest blows yet demonstrating extraordinary resilience.

 

During my brief visit, I met with many ordinary people. A group of young men near the ruins of the presidential palace told me that they wanted to help rebuild Haiti. Beyond the immediate crisis, they hope for jobs, a future with dignity, work to do. Across the street, I met a young mother with her children living in a tent in a public park, with little food. There were thousands like her, patiently enduring, helping one another as best they could. She had faith that help would soon come, as did others. "I came to offer hope," I told them. "Do not despair." In return she, too, asked the international community to help Haiti to rebuild - for her children, for the generations of tomorrow.

 

For those who have lost everything, help cannot come soon enough. But it is coming, and in growing amounts despite very difficult logistical challenges in a capital city where all services and capacity are gone. As of Monday morning, more than 40 international search and rescue teams with more than 1,700 staff were at work. Water supplies are increasing; tents and temporary shelters are arriving in larger numbers. Badly damaged hospitals are beginning to function again, aided by international medical teams. Meanwhile, the World Food Program is working with the US army to distribute daily food rations to nearly 200,000 people. The agency expects to reach as many as 1 million people within the coming weeks, building toward 2 million.

 

We have seen an outpouring of international aid, commensurate with the scale of this disaster. Every nation, every international aid organization in the world, has mobilized for Haiti's relief. Our job is to channel that assistance. We need to make sure our help gets to the people who need it, as fast as possible. We cannot have essential supplies sitting in warehouses. We have no time to lose, nor money to waste. This requires strong and effective coordination - the international community working together, as one, with the United Nations in the lead.

 

This critical work began from the first day, both among UN and international aid agencies as well as among key players - the United Nations working closely with the United States and the countries of Europe, Latin America and many others to identity the most pressing humanitarian needs and deliver what is required. These needs must be grouped into well-defined "clusters," so that the efforts of all the various organizations complement rather than duplicate one another. A health cluster run by the World Health Organization, for example, is already organizing medical assistance among 21 international agencies.

 

The urgency of the moment will naturally dominate our planning. But it is not too early to begin thinking about tomorrow, a point that President Rene Preval emphasized when we met. Though desperately poor, Haiti had been making progress. It was enjoying a new stability; investors had returned. It will not be enough to rebuild the country as it was, nor is there any place for cosmetic improvements. We must help Haiti build back better, working side by side with the government, so that the money and aid invested today will have lasting benefit, creating jobs and freeing it from dependence on the world's generosity.

 

In this sense, Haiti's plight is a reminder of our wider responsibilities. A decade ago, the international community began a new century by agreeing to act to eliminate extreme poverty by the year 2015. Great strides have been made toward some of these ambitious "Millennium goals", variously targeting core sources of global poverty and obstacles to development from maternal health and education to managing infectious disease. Yet progress in other critical areas lags badly. The bottom line: we are very far from delivering on our promises of a better future for the world's poor.

 

As we rush to Haiti's immediate aid, let us keep in mind this larger picture. That was the message I received, loud and clear, from those people on the streets of Port au Prince. They asked for jobs, dignity and a better future. That is the hope of the all the world's poor, wherever they might live. Doing the right thing for Haiti, in its hour of need, will be a powerful message of hope for them as well.

 

The author is Secretary-General of the United Nations.

 

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CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

OBAMA'S NEW DOCTRINE: EASIER SAID THAN DONE

BY YUAN PENG (CHINA DAILY)

Americans elected Barack Obama their president on his promise to "change" things both at home and abroad. Obama inherited a trashy legacy from George W. Bush: wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the global financial crisis, a lackluster image of the US and a number of rising powers in the world. And one year on, he seems to be more successful in his diplomacy than in changing things at home.

 

Obama faces two pressing tasks on the diplomatic front: fortifying America's position and repairing the country's image, and seizing the initiative to transform the international order in order to maintain Washington's hegemony in the long run.

 

The US president began his reform with ideas, creating the strategic concept of "smart power" and "multi-partner" outlook in the international order, the two halves of his new doctrine. The first means a balanced manipulation of soft and hard powers with comprehensive use of various means to meet challenges flexibly. To this end, his administration proposed that development, defense and diplomacy be regarded as the three pillars of America's foreign strategy. A "multi-partner" outlook means playing down ideological antagonism, that is, the US would be willing to work with other countries, irrespective of their political and social systems, to meet common challenges and build a new international political and economic order. It would, of course, be led by the US but involve the other major powers, too.

 

Obama's diplomatic and political thrust has been on four fronts. First, he has tried to improve America's image by steering away from unilateralism and militarism of the Bush administration. Among his moves are the decisions to close down the Guantanamo Bay prison, set a timetable for US forces' withdrawal from Iraq, return to climate change talks, implement a "reach-out-hand" diplomacy with countries such as Iran, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), Cuba, Venezuela and Myanmar, and efforts to improve relations with the Islamic world.

 

America's image has improved to a certain extent in the first year of his rule. A Pew Center poll conducted in 25 countries shows the percentage of people friendly toward the US increased in 24 countries; the only exception was Israel.

 

Second, Obama has changed America's counter-terrorist strategy dramatically by abandoning Bush's hypothesis. He regards terrorism as one of the many problems the world faces today and has shifted America's frontline against terrorism from Iraq to Afghanistan and Pakistan. Plus, he attaches great importance to all-around cooperation with other major powers in the fields of economics, politics and military relations.

 

Third, the Obama administration has been making great efforts to maintain its core relationships with global and local powers. It has tried to take Bush's proactive China policy forward by forging a relationship of comprehensive cooperation, establishing the Strategic and Economic Dialogue, and cooperating at G20 summits and climate change talks.

 

On other fronts, US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov are trying to reshape US-Russian relations. The first move to improve bilateral ties, however, came from Obama when he declared that the US would not deploy anti-missile systems in Poland and the Czech Republic. And the way things are going, the US and Russia could sign the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty.

America's ties with the European Union (EU) got a boost when Vice-President Joe Biden told the Munich Peace Conference that the US respects its EU allies. In return, other NATO members have agreed to provide more help to the US in its war against the Taliban in Afghanistan. Obama, too, has helped US-EU ties by coordinating with European leaders on climate change issues.

 

Fourth, the US administration has been trying to take the lead in meeting global challenges, though its ability to set international agenda is being tested extensively in the process. The US has played a vital role to help reform the world financial and economic order. But despite some developing countries getting a greater say in structural reform of the IMF and other international agencies, the US still dominates them.

 

In the field of disarmament, Obama delivered a utopian "nuclear-free world" speech in Prague in April, urging all countries to abandon Cold War mentality and reduce nuclear weapons. The US pushed the UN Security Council to organize a nuclear disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation summit, too, which certainly is a meaningful endeavor. Likewise, the US has assumed a responsible role in shaping a new global climate political mechanism.

 

In other words, the abyss US diplomacy had fallen into during the Bush administration is evident to everyone. But despite being more successful in dealing with world affairs, compared to solving problems at home, Obama still faces a series of knotty questions.

 

His effort to clear the mess America has created in the Middle East in the name of counter-terrorism by waging a war against the Taliban has worsened the situation in Afghanistan. Obama announced his "new Afghanistan strategy" on Dec 3, ordering an increase of 30,000 US troops over 18 months. But it is open to debate whether his new strategy for Afghanistan will work. In fact, a new wave of terrorist attacks this year has already forced his administration to consider opening a new counter-terrorist front in Yemen.

 

Though the US has extended its hand to Iran and the DPRK with the hope of the resolving intractable nuclear issues, mutual doubts still remain. That the two countries have not yet responded positively to America's overtures shows they still pose a potential threat to US interests.

 

Relations among major global powers are yet to take the direction in America's favor, as Obama expected them to, and US-Russian ties have improved only to a limited degree. Moreover, the time-honored ties between the US and Japan are also facing difficulties.

 

In Sino-US relations, the Taiwan issue and human rights have always been sticking points. But now, trade disputes could complicate matters further.

 

It is doubtful, too, whether Obama's efforts to mitigate climate change will get the US Senate's approval.

 

The transformation of the international order reflects the decline of America's comparative advantage and ebbing of its international influence. Though Obama has shown an unswerving resolve to adapt to changing reality, his serious-minded philosophy lacks enough steam to lift the US to its position in the 1990s.

 

The nagging problems at home are acting as brakes for Obama's aggressive diplomatic ambitions, making America's pursuit of the strategic targets of hegemony a turbulent affair. In this sense, Obama's new political and diplomatic doctrine appears more like strategic adjustment than a prescription to arrest the decline of America hegemony. The author is director of the Institute of America Studies, Chinese Institute of Contemporary International Relations.

 

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CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

HAITI'S PAIN FELT AROUND THE WORLD

BY ZHENG ANGUANG (CHINA DAILY)

The disastrous earthquake in Haiti one week ago has brought untold suffering to this Caribbean island nation, which has already witnessed too many tragedies and is in urgent need of calm.

 

According to the latest reports, more than 70,000 corpses have already been buried - it is estimated that the death toll will exceed 100,000, with 3 million in total affected by the disaster. In Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital and where the most damage was done, survivors are not only suffering from a shortage of food and shelter, but are also threatened by mobs and burglars in the state of anarchy. President Ren Prval said the country was like a war zone; residents said the smell of death filled the streets.

 

In a nation that has suffered many similar disasters, Chinese people did not hesitate in sending aid groups and taking measures to save lives. Neither did the whole world, which shares the pain of Haiti in this critical time: More than dozens of rescue teams have already arrived in Haiti. More aid workers and resources are reportedly on the way. The United States even sent an aircraft carrier to support the relief efforts. For the common purpose of sending aid to Haitians in need, Cuba has allowed the US air force to pass through its air space, an impossibility for many years.

 

International organizations have also played key roles in rescue efforts. The United Nations, which has also suffered much in the earthquake with many of its workers buried in ruins, has ordered numerous branches to send first-aid equipment. Workers from the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti, the World Food Program and the World Health Organization are giving aid and offering security forces, despite the fact that many of them are also victims of the earthquake.

 

NGOs have also performed admirably. The International Committee of the Red Cross, Oxfam, the Mercy Corps, the International Rescue Committee and Doctors Without Borders all arrived on the scene as early as possible. In fact, for many years they have always been working in this war-torn island, devoting love and care to Haitians. As public welfare organizations, they are often more efficient and convenient in such efforts and most likely getting better relief results.

 

The world is flat, but not fair. Distribution of wealth, power and resources has never been equal among nations, striking some of them with misfortune and poverty. As a nation that has long been troubled by political instability and economic depression, Haiti deserves our special care. In fact, ever since 2004, Haiti has always been in need of help, owing much of its progress to the selfless devotion of many international organizations and independent nations. At this critical time, aid work in Haiti demands participation of all its neighbors, near or far.

 

The international society should take up more responsibility in relief efforts in Haiti. It is reported that some parts of the nation have already fallen into a state of anarchy; therefore the international society should help to manage the chaos if necessary.

 

There are successful examples. In 1992, in order to return peace and stability to a war-torn land and relieve the suffering, the United Nations set up a Transitional Authority in Cambodia. More than 20,000 peacekeeping workers participated in social work there, from domestic elections to providing security. More than 100,000 additional workers from various NGOs also joined in the efforts. It is fair to say that international cooperation and help are an important reason for the present prosperity and stability of Cambodia.

In this epoch of globalization, happiness and suffering are shared by all around the globe. No nation should be isolated from the family of humankind. In order to make a harmonious world, no countries should "beggar their neighbors" and they should follow the motto "Live and Let Live" as the basis of their policies. Universal peace might still be a dream far from reality, but to do more work for the common good should be the shared creed of all accountable powers. US President Barack Obama said to the Haitian president recently: "The entire world stands with the government and the people of Haiti, for in Haiti's devastation, we all see the common humanity that we share." May the world be united in this great humanitarian work.

 

The author is an associate professor at the School of International Studies of Nanjing University.

 

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THE MOSCOW TIMES

EDITORIAL

HAITI'S VOODOO RESCUE MISSION

BY YULIA LATYNINA

 

The earthquake in Haiti serves as a disturbing reminder that the number of victims in an earthquake depends less on the magnitude of the quake and much more on the social conditions in the country.

 

Three things are most striking about the disaster. First, Haitian President Rene Preval has no idea how many corpses there are — 50,000 or 500,000. Nonetheless, in the 2006 presidential election, he knew with amazing precision how many Haitians voted for him, although protesters claimed widespread voting fraud and paralyzed the capital with burning barricades.

 

Second, the earthquake that struck Haiti measured 7 on the Richter Scale. That puts it at the lower limit of quakes capable of causing serious damage over large areas. It was a very strong earthquake, but it should not have been catastrophic. The earthquake that hit Mexico City in 1985 measured 8.1 on the Richter Scale and caused about 10,000 deaths. That is no small figure, but it is nowhere near Haiti's estimated 200,000.

 

Third, Haitian authorities have not been able to cope with the logistics of receiving humanitarian aid. Airplanes are forced to circle for extended periods before landing. It took six full hours to unload aid brought in by China. And during that time, the people of Port-au-Prince protested the lack of humanitarian aid by building a barricade of rotting corpses.

 

Haiti, with a nominal per capita gross domestic product of $790, is by far the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere. It is a territory that from the moment of its discovery by Christopher Columbus in 1492 has had a stable, normal government for only 19 years — from 1915 to 1934, when it was occupied by U.S. forces.

 

In addition to its extreme poverty, Haiti is perhaps best known for its voodoo; the Tonton Macoutes, the country's notorious former secret police squads; and Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier, the highly corrupt dictator who was overthrown by a popular uprising in 1986.

 

Now the world is sending humanitarian aid to Haiti, but there is almost no hope that it will provide significant relief. If Preval retains power, he will use most of the aid to feed his own police and military forces. Meanwhile, the chaos in the country is an excellent opportunity for the anti-

 

government forces, known as the "Cannibal Army," to eat its way — literally — at Preval's forces and seize power. One way to prolong the chaos and increase anti-Preval sentiment is to try to block humanitarian aid from getting to the people. As long as hundreds of thousands of Haitians remain hungry, homeless and sick, the more likely that they will be willing to support another coup.

 

The only force with the material and logistical resources required to help the earthquake victims is the U.S. military. The 10,000 troops whom Washington has deployed will have to tread lightly, even while struggling to maintain order on the streets of Port-au-Prince. This is because the minute that a U.S. sergeant shoots a voodoo rebel building, a barricade of corpses or a member of the Cannibal Army intent on eating that barricade, then angry protesters shouting "Down with the U.S. colonizers!" is all but certain in the streets.

 

Natural disasters test the strength of societies. Wherever social order is well-developed, the suffering that follows a calamity can be alleviated. But in countries like Haiti, where there is a daily struggle to survive even when there are no major natural disasters, the negative consequences of a strong earthquake can be lethal for the entire country.

 

Yulia Latynina hosts a political talk show on Ekho Moskvy radio.

 

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THE MOSCOW TIMES

EDITORIAL

THE WELL OF SOVIET NOSTALGIA IS RUNNING DRY

BY FYODOR LUKYANOV

 

Last week, the government criticized a bill that would have made it a criminal offense to deny the Soviet Union's victory in World War II. United Russia deputies had introduced the measure last year. In December, President Dmitry Medvedev and then Prime Minister Vladimir Putin went on record saying the crimes of Josef Stalin could not be justified in any way. The rowdy campaign conducted by the pro-Kremlin Nashi youth group to harass journalist Alexander Podrabinek for his alleged anti-Soviet remarks was quickly halted.

 

There are signs that Russian society is entering a new stage — not because leaders have re-evaluated our Soviet past, but because they have realized that there is little more that can be gained by exploiting it. Up until now, the authorities tried to tap into the cultural and mythological inheritance of the Soviet era, but most of this inheritance has been sapped dry.

 

By the end of the 1990s, it turned out that the ideals of the early democratic period had become discredited by the fierce struggle for authority and wealth. The clan that replaced the ruling elite of President Boris Yeltsin's administration needed a leitmotif for carrying out their post-revolutionary restoration. The basic government institutions were still in need of repairs following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Later, a Soviet facade was needed to cover the moral and psychological vacuum created by the model of state-run capitalism and the huge gap between the rich and the poor.

 

Yet nobody had any serious intentions of restoring the previous system. The architects of the post-Soviet renaissance had no desire to return to the Soviet model. After all, it was the moral and financial bankruptcy of that system that gave them the opportunity to gain power. Of all the many legacies of the Soviet past, the Kremlin's spin doctors focused on only one element during the first decade of this century — returning Russia to its former superpower status. Although pursuing that path seemed to offer a simple way to increase patriotism and national solidarity, it ultimately led the authorities into a big trap.

 

First, the Kremlin's nostalgic allusions to Soviet times often backfired. By reminding Russians of how powerful the Soviet Union once was on the world stage, the people couldn't help but realize how far down Russia has dropped from that former superpower status. The only remedy to this dilemma would be to embark upon a revanchist course aimed at reviving Russia's lost empire, but it clearly does not have the willpower, the resources or the opportunity to do this.

 

Second, the Kremlin realized that it is pointless to wallow in iconic or ideological remnants of the Soviet past.

Even if such a model were desirable, it cannot be revived in the modern world. Cherry-picking the best chapters from the Soviet past to inspire us for the future will not work.

 

The debate over pro- and anti-Soviet stances has replaced the search for a constructive path to development — not only for Russian authorities, but also for the opposition. For the liberal opposition, the struggle against the Soviet period has become an end in itself and produces nothing but emotionally charged, empty debates. The argument that Russia should follow the example of Germany by overcoming its past through repentance and reconciliation doesn't hold up. It was possible in Germany only because the country was effectively destroyed and occupied after World War II. Moreover, the process past took many years to complete.

 

In contrast to Germany, Russia did not suffer a military defeat, was not occupied and did not feel at any time that it had been vanquished. It is impossible force a feeling of guilt on people. Russia can fully come to terms with its past sins only through a long, extensive educational process, primarily in the area of history. But any oversimplification of the facts — whether pro- or anti-Soviet in nature — will lead to the opposite result. Russia could learn from the experience of other countries, such as Spain, which successfully closed the chapter of its right-wing dictatorship under Francisco Franco and moved on to become a full-fledged and respected member among European democracies.

 

By 2009, the more desperate attempts to revive Soviet nostalgia turned into an embarrassment for the Kremlin after they became caricatures of themselves. The decision by the Moscow authorities to restore the vestibule of the Kurskaya metro station with a pro-Stalin verse from the old Soviet anthem was a parody of itself. In addition, the farce in two acts — Moscow prefect Oleg Mitvol ­clamping down on the Anti-Sovietskaya restaurant and the Nashi youth movement's harassment campaign against journalist Alexander Podrabinek — revealed the absurdity of trying to build Russian patriotism on an extinct Soviet past.

 

It seems that our leaders have also realized that the well of Soviet patriotic symbols is running dry. The second decade of the 21st century will require new symbols and new sources of patriotism. And herein lies a problem. At the end of the 1990s when leaders had exhausted the call for revolution, they could at least shift focus to restoring the country's "lost greatness" and giving it its rightful place under the sun in the global arena.

 

But is unclear what substitute is available today. The last decade was marked by all-out mercantilism, a value system that does not tend to foster new ideas. This has led to the forced attempt to invent a so-called "Russian conservatism" or "conservative modernization," which are nothing more than ideological window dressing to cover up for the country's lack of economic strategies and national ideas. This is precisely why Medvedev's numerous modernization initiatives lack substance and have turned into nothing more than empty slogans.

 

Russia's problem is that it has an ideological vacuum. This is dangerous because the vacuum will inevitably get filled — and most likely by something dangerous. Other post-

 

Communist countries have filled their vacuums with nationalism, but their nationalism has been tamed to one degree or another by their entry in the European Union, which enforces strict democratic ­principles for members, or their desire to become members. But Russia, the proverbial cat that walks by himself, has few external constraints like the EU. If Russia's ­ideology vacuum is filled by ethnic nationalism, this will be very self-destructive, as the ­Soviet collapse painfully showed.

 

In the end, Russia must produce a new national idea to survive in the 21st century.

 

Fyodor Lukyanov is editor of Russia in Global Affairs.

 

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THE MOSCOW TIMES

EDITORIAL

THE GOOGLE THAT CAN SAY NO

BY ESTHER DYSON

 

Usually, disclosure statements go at the end of an article, but let me start with mine.

 

I sit on the board of Yandex, a Russian search company with a roughly 60 percent market share in Russia, compared with Google's 20 percent or so. And I sit on the board of 23andMe, a company co-founded by the wife of Sergey Brin, a co-founder of Google. So I have a variety of interests in the topic of Google's recent moves in China.

 

In the beginning, I supported Google's presence in China. My fundamental belief is that every time that a user gets information, it reinforces a little part of the brain that says: "It's good to know things. It's my right to have information, whether it's about train schedules, movie stars or the activities of the politicians who make decisions that affect my life."

 

If you can ask questions about some things but not about others, eventually you start to wonder about that fact itself. Google (and I) had always hoped that it could help liberate China, but these hopes now look naive.

 

Of course, censorship is not a big secret in China. China employs about 30,000 people as censors. They have names and faces, and they may negotiate with a publisher about a particularly sensitive topic. They are less likely to negotiate with bloggers because there are so many of them, but the government reportedly does train bloggers in how to post in support of government policy. A lucky blogger can make money — reportedly at 50 cents per post — doing the government's bidding.

 

So why has Google made a fuss and threatened to walk out of China? The answer probably stems from a combination of — or a changing calculus around — business interests and values. The censorship issue has long grated at Google. Brin, who spent his early childhood in the Soviet Union before emigrating to the United States, is reported to be especially hostile to censorship, but the company could argue that transparency about censorship was better than not serving China at all.

 

The censorship, however, has been getting worse. To be sure, many Chinese support government censorship because they see it as a way to maintain civility and order. They know that their government is fragile, and they consider criticism harmful rather than cleansing. They trust their government to deal with problems over time.

 

At the same time, while China represents a huge market in the ever-receding future, it has not been an especially lucrative market for Google so far. Baidu, the indigenous Chinese rival to Google, benefits in many ways both from government support and from home-team nationalism among users.

 

More generally, China probably looks less appealing to investors now than it did a few years ago — not so much because of the Chinese economy as a whole, but because of constraints on the ability of any foreign entity to make serious long-term profits.

 

This growing disillusion was already present when a wave of cyber-attacks on Google (and other companies) forced the company to reassess its entire China strategy. There are certainly other ways that Google could have handled the issue — for example, by capitulating to the Chinese government's various requests. That would certainly not have comported with Google's public values, and it would probably have been a bad business decision as well.

 

When you fall into a situation like this, you always have one option — to walk away. But you must be ready to exercise it. That is exactly what Google has done in China, where its move is irrevocable. The company can't go back to the old situation. Nor is China likely to say, "We weren't hacking you, and we promise never to do it again."

 

So while Google is unlikely to re-enter China for the foreseeable future, the company has improved its negotiating position in whatever other disputes it might have in the future, and it has won support from the U.S. government.

 

What can Google do now? It could support Hotspot Shield, a publicly accessible virtual private network offered by AnchorFree, a company that I have invested in and advise — another of my disclosures. Hotspot Shield allows users to keep their browsing private, whether they are concerned about thieves stealing their banking details or about governments monitoring where they surf. It has about 1 million users monthly in China (out of 7 million worldwide). Hotspot Shield is one of the best ways of "scaling the wall" to peer outside the locked-down Chinese Internet and use sites such as Twitter, Facebook and, of course, Google.com (as opposed to Google.cn).  

 

Like Google in the past, AnchorFree may operate more effectively by being discreet, without loud support from Google or other "foreign interests." Its web site is often blocked in China and many countries in the Middle East, but there are usually other ways to obtain the software. Google, too, may be blocked, but there are ways to get to it for those who are determined. The next steps are up to the Chinese users themselves.

 

In the end, China knows very well that it can't make the Internet completely airtight. So someone in the Chinese government is probably having regrets.

 

It's tempting to predict how this will end. But I think that it won't end. As within Google, so within China: Decisions are made, but not everyone agrees with them. There's a conflict between business interests and moral values. The tug of war will continue for the foreseeable future. But in this little battle of a long war, transparency has won a victory.

 

Esther Dyson, chairman of EDventure Holdings, is an active investor in a variety of startups around the world. © Project Syndicate

 

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