EDITORIAL 23.10.09

Please contact the list owner of subscription and unsubscription at: editorial@samarth.co.in

 

media watch with peoples input                an organization of rastriya abhyudaya

Editorial

month october 23, edition 000331, collected & managed by durgesh kumar mishra, published by – manish manjul

 

Editorial is syndication of all daily- published newspaper's Editorial at one place.

http://editorialsamarth.blogspot.com

 

THE PIONEER

1. WINNER COMES SECOND
2. INEXCUSABLE NEGLIGENCE
3. MAHARAJA FALLEN ON BAD TIMES - SUNANDA K DATTA-RAY
4. FORCING AN ARAB IDENTITY - RUDRONEEL GHOSH
5. A WAR ON MURDEROUS IDEOLOGY
6. WE JUST CAN'T THINK GREEN –  ANURADHA DUTT
7. SYMBOLISM AS POLITICAL CREED - KALYANI SHANKAR
8. EDUCATE INVESTORS ABOUT MARKET RISKS - VINAYSHIL GAUTAM

MAIL TODAY

1. A DEEPER MESSAGE IN ELECTION OUTCOME
2. MAMATA'S FAILURE
3. NEHRU'S IMAGE
4. IN ASEAN FTA GAINS EXCEED THE RISKS - BY R. SRINIVASAN
5. THE ENEMY IS NOWWITHIN PAKISTAN - BY NAJAM SETHI
6. A FICTITIOUS DIARY OF IMRAN KHAN - JUGNU MOHSIN
7. PAK BRIGADIER SHOT DEAD BY MILITANTS
8. SCARLETT AWAITS BURIAL 20 MONTHS AFTER DEATH - BY AMAN SHARMA IN NEW DELHI
9. RAISINA TATTLE
10. CALLOUS RAILWAY MINISTER MUST RESIGN

TIMES OF INDIA

1. ADVANTAGE CONGRESS
2. SMOKE AND MIRRORS
3. SERVICE WITHOUT A SOUL - T P SREENIVASAN
4. 'ART IS SOMETHING BETWEEN SCIENCE AND SPIRITUALITY'
5. A MORNING AT THE MALL - MADHUMITA GUPTA
6. HOMEO SAPIENS  - JUG SURAIYA 

HINDUSTAN TIMES

1. TWO CHEERS FOR THE CONGRESS
2. DR NO MORE
3. CRUSHED IN THE MIDDLE - RAMACHANDRA GUHA
4. THE OLD ORDER CHANGETH - SUHIT SEN
5. COMMUNICATION GAP - UDDALOK BHATTACHARYA

 

INDIAN EXPRESS

1. MAHA TO MUMBAI
2. LOSER'S BURDEN
3. COLLISION COURSE
4. WINNER TAKES ALL - COOMI KAPOOR
5. SIX MONTHS IN HARYANA - VIPIN PUBBY
6. SETTING THE DEMOGRAPHIC RECORD STRAIGHT
7. WAITING FOR THE CREDITS TO ROLL - KUMAR KETKAR
8. 'AREN'T WE SECULAR?' - INDER MALHOTRA
9. THE PRIZE
10. A DRONE STRIKE AND DWINDLING HOPE  - AVID ROHDE

FINANCIAL EXPRESS

1. MAHA RESPONSIBILITY
2. DON'T WAIT FOR $ 100/BARREL
3. BE STRONG AS THE DOLLAR GETS WEAKER
4. INDUSTRY'S NEW BEST FRIENDS - SUBHOMOY BHATTACHARJEE
5. THE WRITING ON THE WALL - SUDIPTA DATTA

THE HINDU

1. HAT-TRICK OF TRIUMPHS
2. RUNOFF NOT A PANACEA
3. SECURING INDIA'S INTERESTS IN AFGHANISTAN  - SHANTHIE MARIET D'SOUZA
4. BRINGING HYDERABADI FLAVOUR TO LONDON FILM FESTIVAL  - HASAN SUROOR
5. GETTING SERIOUS ABOUT SAVING THE WILD TIGER - JOHN SEIDENSTICKER AND KESHAV VARMA
6. 'U.N. FRAMEWORK CONVENTION FORMAT TOO TRADITIONAL'  - SANDEEP DIKSHIT

THE ASIAN AGE

1. HONEYMOON FOR CONG CONTINUES
2. 250 mothers will die of childbirth in India today - Patralekha Chatterjee
3. CANTILEVERED DESIGNS - SHEKHAR BHATIA
4. LIFE'S METER - ROBIN SHARMA
5. A MIRAGE OF PEACE SHIMMERS ACROSS - BALBIR K. PUNJ

DNA

1. WRONG PLACE, WRONG TIME - MAROOF RAZA
2. SLEIGHT OF HAND - JAI MRUG 
3. ETIQUETTE IN THE TIME OF FACEBOOK - MADHU JAIN 

THE TRIBUNE

1. TRIUMPH OF CONGRESS
2. ACCOUNTABILITY OF JUDGES
3. RAISING THE BAR
4. INSTABILITY IN AFPAK - BY MAJ-GEN ASHOK K. MEHTA (RETD)
5. EPICAL FOOTPRINTS - BY BHAI MAHAVIR
6. TIME TO INTRODUCE SHIFT SYSTEM IN COURTS - BY P.P. RAO
7. EUROPE'S ANGST OVER AFGHANISTAN - BY JACKSON DIEHL
8. PEOPLE TURN AGAINST  THE TALIBAN - BY SYED NOORUZZAMAN

THE ASSAM TRIBUNE

1. SURRENDER OF ULTRAS
2. TWITTERING TWITS
3. BOMB EXPLOSIONS AND LAWS - NEELOTPAL DEKA
4. SATIS CHANDRA KAKATI – A JOURNALIST PAR EXCELLENCE - SUREN RAM PHOOKUN

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

1. LEST WE FORGET
2. LEAVE IT TO THE BANKS!
3. CHINESE CHECKERS
4. HOW TO COMBAT THE MAOISTS - DIGVIJAY SINGH
5. SHOULD BONDHOLDERS BE BAILED OUT?  - LUCIAN BEBCHUK
6. TO OBSERVE AND BE DAMNED - MUKUL SHARMA
7. ENGAGE ALL THE PARTIES TO THE DISPUTE
8. DIALOGUE HAS TO BE GIVEN ADEQUATE CHANCE
9. SHOULD GOVT ENGAGE SEPARATISTS IN J&K?
10. THE JOURNEY OF RAKESH JHUNJHUNWALA
11. WE'RE STAYING AWAY FROM REALTY STOCKS: RELIANCE LIFE
12. WE WANT TO BRING DERIVATIVES BACK ON BSE: DY CEO
13. 'OUR MARGINS WILL BE STABLE FOR THE WHOLE YEAR' - RUCHITA SAXENA

DECCAN CHRONICAL

1. HONEYMOON FOR CONGRESS CONTINUES
2. A MIRAGE OF PEACE SHIMMERS ACROSS - BY BALBIR K. PUNJ
3. MORE US TROOPS IN AFGHAN WAR A BAD IDEA  - BY NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF
4. 250 mothers will die of childbirth in India today - By Patralekha Chatterjee
5. DECADENT JEWELS  - BY IRFAN HUSAIN
6. TOXIC RELATIONS - BY RICHARD A. FRIEDMAN

THE STATESMAN

1. 841 WENT DOWN
2. FRAUD ON THE PEOPLE
3. HERITAGE AT RISK
4. WOMB TRANSPLANTS 'WITHIN TWO YEARS' PRESS TRUST OF INDIA
5. THE NECESSITY OF A BALANCED TRADE REGIME - BY DIPAK BASU

THE TELEGRAPH

1. LOSING IT
2. STAYING ON
3. THE PHANTOM ENEMY
4. CUTTING CORNERS - ASHOK MITRA - TALK FOR THE SAKE OF PEACE
5. BONA FIDE - MALVIKA SINGH

DECCAN HERALD

1. GET THE BEST
2. AN SOS
3. APPLES FOR PICKING - BY KULDIP NAYAR
4. HOPES FADE FOR CLIMATE TREATY - BY JOHN M BRODER:THE NEW YORK TIMES:
5. DARING A GLARE - BY ASHA KRISHNASWAMY

THE JERUSALEM POST

1. MILES FROM MAIN STREET

HAARETZ

2. PREMIERSHIP AS THEATER - BY HAARETZ EDITORIAL
3. LIKE SHOOTING HEROIN INTO THE VEINS - BY NEHEMIA SHTRASLER
4. ABOLISH THE DISGRACE OF 'RACIAL PURITY' - BY SHULAMIT ALONI
5. NEITHER YOUR HONEY NOR YOUR STING  - BY YOSSI SARID
6. DOVISH JEWS? EXCOMMUNICATE THEM - BY BRADLEY BURSTON
7. AN END TO DIASPORA MORALITY – BY YEHEZKEL DROR
8. HAMAS IS NOT THE REAL PROBLEM  - BY HENRY SIEGMAN
9. THE PALESTINIANS' SPOILER - BY DAVID MAKOVSKY
10. THE 'GUARDIANS' OF ISRAELI ACADEMIA  - BY BENJAMIN POGRUND

THE NEW YORK TIMES

1. COUNTING BACKWARD
2. A LEVEL FIELD
3. CREDIT CARD CHICANERY
4. COMPASSION DEFICIT
5. THE QUIET REVOLUTION - BY DAVID BROOKS
6. THE CHINESE DISCONNECT  - BY PAUL KRUGMAN
7. EVERYMAN'S FINANCIAL MELTDOWN - BY RON CHERNOW

I.THE NEWS

1. MOVING TARGETS
2. A SENSE OF PANIC
3. PEOPLE AT PERIL
4. A MAKE-OR-BREAK MOMENT FOR PAKISTAN - AYAZ AMIR
5. THERE IS A WAY FORWARD - TASNEEM NOORANI
6. WHAT CREATES THIS HATE? - DR MASOODA BANO
7. MONEY TO THE CANTONMENT BOARDS - AHMAD RAFAY ALAM
8. IMPLICATIONS OF THE WAZIRISTAN OPERATION - SHAFQAT MAHMOOD
9. SIDE-EFFECT - HARRIS KHALIQUE

PAKISTAN OBSERVER

1. TAKE IT UP WITH INDIA AT HIGHEST LEVEL
2. TREACHEROUS ACT OF PENTAGON
3. BRIBERY CHARGES AGAINST LATIF  KHOSA
4. USE EDUCATION TO FIGHT TERROR - M D NALAPAT
5. RAW: A ROGUE AGENCY - FATIMA SYED
6. HOLY PROPHET'S (PBUH) CALL TO RELIGION - HARUN YAHYA
7. ARE PAK NUKES NEXT TERROR TARGETS? - SULTAN M HALI
8. LOSING OUR DEAD PARTS..! - ROBERT CLEMENTS

THE INDEPENDENT

1. ATTACK ON TAPASH
2. DIGGER GOES DOWN
3. 'LEATHERING' THE ROADS…!

THE AUSTRALIAN

1. WE WANT MAVERICKS WHO KNOW THE RULES
2. TOO MANY CROCKS
3. AND ANOTHER THING ...

 THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

1. DOLLARS ON THE TRACKS
2. GOLDSTONE'S GRENADE
3. SECOND AFGHAN ELECTION WILL KEEP DEMOCRATIC HOPES ALIVE
4. GAMBLING REPORT LAYS CARDS ON THE TABLE FOR STATES

THE GURDIAN

1. IRAN: NUCLEAR FISSION
2. IN PRAISE OF… KEIR STARMER
3. QUESTIONABLE TELEVISION: BRITISH NATIONAL PARTY

DAILY EXPRESS

1. GET UP BOY AND SHOW RESPECT TO THE HEAD - BY NIGEL BURKE
2. GRIFFIN AND HIS HIDEOUS BNP MUST BE DEFEATED
3. ALBERTO IS A LAST CHANCE
4. OWN UP! YANKS SHOW US THE WAY

THE KOREA HERALD

1. MASS VACCINATION
2. FASHIONABLE CITY
3. THE MANY SHORTCOMINGS OF STANDARDIZED TESTS - M.K. THOMPSON

 

THE JAPAN TIMES

1. MAKEOVER OF POSTAL PRIVATIZATION
2. A BASE OKINAWANS CAN LIVE WITH
3. INFLUENTIAL ASIAN GROUPINGS - BY MICHAEL RICHARDSON
4. A DAY TO ACT IN THE NAME OF PLANETARY JUSTICE - BY PETER SINGER

THE JAKARTA POST

1. THREATS AND OPPORTUNITIES OF A REPRESENTATIVE CABINET - MAR JUORO
2. LET THEM WORK FIRST - YUDHOYONO AND SUKARNO'S LEADERSHIP
3. FACHRY ALI
4. A NATION IN TRANSITION: ARE WE PRONE TO VIOLENT CONFLICT? (PART 1 OF 2) - SATISH MISHRA

CHINA DAILY

1. ON A STRONG REBOUND
2. IS THE BAN LOGICAL?
3. POLICY FOR FLOATING POPULATION
4. BABY BOOMERS CAN MAKE JAPAN BOOM AGAIN

THE MOSCOW TIMES

1. THE WORD'S WORTH: A COMMON THREAD - BY MICHELE A. BERDY
2. GAGGING REN-TV  - BY VLADIMIR RYZHKOV

 ***************************************

******************************************************************************************

THE PIONEER

EDIT DESK

WINNER COMES SECOND

MNS PLAYS SPOILER FOR BJP-SENA ALLIANCE

The Congress had hoped for a clean sweep in the Maharashtra, Haryana and Arunachal Pradesh Assembly elections. But for the INLD's spectacular performance in Haryana, the Congress's hope would have been fulfilled. Mr Om Prakash Chautala has declared that he will not sit in the Opposition; it now remains to be seen whether he is able to cobble together a simple majority which, at the moment, does not appear to be impossible. The result of the election in Arunachal Pradesh was a foregone conclusion, although the BJP would do well to look into why it has failed to hold on to its previous tally, leave alone increase its strength in the Assembly. Having said that, the most significant result is that of the Maharashtra Assembly election. What was expected to be a close contest has turned out to be a victory for those who should have lost this election — the Congress-NCP tally will no doubt afford the coalition its third successive term in power, but it does not reflect, as is being claimed by both the parties, either absence of anti-incumbency or popular endorsement of 10 years of pathetic non-performance. What has given the Congress-NCP coalition its ill-deserved victory is its clever strategy of propping up Mr Raj Thackeray's MNS which has played spoiler for the BJP-Shiv Sena alliance, especially in the Mumbai-Thane-Pune stretch.

Mr Raj Thackeray has reason to gloat over his deeply parochial party's performance in this election: 13 seats may not sound a lot in a House of 288 members, but he has succeeded in blocking the BJP-Shiv Sena alliance from coming to power. A quick computation shows that the Congress-NCP coalition has garnered 37 per cent of the total votes; the BJP-Shiv Sena alliance has secured 30 per cent. The MNS, which contested 143 seats and lost its deposit in 95 of them, has managed to tote up a vote-share of six per cent. Had the MNS not eaten into the votes of the BJP and the Shiv Sena, which it has, and not split the Opposition space, it would have been an evenly poised battle. Indeed, it is anybody's guess as to whether the Congress-NCP coalition would have been able to retain power despite its poor record. Mr Raj Thackeray says that he has damaged both the Congress-NCP coalition and the BJP-Shiv Sena alliance. But that is not entirely true. The MNS's vote-share in the BJP-Shiv Sena alliance's traditional catchment area — the Mumbai-Thane-Pune stretch — could be as high as more than 20 per cent in some constituencies. Mr Raj Thackeray's candidates may not have won, but they ensured the defeat of BJP and Shiv Sena candidates.

It would, however, be self-defeating for the BJP to pretend that the 'MNS factor' alone is responsible for its poor performance. Its tally has declined from 56 seats in 2004 to 46 seats in this election. The Shiv Sena has suffered greater loss: It is down from 62 seats to 44 seats. There is cold comfort in the fact that the BJP will get to appoint the Leader of Opposition in the Assembly. What should worry the party is the erosion it has suffered in its support base in Vidarbha and Marathwada regions where the MNS was at best an insignificant factor. If the Shiv Sena is facing a crisis of leadership — Mr Uddhav Thackeray pales in comparison to Mr Raj Thackeray's charisma — so is the BJP, both in Maharashtra as well as at the national level. Simply put, the BJP has failed to enthuse voters. This is more a comment on the party's leadership than on its agenda of governance which, tragically, appears increasingly immaterial.

 

***************************************

THE PIONEER

INEXCUSABLE NEGLIGENCE

RAILWAYS SECURITY NEEDS TO SHAPE UP

The horrific mid-rail collision between the Delhi-bound Goa Express and the Udaipur city-Hazrat Nizamuddin Mewar Express near Mathura on Wednesday is one colossal failure in railway safety measures. The accident led to the death of 22 passengers with another 26 gravely injured. An inquiry into the incident by the Commissioner of Railway Safety has already been ordered to establish the chain of events that led to the accident and, it is hoped, will help fix accountability. Nonetheless, whichever way one looks at it, there is no way that negligence can be ruled out. In normal circumstances, the stationary Mewar Express would have triggered off a series of alarm signals through the Automatic Block Signalling system that would have warned the trailing Goa Express to slow down and come to a halt. The ABS system is used by railway networks the world over and is generally considered to be fool-proof. Therefore, there can only be two possibilities: Either there was a rare glitch in the system or the driver of Goa Express had overshot the signal.

However, there appears to be another twist in the tale. Mewar Express was transporting a certain criminal named Sajid, alias Munna, to Delhi for his trial. Sajid was being accompanied by three police constables from Kota. Sajid gave the policemen the slip and escaped. It is noteworthy that Mewar Express had become stationary because the police had pulled the emergency chain to bring the train to a halt. If this is indeed what happened it is not only a case of huge negligence against the railways but also against those policemen who let a criminal initiate a chain of events that proved to be so hugely catastrophic. The Indian Railways caters to millions of passengers every day. It is the only mode of affordable long-distance transportation available to the poor. Hence, the security of the railways is of paramount importance. Over the last few years, the entire focus with respect to the railways has been on maximising profits and turning what was essentially one of India's financially worst performing public utilities into a source of revenue. The trend was started by none other than former Minister of Railways Lalu Prasad Yadav. But in trying to script the financial success story of the railways, safety and maintenance issues were not given as much attention that they deserved. Otherwise, the railways would not have been so lethargic in implementing the Anti-Collision Device — a product that has been indigenously designed by the Konkan Railways — that could have prevented a high-speed collision like the one that took place. Hopefully, the present Minister in-charge of this vital public service will do the needful to improve things.

 

***************************************

            THE PIONEER

COLUMN

MAHARAJA FALLEN ON BAD TIMES

SUNANDA K DATTA-RAY

It was a novel experience flying from Delhi to London in the lavatory of Air India's Boeing 777-300/ER. I had to because none of the reading lights on Flight AI 111 were working on Monday, October 19. The plane being plunged in darkness, the only place I could read was on the toilet with the cover down. The lavatory was bathed in light. Astonishingly, it was also clean.

Since I fly this route several times a year I was not at all surprised that neither the captain nor any of the crew mentioned the failure, leave alone apologise for it. I got to know only because I asked. A stewardess told me then that the calling bells had also collapsed. That did not worry me for I know that it would have made no difference if the calling system had been working. It often seems to me that Air India's staff are trained to be deaf to the sound of bells and blind to blinking lights. Unless, of course, the bells and lights come from the non-paying dignitaries who are routinely upgraded to business or first class.

Perhaps it shouldn't surprise me either that the Committee of Secretaries, led by the Cabinet Secretary, has cleared a largesse of Rs 5,000 crore for Air India. After all, it's their private vehicle. Given the gusto with which Mr Praful Patel is pitching his case to the Ministerial Group on Civil Aviation headed by Mr Pranab Mukherjee, the money may even be handed over before this is printed. It will be more money down the drain.

Two conversations come to mind in this context.

The first was with the late JRD Tata who told me that nothing had hurt him more than Morarji Desai's decision to deny him even an ordinary director's slot on Air India's board. Desai cut India's nose to spite JRD's face. Air India was one of the world's finest airlines so long as it was a Tata enterprise. There was "an air about India" (as Bobby Kooka's brilliant slogan had it) when the Maharaja twinkled among the lights of Piccadilly.

The more recent conversation was with Singapore's Minister Mentor, Mr Lee Kuan Yew. I had asked him why Singapore abruptly withdrew its bid for a chunk of Air India shares. He replied candidly that his people had realised it would be sending good money after bad. Investing in some equity would not give Singapore managerial control. That would remain in the hands of vested interests — politicians, bureaucrats and trade unionists — with no regard for efficiency, productivity or image. They are out only for what they can get.

Suggesting that Air India should be wound up, Mr Lee proposed an alternative. Let India have an Air Force One like the Americans for the President and Prime Minister, he said, and Air Force Two and Three for the pampered others (Ministers, MPs, MLAs and civil servants) who fatten on the tax-payer's hard-earned money. With these categories removed, Air India should then be run as a viable commercial undertaking.

Instead, the recent directive that no one travelling on Government business (meaning junkets for which you and I pay) should use any other carrier has allowed Air India to destroy its last remaining attraction. Taking advantage of this captive clientele, it has jacked up prices. I travel Air India so frequently only because it's cheaper than other airlines. It probably isn't so any longer now that compulsory passengers guarantee earnings, no matter how appalling the service.

That puts paid to the Secretaries' committee's hope of restructuring to cut costs and raise revenue. There's no need to do either when no matter what the fluctuations of the market, passengers are assured. The very fact that we have a Civil Aviation Minister means we will ensure that public sector civil aviation will never be abolished. Pan Am, Swissair and other famous names may disappear but Mr Patel can be relied on to defend his parish and protect his job, even though Air India is the world's laughing stock.

Consider episodes from its recent history. A captain and purser came to fisticuffs in the air over a stewardess; another stewardess sued the airline for sacking her for being fat. More than 20,000 employees refused food if they were deprived of a paisa of the productivity-linked incentives that tot up to a hefty Rs 1,400 crore while losses are at least Rs 5,000 crore. A 'mass sick leave' grounded 155 aircraft. Mr Patel hints darkly at internal sabotage by "some people in the company" who opposed the merger with Indian Airlines.

The result is a flying ruins. Some seats wouldn't push back on my last flight back from London, some wouldn't remain straight. When a lunch tray toppled over because the drop table tilted, the hostess propped it up with old newspapers. Ashtrays were clumsily sealed with different kinds of sticky tape and stick-on labels. The entire panel under the lavatory sink swung wildly. Plans to acquire new aircraft remind me of France's Georges Clemenceau exclaiming when shown the embryonic Lutyens-Baker capital after visiting the ruins of seven earlier Delhis, "And what a magnificent ruin this will make!"

True, fuel costs and airport fees have increased. But indiscipline and inefficiency have gone up even more. Mr Naresh Goyal's abject surrender with "tears in the eyes" over Jet's 1,900 cabin crew didn't help. Air India and Jet should coordinate policy on manpower if either wishes to survive.

My October 19 flight being half empty, I stretched out on three seats and enjoyed a snooze after my reading was done. Then I went back to my cubby hole to continue with the book. But it was not to be. Someone had 'used' the toilet while I was sleeping. The basin was full of vomit or, perhaps, it was what should have been under my seat. I fled into the darkness of the cabin, groped my way to the galley and asked the two stewards and a stewardess chatting animatedly there for a cup of tea. One ran the hot water tap, another produced a tea bag, the third passed me the cup. The marvel was that none even looked in my direction or paused in the flow of excited conversation. They were discussing the price of Mercedes cars.

 sunandadr@yahoo.co.in

***************************************

THE PIONEER

COLUMN

FORCING AN ARAB IDENTITY

RUDRONEEL GHOSH

This refers to the Second Opinion "Islam conducive for business" (October 22) by Mohammed Yahya Ansari. Notwithstanding the contributions that the Arabs in the Middle Ages made in the fields of science, navigation, cartography, philosophy, etc, I take exception to the running theme in Mr Ansari's article that seeks to club Arab culture and Islam and even goes so far as to lay claim to ancient civilisations such as that of the Phoenicians, the Assyrians and even the Pharaonic civilisation of the ancient Egyptians. All these civilisations flourished thousands of years before the advent of Islam in the late sixth century AD and the rise of the Abbasid and the Umayyad Caliphates even later. It is gross exaggeration for an Arab-Islamic identity to lay claim, for example, to the exploits of the great Phoenician General of Carthage, Hannibal, the incredible feats of the Pharaohs of Egypt or the wise rule of Hammurabi of Babylon, all of which far predate Islam or Arab culture that Mr Ansari speaks of.

Islam might have originated in the Arabian Peninsula but practitioners of the faith reside all over the world. Therefore, it would be wrong for anyone to treat Arab culture and Islam as synonymous. Apart from the common faith they follow, a Bangladeshi or an Indonesian Muslim is culturally poles apart from a Syrian or an Arab Muslim. The same holds true for Muslims from India and, for that matter, those from Bosnia. To claim that they are all the same is naïve, if not mischievous.

It is true that over the years West Asia has increasingly come to be viewed as an Arab-Islamic domain. The term 'Arab world' is used way too freely. For, in reality, there are several ethnic groups speaking different languages that reside in this geographical region. And many of them, such as the Maronite Christians, Jews and the Zoroastrians have nothing to do with Islam. So neither can West Asia be called exclusively Islamic nor Arab.

It is the forcible imposition of a certain uniform Arab-Islamic identity on the global Muslim community that is the source of so much tension in the world today. Nothing exemplifies this better than the fact that a large number of followers of Islam around the world recite the same Arabic verses of the Quran but do not even know the language. Mr Ansari should realise that the religious identity of Muslims is only one of many they have and often overlook.

 

***************************************

THE PIONEER

OPED

A WAR ON MURDEROUS IDEOLOGY

THE TRIBALS OF BASTAR HAVE BEEN PUSHED BACK TO THE DARK AGES EVER SINCE THE MAOISTS TOOK HOLD OF THE AREA. IT IS OF UTMOST IMPORTANCE TO CLEANSE THE AREA OF MAOISTS WITHOUT WHICH NO DEVELOPMENT PROJECT CAN BE IMPLEMENTED. THE FIGHT AGAINST MAOISTS IS REALLY A FIGHT TO LIBERATE POOR TRIBALS WHO NOW LIVE UNDER MAOIST OPPRESSION

The top cop of Chhattisgarh, Director-General of Police Vishwa Ranjan, is among the few in the security establishment who have made an in-depth study to understand the ideological and military dimensions of the Maoist insurgency that is raging in 161 districts of India. He has visited the most interior parts of Chhattisgarh's densely-forested Bastar region and knows the topography like the back of his hand. And, he is a great motivator who leads from the front, apart from constantly strategising how to get the better of the Maoists.

Mr Vishwa Ranjan does not see the Maoist menace as a mere law and order issue. He sees fighting the Maoists as a battle to safeguard the interests of the poor, especially the tribals. For him Maoists are an impediment to social and physical development and hence have to be removed from the scene.

Navin Upadhyay met Mr Vishwa Ranjan in Raipur. The following are excerpts from their conversation:

Navin Upadhyay : During a tour of South Bastar, I met a large number of people who are up in arms against the Maoists. Stories of Maoist atrocities, extortions, abduction and rape abound. We in Delhi were getting a very different picture.

Vishwa Ranjan: There is no doubt a large section of tribals resents the Maoist excesses. They revolted many times but were violently suppressed by the Naxalites and now by the Maoists. The Jan Jaagran Abhiyan of 1990-91 was the first major revolt of the tribals against the Maoists. This revolt was also violently crushed by the Naxalites. The Salwa Judum movement was the second big revolt. The Maoists again reacted violently but this time they could not suppress the movement. However, the Maoists through their front-organisations and effective net-working have succeeded in portraying the movement as something evil. The truth is that the movement has survived, and with the increase in police presence people have for the first time started giving information about the Maoists.

NU: Why don't you counter the Maoist psy-war?

VR: My hands are full fighting the Maoist menace. Psy-war is a full time job. It is not a PR job as some people think. It is not about getting a few anti-Maoist stories published here and there. It is not about a few anti-Maoist 'ads' published in newspapers. It involves effective networking among academic, media, opinion-makers in a sustained manner. As a police officer I cannot find that kind of time. Of course, I have tried to write a few articles here and there against the Maoist ideology of senseless and mindless violence as well as in defence of constitutional democratic system. For doing this I have been black-brushed by the Maoists and their supporters.

NU: But surely you would agree that the Maoist problem cannot be controlled through police action. There is no doubt the condition of the poor and the tribal population in India is pitiable. There has been so much corruption at all levels. We have not been able to effectively address these problems in 60 years leading to various kinds of fault lines.

VR: I concede all that you have said. If we are not able to control corruption in an effective manner, whatever we do to control Maoists will only yield temporary results. If the soil is fertile for a violent ideology to strike root, it shall strike root. However, today with the best intentions of changing the conditions of the poor tribals one can achieve very little because the Maoists are enemy of development and are not prepared to allow any building of roads, bridges, schools, primary health centres etc. The tribals living under Maoist-dominated area have to surrender half their food grain as levies and thus the nutritional value of their food intake is drastically reduced. The tribals of Bastar have again been pushed back to the dark ages from which they had slowly started coming out ever since the Maoists took hold of the area. Thus it is of utmost importance that Maoists are first dislodged from the area before any development of area is possible. In fact, the fight against the Maoists is also now a fight for the poor and the tribals condemned to live under Maoist oppression.

NU: Many people I have talked to in Jharkhand, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra and even Chhattisgarh are doubtful about the success of the much-hyped joint operation being launched in these States. Police officers in many States are also against the concept of having a separate commander or coordinator for these operations. There are also allegations that the States were consulted in a perfunctory manner.

VR: I think the joint operation as a concept is sound. During World War II Eisenhower was the Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces and US, British, Russian and French soldiers fought under his command. But if you have studied the history of the strategies and tactics of war employed by the Allied forces all decisions were taken after consultations with Gen Montgomery and Gen Zukhov etc because they knew more about their theatre of war better than Eisenhower. So, if one-upmanship and turf battles can be avoided, if consultations are genuine among the field commanders and various DGPs involved in the joint operation there would be no problem. Problems will only arise when someone starts behaving like a know-all and develop a closed mind. I think I have read the complete works of Mao many times but I still cannot claim that I am a know-all in Maoist philosophy.

Having read Mao's war philosophy, his writing on strategies and tactics of guerilla war, mobile war and positional war, I can anticipate many of the military moves of CPI(Maoists) but it would be stupid if I insist that I can anticipate every move and refuse to be open to discussions or suggestions. Personally, I think I would have no problem as I and Mr Vijay Raman, the Commander/Coordinator of joint forces have been friends holding mutual respect for each other. Regarding consultations, I can only say that in a dynamic and fluid situation it will keep on happening from time to time for mid-course corrections. There are no fixed or standard patterns in a dynamic situation and there cannot be a fixed plan. The plans would continue to evolve as we move ahead.

NU: Some degree of fear is being voiced among a section of people about collateral damages. There is also a danger of it being interpreted as a battle against poor people.

VR: We will avoid collateral damages as we have been doing so far and engage these people at an intellectual level to do away the fears they might have.

***************************************

THE PIONEER

OPED

WE JUST CAN'T THINK GREEN

CONFUSED ABOUT CLIMATE CHANGE? GOVERNMENT IS CLUELESS TOO!

ANURADHA DUTT

The Maldives Cabinet recently conducted an underwater meeting to highlight the real danger posed to low-lying areas of the world by rising sea waters as a result of global warming. But nothing illustrates India's unpreparedness on this vital issue, which threatens the very survival of the Earth as water levels in coastal areas and inland rise alarmingly because of glacial and ice melt, than the former Science and Technology Minister Kapil Sibal's statement on the fate of the receding Gangotri glacier last April. While admitting in the Lok Sabha that the glacier, source of the Ganga, had receded more in the last three decades than the preceding years — an estimated 83 feet annually — the Minister was certain that "the prospect of disappearance of the glacier does not exist". He dismissed fears of the Bhagirathi, as the Ganga is known in the upper reaches of the Himalayas, dwindling as a result of the glacier melting. And, according to media reports, he averred that the recession of the glacier was "part of natural phenomenon," and could not be stopped by deploying "short-term artificial measures."

Such misplaced confidence is completely at variance with warnings issued by ecologists and climate experts. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has consistently been alerting the world to the grim consequences of climate change, specifically, warming. Glaciers will drastically recede; sea levels will rise alarmingly; and there will be massive floods, with coastal areas getting submerged. But Mr Sibal seemed blithely unaware of these perils. Google Earth pictures depicted that an eight-km stretch of the Bhagirathi was drying up. Tributaries such as the Bhilangana, the Assi Ganga and the Alaknanda also showed reduced volume. Flowing across a 2,510 km-long stretch before merging with the sea, the river, along with the Yamuna and tributaries, is the lifeline of north India and West Bengal. The building of large dams may further threaten the survival of the Bhagirathi.

The erstwhile Uttarakhand Government decided to restrict the flow of visitors to protected areas of the Gangotri National Park, including Gomukh. The heavy flow of pilgrims and vehicles to Himalayan shrines and glaciers, and proliferation of dhabas and hotels, with their cooking stoves and fireplaces, are blamed for accelerating glacial melt. Pilgrimages were earlier undertaken by very few, either on foot or in palanquins or on mule/horseback. Modern technology may have facilitated the speedy transport of large numbers of people to formerly inaccessible Himalayan shrines but it is also to be blamed for severely degrading the environment on account of vehicular and cooking fuel emissions as well as the crush of humans and their beasts of burden.

But, the Centre's unwillingness to come to terms with a problem, which is a bigger threat than terrorism in the long run, is of grave concern to those struggling hard to save the Earth by enforcing drastic cuts in greenhouse gas emissions by industrialised countries, in particular. Environment and Forests Minister Jairam Ramesh is in the eye of a storm for having reportedly written to the Prime Minister, suggesting a nuanced shift in India's stance on the issue. He is said to favour the possibility of India reducing greenhouse gas emissions in the event of the developed nations providing technology and financial aid towards this end. Climate change experts at home see a shift from the earlier uncompromising stand, whereby India would never agree to any scrutiny of its mitigation processes. Reacting angrily, senior BJP leader Arun Jaitley wondered whether the Minister was pushing the interests of a "larger lobby".

While Mr Ramesh has all the time to clarify and prove his innocence in this matter, the lobby in question, consisting of the United States and other developed nations, is most to blame for global warming because of their excessive emissions as much as reluctance to cap these. It would indeed be tragic if we were to take our cue on the strategies to tackle climate change from them. Rise in surface air temperatures has accelerated melting of the Greenland ice sheet. It is feared that the country will eventually be submerged by sea waters. Or, one just needs to look at the Arctic to see the ghastly consequences of indiscriminate development. Rising temperature has led to the melting of the ice which sustains marine life and polar bears. Seals are dying, and since they are the main food base of the bears, the latter may become extinct. Food sources of indigenous peoples in the tundra area are also threatened. The Arctic melt will also raise global sea levels with resultant repercussions for low-lying areas. Experts warn of worse ahead if emissions are not capped.

 

**************************************

THE PIONEER

OPED

SYMBOLISM AS POLITICAL CREED

DESPITE CRITICISM FROM OPPOSITION PARTIES, CONGRESS GENERAL SECRETARY RAHUL GANDHI HAS MANAGED TO STAY FOCUSSED ON WHAT HE WANTS TO DO, AND THAT TOO IN HIS OWN WAY

KALYANI SHANKAR

Not very often one comes across a political leader who stays out of Ministry and still draws so much of attention because of the way one approaches to the common man, and ultimately to power.

When Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi spoke in Parliament about the plight of Dalit women from Vidarbha, Kalavati and Sasikala, he was ridiculed by his opponents. However, to his delight, his one visit was able to motivate Kalavati to contest the recent Maharashtra Assembly election, though later she withdrew her candidature. Recently, Mr Gandhi went one step ahead and visited Dalit homes in Uttar Pradesh, interacting with them and trying to understand their problems. He also joined the austerity campaign by his party and travelled by train and visited university campuses, interacting with students. While some ridicule these as political gimmicks, the public seem to like his symbolism.

In 2004 when Mr Gandhi entered politics by contesting Lok Sabha election from Amethi, he was a reluctant leader and his critics ridiculed his way of talking, his public utterances and his approach. They felt that he was a novice in politics and was being pushed by his mother Sonia Gandhi to take charge of the party. Now, even the BJP and the Left are unable to criticise him for undertaking this exercise of familiarising himself with the common man and the poor.

Twenty five years back, when his father Rajiv Gandhi became the Prime Minister under tragic circumstances after the assassination of Mrs Indira Gandhi, the Congress was in power. As the Prime Minister, he talked of the 21st century and dreamt of a modern India. Mr Rahul Gandhi came into politics in 2004 when the Congress was in Opposition. Initially, he confined himself to Uttar Pradesh only. The 2009 Lok Sabha election results of Uttar Pradesh in which the Congress did unexpectedly well was not because of any significant or strategic caste calculations but the gamble attempted by Mr Gandhi to insist on his party going it alone.

It seems the Rahul Gandhi factor is clicking for the Congress. He has been able to catch the imagination of the youth who form about 70 per cent of the country's population. They are appreciative of his effort and sincerity. Besides his surname, his strategy to shun power has clicked quite well. By not accepting any ministerial berth when many senior Congress leaders, including Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, insisted on, Mr Gandhi has been able to convey the people that he is not hankering after power. Till now, he has managed to stay focused on what he wants to do and that too in his own way.

Mr Gandhi has made it a point not to involve the party he belongs to in his visits to the countryside, which so far have been a solo affair. Even the issues he often raises or talks about like corruption, nepotism, changing the system and reaching benefits to the poor have so far brought him cheers.

As far as the party is concerned, he has sent a message that he is keen on rebuilding the youth congress and the NSUI. He began recruiting Congressmen and the initial response was quite good but it is not known how much progress has been made by the new recruits. His experiment to give tickets to new faces has also succeeded to a certain extent.

In a way, Mr Gandhi has been trying to create his own networking and things have gone well for him. Time and age are on his side. It is to be seen whether he will be able to get the Congress on its feet by enthusing the young blood. When Rajiv Gandhi talked of power-brokers in the 1985 AICC, the party was shocked, but events proved that he could not get rid of power-seekers. Now even the young Gandhi will have to face the same problem of finding people with commitment and conviction and not power-seekers.

The path to power is a slow process and it has a long way to go.

 

***************************************

THE PIONEER

OPED

EDUCATE INVESTORS ABOUT MARKET RISKS

THE MORE AN AVERAGE INVESTOR IS AWARE THE LESS HE WILL BE EXPOSED TO AVOIDABLE DANGERS

VINAYSHIL GAUTAM

The stimulation of the economy and the capital market requires a set of precursor activities which are not always appreciated and even less responded to. There are phraseologies and processes which need to be understood before one can start operating within the system, let alone operate the system. In the absence of such competency and skills, it is easy to get duped and even easier to lose money. Unfortunately, it does not appear to be anybody's interest, let alone business, to plug this gap.

One of the key concepts in making money work for itself is the concept of financial intermediary. One has to understand what they do make in keeping money moving, working and producing returns. Financial intermediaries collect saving from saving surplus units which have more income than the current expenses and the investments being made, and to channelise the saving to the saving deficit units which have their current investment requirements higher than their current savings.

Further the problem in sound investment requires continuous monitoring and that also requires specialised skills and time. The common man much referred to and much exploited, therefore, needs facilitation.

Financial intermediaries with their comparatively larger amount of funds can afford to engage the services of experts and they can diverse the funds and even monitor it. This is what makes the growth of financial intermediaries so crucial to the growth of a robust economy. Banks are the most obvious financial intermediaries. Then there are non-banking financial companies such as leasing companies, hire-purchase companies, housing finance companies and venture capital funds. It has become necessary for almost all who wish to invest to get these profiles right. Then come stock broking firms, credit rating agencies, mutual funds and insurance organisations.

Capital market itself is a complex entity where there are primary issue markets taking care of new issues and secondary markets. The relationship between the primary and secondary markets is close. The financial instruments cover items as equity share, preference share, debentures and then a growing number of new financial instruments.

Some of them are robust, others are not. The well-established ones include convertible debts, non-convertible debt warranties and a number of derivatives. There is indeed a distinction between the money market and the capital market. The Indian financial markets, in general post-1990s, have had requirements of de-regulation and regulation. The delicate balance is yet to be worked out to the complete satisfaction of all stakeholders. The absence of organic link between savings and investment needs considerable attention.

The role which the developmental banks played before 1990 was made possible because they generated their funds from the Reserve Bank of India and the Government and operated as distributing agencies. This made them almost clueless in the matters of collection of savings. All this changed and soon a general privatisation of financial institutions became a parallel theme of the Indian financial sector. IFCI emerged as a company, IDBI started issuing equity shares and then there was a monolith of the UTI. UTI in its earlier days was never meant to lend money to anyone for project financing.

The idea was that it will only buy shares in the equity market and the return on that would be distributed. The shift in the role of UTI contributed to the disaster, which it subsequently faced. When the Government asked the UTI to assist in certain projects, the floodgates had been opened. The old profile of UTI was of a highly dependable institution. Some would recall how during the colonial period, there was something called 'company ka kagaz' ie the East Indian Company Bond which would never falter and never fail — UTI was like that. The trust was breached when the profile of the UTI underwent a change. Providing loans to everyone and anyone can be a risky business. Money can get stuck and when not returned, the value of the units could not be given when the time came, a crisis would emerge.

The more an average investor appreciates these concepts and processes the less he/she will be exposed to avoidable dangers. The way to do this would be to conduct financial market awareness camps through the aegis of various banks. In the absence of such intervention, it is quite likely that the dangers and the crisis already experienced will re-emerge. Fundamentals have to be shared with the stakeholders, which in this case is investor.

(gautamvinay@hotmail.com)

*************************************** 

******************************************************************************************

MAIL TODAY

 COMMENT

A DEEPER MESSAGE IN ELECTION OUTCOME

 

AT one level the outcome of the state assembly elections in Maharashtra, Haryana and Arunachal Pradesh has been predictable. The Congress was expected to retain all three states, and it has. At least in Maharashtra and Haryana, the victory is as much an achievement of the Congress, as the failure of the Opposition. Conventional wisdom would suggest that the biggest loser, by far, is the Bharatiya Janata Party which does not seem to have recovered its equipoise after its defeat in the Lok Sabha elections earlier this year.

 

Its bankruptcy is apparent from its persistent attempts to blame the electronic voting machines for its election losses.

 

The Opposition's real problem has been its inability to jell together. In Maharashtra, it has been undone by the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena, the breakaway group of the Shiv Sena. But the real problem was with the senior partner of the alliance, the BJP. Its performance has been, to put it politely, subpar. The party lacks the esprit de corps it had in the days of Pramod Mahajan.

 

But the BJP's weakness as an ally was manifest in Haryana as well. The party's inability to play the junior partner led to the collapse of the alliance with the Indian National Lok Dal. The result indicates that the BJP was the bigger loser there by far and that it had grossly overestimated its capabilities. Even so, the victory must be sweet for Bhupinder Singh Hooda, the first chief minister to win two successive elections in the state since 1972. The victory of the Congress in Arunachal was expected, as that of the Trinamool Congress, many of whose candidates were Congress MLAs denied tickets.

 

But the election may also be sending a deeper signal. After nearly a decade in which the BJP's Hindutva brand defined the politics of the country, it is returning to the path of secular neutrality. There are only signs as yet, and it is up to the party leadership to press on and make secularism the country's dominant paradigm.

by satirists, artists, writers and filmmakers.

 

***************************************

MAIL TODAY

COMMENT

MAMATA'S FAILURE

 

BEFORE she took over as Railway minister in the middle of the year, Mamata Banerjee had given enough indications of her lack of interest in helping India's premier public transport organisation, and indeed its biggest employer, grow.

 

Therefore, Ms Banerjee's absence from the accident spot in Mathura where India's worst rail tragedy of the year took place on Wednesday, should not be surprising; it was, in fact, true to form. She was holed up in Kolkata for more than 18 hours after the accident, thus broadcasting her insensitivity to a shocked nation for the entire day.

 

It is evident that the demand for this key ministry was merely a bargaining chip that Ms Banerjee sought following her party Trinamool Congress' status as a powerbroker in the UPA- II government. In terms of real progress, there has been hardly any; indeed if anything, there has been a gradual regression and the Ministry of Railways now resembles a badly- managed headless organisation with no regard for safety.

 

Though the Railways had earmarked thousands of crores to buy world- class safety equipment, only 10 per cent of India's rail network has anti- collision devices fitted. As the Railway minister, it is Ms Banerjee's prime responsibility to ensure this target is met. If not, her tenure will prove to be a sorry failure.

 

***************************************

MAIL TODAY

COMMENT

NEHRU'S IMAGE

 

UNIVERSAL Studios may have decided to scrap its film on the Jawaharlal Nehru- Edwina Mountbatten romance for budgetary reasons. But the controversy has left us with some uncomfortable questions about the role of the government in defining just how the former prime minister ought to be depicted.

 

With what authority is the present government seeking to effect the changes to the script? There is nothing in the law of the land that says the image of a former PM remains the property of the country.

 

The objections, if any, could have been made by Nehru's family.

 

But even there, you would have to consider the fact that Nehru was a public person and his life and actions are open to interpretation.

 

*************************************** 

 

MAIL TODAY

COLUMN

IN ASEAN FTA GAINS EXCEED THE RISKS

BY R. SRINIVASAN

 

INDIA'S first free trade agreement ( FTA) with the 10- member Association of South East Asian Nations ( ASEAN), covering free trade in goods, was six years in the making.

 

That FTA was finally signed in August this year, after many delays and disagreements over a number of important issues. So it would be too much to expect that the forthcoming India- ASEAN summit in Hua Hin, Thailand, would lead to an immediate breakthrough leading to an FTA in services and investment, which is next on the agenda.

 

Besides, both ASEAN member nations and India would probably like some time to assess the impact and fallout — both political and economic — of the FTA in goods, which only goes into effect from January 1 next year. In many ways, it is one of the most significant multi- lateral trade treaties that India has signed in recent times ( with the exception of the sweeping WTO accord, which appears to be in permanent limbo).

 

The India- ASEAN FTA would eliminate tariffs for about 4,000 products ( which include electronics, chemicals, machinery and textiles), of which duties for 3,200 products will be reduced within a relatively short timeframe of three years. Duties and tariffs on the balance 800 products will be brought down to zero or near zero levels only by the end of 2016. In fact, tariff cuts in some politically sensitive items like tea and coffee, palm oil and pepper will be brought down over a 10- year timeframe.

 

Advantage

 

The timing is also important. When India first started negotiating the free trade treaty six years ago, the global economic scenario was significantly different. India had just got into stride on its reforms agenda, and the growth rate was just beginning to hit a higher trajectory. The ASEAN, on the other hand, was a mixed bag of developed, developing, emerging and underdeveloped economies, with dominant members like Singapore, Thailand and Malaysia counting among Asian ' miracle' economies.

 

The picture is dramatically different now. India is now at the top table of global economies. While most ASEAN countries, as well as India, have managed to weather

 

the global financial crisis with a greater degree of success than many developed economies, India, and ASEAN's biggest trade partner, China, now clearly hold the key to the shaping of the future of world trade.

 

That position has in fact been cemented with even the US, an officially absent but nevertheless key player in the region, recognising the G20 as the principal body for future. It is India's fourth- largest trading partner after the European Union. While China and India are key members of the G20, the ASEAN is represented by the chair, in recognition of its status as a key global trade bloc.

 

The FTA which has been signed is itself part of a broader agreement, the Framework Agreement on Comprehensive Economic Cooperation. India signed this treaty with ASEAN in 2003. The treaty was aimed at forging a closer economic partnership in the 21st century between India and the ASEAN by removing barriers to intra- regional trade and investment.

 

What was aimed for was nothing less than the creation of a giant regional common market, offering a combined market of over 1.8 billion consumers and a combined GDP ( as of 2008) of over $ 2.3 trillion.

 

That was an enticing prospect. At that time, India was looking to step up and diversify its world trade, while the ASEAN's key goal in dealing with India was, and remains, moving away from China's heavy shadow politically, and economically diversifying away from the member nations' heavy dependence on trade with China. But in the intervening period, many things have changed.

 

Some of the manufacturing advantages of some ASEAN countries have eroded, while agriculture and plantation products, always the subject of heavy protectionism everywhere, are unlikely to yield the kind of multiplier dividends that both parties hope for.

 

TRADE

Two- way trade between India and ASEAN was $ 47 billion in 2008. The ASEAN is India's fourth- largest trade partner, and accounts for roughly 10 per cent of India's external trade. Both the parties to the FTA expected a $ 10 billion increase in trade immediately after signing the FTA, a figure which is unlikely to materialise given the worldwide slowdown and the massive hit taken by the export sector of all parties.

 

That does not mean that the FTA in goods already signed has lost its relevance.

 

Quite the contrary.

 

It remains one of the most significant trade deals India has signed to date, in terms of its potential. In fact, the services and investment markets, the subject of the next FTA under negotiation, are of critical importance to India since they play to its significant competitive advantages.

 

While India's trade with ASEAN has grown at an average of under 10 per cent per year since the beginning of this century, intra- ASEAN trade has been growing at nearly 19 per cent per year between 2000- 2008. With India becoming, in effect, a part of the ASEA region as far as trade is concerned, twoway trade is expected to pick up considerable momentum.

 

The ASEAN is also one of the largest IT services markets in the world. Also, as the region develops rapidly, India's competitive advantage in financial services will also stand it in good stead to exploit the opportunity.

 

With one of the world's most active stock markets, and strong domain expertise in other financial services like banking, India's service providers are eagerly awaiting unfettered access to the so far fairly heavily protected ASEAN services market.

 

In fact, the grouse of many sectors at home, especially the plantation and oilseeds sectors, is that India has deliberately sacrificed these two sectors by opening them up to the ASEAN in order to secure a negotiating advantage when it comes to services. While denied officially by the government, there is some justice in this complaint.

 

Hurdles

 

The automobile sector is also worried that the Japanese will use the Thailand route to step up their presence in India. Despite the growth of China as an automobile hub, Japanese manufacturers, especially the auto majors, are significantly invested into Thailand.

 

In fact, the Thailand- Japan chamber of commerce has more members than any other Japanese chamber of commerce outside of Japan! Other hurdles remain.

 

The ASEAN itself is far from becoming the kind of borderless economy that the EU has become.

 

Regional disparities are wide and there are several restrictions on the movement of labour. The impact of the FTA with ASEAN on India's large but relatively weak and unorganised small and medium scale enterprise sector, as well as its vast but fragmented agricultural sector, remains to be seen. But the challenges and risks are matched or exceeded by the hopes offered by the prospect of tapping into such a large and growing market.

 

r.srinivasan@mailtoday.in

 

***************************************

MAIL TODAY

THE LAHORE LOG

THE ENEMY IS NOWWITHIN PAKISTAN

BY NAJAM SETHI

 

PAKISTAN is in a state of siege. But the veritable enemy is not India or Russia or Iran or America.

 

The enemy is within Pakistan. It is attacking our policemen and our soldiers.

 

It is attacking our politicians and our religious leaders. Now it is on the warpath against our students. Nothing is sacred. Who will be next? Where and when will this state of siege end? India's prime minister has warned that " the regional situation has worsened" and another Mumbai- like attack by state and non- state actors on India is imminent.

 

He is pointing to a " Pakistani hand" behind the attack by the Haqqani faction of the Taliban on the Indian embassy in Kabul recently. When Mumbai was attacked last November, India seriously thought of military retaliation against allegedly complicit targets and groups in Pakistan.

 

But it wisely stayed its hand. Any military conflict with Pakistan could mushroom into a nuclear holocaust. However, in the event of another such attack, the pressure on India this time would be greater. If it reacts militarily across the border with Pakistan, the consequences would be unimaginably horrendous for the region. This is exactly the state of anarchy and bloodshed which the enemy within Pakistan would like to achieve because it is in such an atmosphere that it flourishes and grows.

 

I RAN'S president has warned of non- state actors in Pakistan's Balochistan province who are suicide- bombing the Revolutionary Guards in Iran's Siestan- Baloch province. Two such attacks were carried out last week, resulting in the death of 47 Iranian security persons. The chief of the Revolutionary Guards is demanding permission from Teheran to cross the Pakistan border in hot pursuit of the terrorists. Reports say that an organisation named Jundallah has tied up with the Al- Qaeda- Taliban network to destabilise Pakistan's border with Iran just as the same network has joined hands with various groups in Punjab to foment trouble with India.

 

Meanwhile, the Americans are digging themselves in and around the main towns of Afghanistan and thinning their pickets on the border with Pakistan. This is CENTCOM General Stanley McChrystal's new strategy of relocating and protecting his boots- on- the- ground until the Obama administration approves his request for 40,000 more troops. He is using drones to home into high- value targets in Pakistan's Waziristan belt, and threatening to extend their area of operation into Balochistan while urging a greater operational role for the Pakistani

 

army in Waziristan where Al- Qaeda and the Taliban are holed out. The implied threat is that if the Pakistani military is found wanting, then the CIA and CENTCOM may be compelled to put boots- onground in hot pursuit of the marauding Taliban in Waziristan.

 

If Pakistan's border with Iran, Afghanistan and India should heat up singly or, worse, together, and compel the Pakistan army to dilute attention on the Al- Qaeda- Taliban front, the siege within the country would definitely intensify. Already, Rehman Malik, the interior minister, says the nation is " at war". As during war time, all schools and colleges are closed. The stock market, which had raised its head cautiously when the Kerry- Lugar Bill's US$ 7.5 billion ( Rs 62,250 crore) aid was announced, is back in the bunker, cowering at the misplaced passions aroused by mindless TV anchors and poisonpushing columnists fulminating against

 

America even as the enemy within has killed over 170 Pakistanis in the last 10 days and lunged at the very heart of the military establishment in Rawalpindi.

 

Ironically, in the latest Taliban attack on a women's hostel at the Islamic University in Islamabad — a throwback to the bombing of over 400 girls' schools in Swat last year — the misguided students vented their anger at the university administration and federal government instead of those who perpetrated the slaughter of innocents.

 

THERE is greater irony in deconstructing the enemy within. Why doesn't the Pakistani media highlight the fact that the Taliban, Lashkars and Jihadi organisations that bedevil Pakistan's very existence as a nation- state [ even General ( retd) Pervez Musharraf is talking of an existential crisis in Pakistan today created by the Al- Qaeda- Taliban network] were created by military dictators and " security organisations" that conjured up " enemies without" to brainwash generations of Pakistanis into giving them legitimacy and longevity? Why don't the students of the Islamic University who protested the suicide attack by pumping clenched fists in the air against the government instead of the Taliban care to remember that their university, to which the leaders of various jihadi groups still owe allegiance, was a hotbed of radical " Islamist" thought in the 1980s and 1990s and nurtured leaders like Abdullah Azzam, a Palestinian scholar exported from Saudi Arabia who headed the Rabita al Alam al Islami and set up the first Al- Qaeda office in Peshawar? The double irony in this case is that the Taliban group which murdered many Khassadars or local police levies in Khurram Agency during Ramzan last year and took responsibility for the suicide attack was called the Abdullah Azzam Brigade.

 

But the enemy within Pakistan is not just the Al- Qaeda- Taliban network. It is a national mindset in the ruling elites that refuses to see and fight the enemy within. This is a mindset that harbours conspiracy theories of an " external hand" in every disaster that befalls Pakistan; it is a mindset that hankers for an imagined rather than real " Islamic" past; it is a mindset that is constantly trying to anchor Pakistan's ideological moorings in the autocratic Islamic Middle East rather than democratic secular South Asia.

 

It is a " national" mindset that is based on " tribal" and pre- Islamic notions of honour and justice; it is a campus mindset that is riven with inferiority complexes and insecurities that find expression in false bravado and hollow claims of self- reliance. This mindset is reflected in a shallow national culture of angry exclusivism rather than natural assimilation and integration in the global economy.

 

Pakistan's national security apparatus might one day succeed in weeding out the Al- Qaeda- Taliban network. But until Pakistanis can purge their mindset of the ideological demons that reside therein, they shall not be able to lift the siege within.

 

The writer is editor The Friday Times and The Daily Times ( Lahore)

 

A FICTITIOUS DIARY OF IMRAN KHAN

JUGNU MOHSIN

 

I must begin by saying that I deplore this military action in Waziristan which is completely uncalled for.

 

We should immediately invite Hakimullah, the new Taliban leader, to sit in a circle on the ground and spit and discuss the matter and promise that we will never let the bloom of barbarity wilt under US pressure. A little bee in my bonnet, or beard in my tummy, tells me that the Taliban are not our enemies. They are our friends. I don't know why people are panicking and closing down schools and universities just because a few bombs have gone off. If people are so worried about their kids, they should send them to schools in England, like I've done.

Hakimullah is a nice guy and is a joy to meet to discuss mountain matters of which I'm so fond of. He's even shown me some nice new treks in Waziristan where I'll go trekking once the dust settles and congratulate Hakimullah on his recent engagement, the first of many I'm sure.

 

In another disgusting move, the West has given Obama the Nobel Peace Prize. It really should've been given to a beauty queen. They are the only deserving recipients because when asked after they win the Miss World contest, " what's your greatest wish?" they always say " world peace". Anyway, I haven't been mean about Obama and I've also been quiet about the Kerry- Lugar Bill because I've got a sore throat. When it's better, I'll say some awful things about Zardari. Nobody told me that Senator Kerry was coming. Had I known I would've told him that I too once had a rich wife and I know how you feel about giving away money that's not your own. However, if you have any spare cash please think of me and my party as a worthy cause because the Tehrik- e- Insaf has always been a great supporter of American imperialism. Love, Imran.

 

Jemima's writing a story book about Pakistan in which there will be lots of pretty pictures and it'll be a pop- up book. And guess who'll pop up?!! After the hardback, there'll be a cloth edition for me and my friends in Waziristan who can't read and who tear up books and bomb schools.

 

The moral of the story in Jemima's book is that marrying ageing playboys from failing states is ok if you can get a book out of it. I've already suggested an ending for Jemima's book which'll be a chapter called " The Owl and the Pussycat" where they'll sail away in a pea green boat under a full moon and the ogres Nawaz and Zardari will be thwarted on the river banks, running hither and tither.

 

***************************************

MAIL TODAY

PAK BRIGADIER SHOT DEAD BY MILITANTS

PTI

 

MOTORCYCLE- BORNE militants on Thursday raked an army vehicle with a hail of bullets in Islamabad, killing a Brigadier and his guard.

 

The militants fired at the jeep in the high security commercial area of G- 11 on the outskirts of the city, killing Brigadier Moin- ud- Din and a soldier on the spot, before making a getaway.

 

The driver of the jeep was injured in the attack.

 

Television footage showed the vehicle riddled with bullets and its windscreen damaged. The windshield was hit by more than 10 bullets.

 

Though no group immediately claimed responsibility for the attack which was the second assault in Islamabad in three days, army said it was the handiwork of the Taliban, which has been blamed for a wave of attacks on security forces. Islamabad's Inspector- general of police Kaleem Imam said, " It looks like a targeted killing. It appears that someone was following ( the Brigadier's) movements.

 

Brigadier Moin- ud- Din was serving with the UN peacekeeping mission in Sudan and had returned to Pakistan only a few days ago. The police said the assailants had tracked his movements and had attacked him after following him.Several bullets also hit a vehicle parked at an automobile workshop. Security forces cordoned off the area and sealed several roads after the incident and launched a search for the attackers. The police detained about 50 suspects soon after the attack.

 

The head of the Noor- ul- Furqan seminary, located near the slain Brigadier's home, and a teenage boy were among the suspects rounded up by the police. Imam said investigators had searched two seminaries and were questioning six witnesses.

 

In the meantime, the police on Thursday evacuated a busy commercial area in Islamabad following reports that a bomb had been planted there and militants had exchanged fire with security personnel. The report turned out to be hoax.

 

SAEED CASE FALLOUT

Pakistan's Supreme Court hearing petitions against the release from house arrest of Jammat- ud- Dawa chief Hafiz Saeed on Thursday imposed a fine of Rs 10,000 each on federal and Punjab governments . It accused the governments of delaying the case with their non- cooperative attitude.

 

Saeed has been accused by India of masterminding the 26/ 11 Mumbai attack.

 

An apex court bench headed by Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry also adjourned the matter for a month. The bench first temporarily adjourned proceedings after it was informed that the Punjab government's counsel was preoccupied with another case.

 

Pakistani interior minister Rehman Malik on Wednesday said Pakistani authorities would not act against Saeed on the dictation of India.

 

MAIL TODAY

SCARLETT AWAITS BURIAL 20 MONTHS AFTER DEATH

BY AMAN SHARMA IN NEW DELHI

 

UK TEENAGER Scarlett Keeling's mother, Fiona Mackeown, on Thursday asked the CBI to promptly ask the UK authorities to release the dead teen's body so that she could be finally laid to rest.

 

Red- tapism on part of the Indian authorities and the UK laws resulted in Scarlett not getting a burial even 20 months after she was found dead on Anjuna Beach in Goa on February 18 last year.

 

Her body is lying in a morgue in the UK as the Coroner Court in Devonshire said it could only release the body after the probe in India got completed. The CBI took 16 months to complete its probe and submit a chargesheet on Wednesday.

 

" It has been a long and painful wait for me to bury my daughter after her brutal death I appeal to CBI to now communicate this to the UK Coroner immediately so that I get my daughter's body and bury her in peace," Mackeown said.

 

The CBI said its probe was delayed primarily because of rejection by the court of a request for investigation abroad.

 

The agency also blamed the delay on Fiona's refusal to come to India.

 

" CBI findings are that Scarlett was not raped and the accused had given her cocaine, beer, other alcoholic drinks and ecstasy tablets and had left her on Anjuna beach in the early hours of February 18, 2008, knowing that such an act would cause death. The accused wanted to suppress the fact of outraging the modesty of Scarlett from the public.

 

Scarlett died due to asphyxia and drowning in beach sand water," the CBI said.

 

***************************************

MAIL TODAY

RAISINA TATTLE

AN OCCULT RITUAL

 

THE UNION petroleum ministry officially organised a yagna precisely at 1 pm on Tuesday to exorcise the ' evil forces' which have been weighing down Shastri Bhawan of late. Several employees applied tilak on their foreheads, a fire mudpot was taken around the chambers ( except the petroleum secretary's office) and a brahmin bhoj was laid out for the priests.

 

All went smoothly but for the smoke from the fiery pot, almost making the staff see the ghosts in daylight. Well, the cause for the extraordinary occult ritual was a spate of suicides in two months in the corridors of the ministry.

 

A body was found in the toilet last month, while a woman officer committed suicide because of personal distress recently.

 

The undercurrent

 

THE PHOTO- OPS, pearly smiles and vacuous assurances are fine — vis- à- vis Indo- US relations on all things nuclear.

 

At the subterranean level, US thinking heads still want New Delhi to sign the CTBT and that's an untold precondition for the country's ticket to the UN Security Council as a permanent member.

 

Rodney W. Jones, the president of a Virginia- based consultancy firm Policy Architects International, weighed India's chances with Japan, another claimant to the UNSC, in the run- up to PM Manmohan Singh's visit to Washington next month. He said the CTBT could become the bone in the throat for India. That apart, the US may put pressure on India to sign the nuclear Non- Proliferation Treaty ( NPT) as well.

 

Tamil trouble

 

THE Rajya Sabha has a unique facility unlike the Lok Sabha. That is simultaneous Tamil translation, which was introduced a year ago, at the directions of Vice- President Hameed Ansari.

 

This is a great help to M. K. Alagiri. In the forthcoming winter session of Parliament, many can expect the Union fertiliser minister to answer questions in Tamil. That's a mouthwatering prospect for the AIADMK as its MPs are sharpening their claws to cross- question Alagiri on the fertiliser import scam.

 

Army ' Milestones'

 

HERE'S a coffee table book from none other than the Army. The Army's additional directorate general of public interface has come up with a colourful volume on the achievements of the forces.

 

The book showcases a large variety of outstanding achievements related to regiments, corps, formations, institutions, units and individual soldiers, covering a span of more than a century.

 

It is duly supported by striking visuals. Titled Milestones , the book was released by Army chief General Deepak Kapoor in New Delhi on Thursday.

 

Seniority counts

 

UNION environment and forest minister Jairam Ramesh's stand on climate change had a ripple effect in the BJP. Ravi Shankar Prasad had come prepared to comment on Jairam's " faux pas" on the Kyoto Protocol.

 

But at the party's Ashoka Road headquarters, he was told that senior leader Arun Jaitley will interact with the media. The last- minute change saw the BJP's foot soldiers taking back copies of Ravi Shankar's press release and replacing it with Jaitley's.

 

*************************************** 

MAIL TODAY

CALLOUS RAILWAY MINISTER MUST RESIGN

 

MAMATA Banerjee's utter lack of regard for the dead and the injured in the ghastly train accident near Mathura is more than enough proof that she is totally incompetent to lead the railway ministry. In the six months as minister, Ms Banerjee has nothing to show as achievement, apart from operating from Kolkata five days of the week just to prove a point to the ruling party in West Bengal.

 

As Union minister, her responsibility is towards the nation, and not just to the people of Bengal, however politically important they may be for her career.

 

May I ask the Prime Minister a few questions: Do you take stock of the performance of your ministers? Do you know how many Cabinet meetings Ms Banerjee has attended since the formation of the government in May? Are you aware of the progress made by her ministry, or rather the lack of progress of her ministry? If every minister was supposed to present a 100- day plan to you, what happened to the railway minister's plan? Surely these are questions that you must ask of her, and not force the people of India to ask of you. One of the reasons that India does not make progress as quickly as China does is that our Central ministers are still mired in regionalism and do not have a national vision. If Lalu Prasad and Nitish Kumar were the ministers of railways for Bihar, Ms Banerjee is no better. Just that the state has moved a little bit northward.

 

On behalf of the citizens of this country, I urge the Prime Minister to ask Ms Banerjee to resign on moral grounds and hand over the baton of railway minister to a more competent individual. However, given her record, she just might throw a temper tantrum and get the ministry back. Such is the sad state of affairs of this great nation.

 

Ayan Mukherjee via email

 

RAILWAY SAFETY IS OF PRIME IMPORTANCE

 

IT IS ironic that one of India's most profitable companies – Indian Railways – is also possibly the worst managed in terms of safety for its customers. Over the years, the Railways have seen so many accidents that it would have unpardonable in a private sector organisation.

 

It is shocking to note that the Anti- collision Devices that should have been fitted in all the trains across the country have been operationalised on only 10 per cent of the network.

 

Not that the technology is expensive – since it was developed by Konkan Railway and has been successfully implemented on that network, fitting them into trains belonging to Indian Railways should have been done on priority.

 

Yet, the ministry is sitting on the proposal for over a decade and this is nothing but shocking.

 

The accident at Mathura on Wednesday in which more than 20 people died should serve as a wake- up call for the railway ministry to implement world- class safety systems.

 

What is the point of earning thousands of crores in profit and yet not regarding public safety as priority?

 

Jeevan Kumar Mitra via email

 

***************************************

******************************************************************************************

TIMES OF INDIA

COMMENT

ADVANTAGE CONGRESS

 

The Congress has passed with flying colours its first major test since its victory in this year's general elections. Following the first set of state assembly polls since the Lok Sabha elections held in April, the Congress and its allies are set to form the government in Maharashtra and Arunachal Pradesh. It also has a clear advantage in Haryana.

The results have confirmed the upswing in the fortunes of the Congress, which began with the general elections, and the continuing decline of the BJP. The victory of the Congress-NCP combine in Maharashtra roughly approximated the 2004 verdict, but Haryana was a much more closely fought affair than last time. While the overall result can be seen as a thumbs up for the UPA-led government at the Centre, it may have had more to do with local factors.

This was particularly true for Maharashtra where the Congress-NCP coalition was pitted against the BJP-Shiv Sena combine. Many analysts had felt that the Congress-NCP government might feel the effect of anti-incumbency, given that the Mumbai attacks happened less than a year ago. But that does not seem to have been a major impact. Indeed, what helped the Congress-NCP combine was the strong showing of the Raj Thackeray-led Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) in urban constituencies, which cut into the BJP-Shiv Sena's vote bank. This was a replay of the Lok Sabha polls where MNS dented the prospects of the BJP-Shiv Sena combine. A significant aspect of the Maharashtra elections is the Congress bettering its 2004 performance. In the last Maharashtra assembly elections, the NCP had won 70 seats to Congress's 69. This time the Congress has won more seats than the NCP making it the senior partner in the coalition from the start. This is likely to have an impact on Congress's coalition strategies in coming state elections.

For the BJP, the results are yet another reminder of its lack of direction since the Lok Sabha polls. How much the BJP is out of touch with reality was encapsulated in a senior party leader's statement blaming the poll debacle on the electronic voting machines. Wracked by in-fighting and leadership squabbles, the BJP has been rudderless for the past six months. This has allowed the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh to step in, which can only lead to a revival of Hindutva. The BJP would be making a mistake if it goes down that path. Recent poll results have shown that the Hindutva plank has limited appeal among the electorate. If the BJP is to be counted as a serious alternative to the Congress, it must refashion itself as a right-of-centre party with a dynamic leadership and not fall back on religious nationalism. Otherwise, it risks going further downhill.

 

***************************************

TIMES OF INDIA

COMMENT

SMOKE AND MIRRORS

 

It's official. Rich countries continue to pollute more than ever, and this is evident from the greenhouse gas emissions (GHGe) figures released by the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Developed countries emitted 12.8 per cent more GHGe in 2007 than in 1990, the base year for calculating emissions according to the Kyoto Protocol, despite many of them agreeing to cut back emissions under the protocol's mandate. The US's CO2 emissions have increased by 20 per cent in 17 years. Yet India, with its track record of comparatively less pollution, is a target for rich countries. It is accused of aggravating climate change as an emerging economy.

Given this depressing atmosphere for multilateral negotiations on climate change, India and China have demonstrated their intention to take action on their own, by signing a memorandum of understanding for greater cooperation and sharing of know-how to tackle global warming and related environmental issues. These columns have talked about the importance of opening many fronts especially bilateral and regional in order to deal with climate change issues in the best way possible. The UN-mooted multilateral talks among 192 countries that are signatories to the framework convention on climate change have their place in creating an opportunity for global leaders to meet and thrash out solutions and generate multinational debate and discussion among legislators, civil society groups and the media. However, despite creating worldwide awareness, the talks' impact on the ground is almost zero, even negative as is seen from the record of developed countries.

In the short run, bilateral talks and agreements may have greater potential to achieve targets since attention is given to specifics and it is possible to institute mechanisms for stock taking and monitoring. With its dirty coal plants and increasing number of vehicles, China has had to grapple with serious air pollution. One of the ways it is trying to meet the challenge is through clean technology solutions, and it is a good platform to flag off India-China cooperation on this front.

Both India and China have R&D as well as manufacturing expertise, and if they cut back on emissions as well as other forms of pollution it would be a substantial contribution to the well-being of their populations. Plenty could be achieved by sharing tools and strategies, and learning from each other's experiences. And at the Copenhagen climate meet the two could negotiate together, to bargain for a share of new technology and funding for clean energy projects.

 

***************************************

TIMES OF INDIA

TOP ARTICLE

SERVICE WITHOUT A SOUL

T P SREENIVASAN

 

Just as Keralites discovered Kathakali after it was staged at the Lincoln Centre, the state of the Indian Foreign Service (IFS) began to be examined after an American analyst, Daniel Markey, came out with a critique. Markey had nothing novel to say. He said the IFS was small, and hobbled by the selection process, inadequate mid-career planning and lack of outside expertise. He highlighted the importance of other actors in policymaking: think tanks, universities, the media and private business. He believed the "software" of Indian foreign policy was not equipped to lead India to great power status.

Those with experience in the service know the IFS is the least integrated of the civil services. It is scattered around the globe, often in isolated pockets. There is little interaction with the rest of the service except in large missions. In the ministry of external affairs, official responsibilities are such that no one has the time to consult each other. More time is spent in the corridors of power than in lunchrooms. Every officer is an island. The IFS is, therefore, not conducive to collective thinking or action.

In no other service is one man's meat another man's poison. If one officer gets himself an attractive posting by any method, his peers have to be content with a less attractive assignment. There are no established criteria for selection and the competition is most often unequal and unfair. A recent tendency is to blur the gradation of posts in relation to the grades to which officers belong. A grade I officer can be replaced by a grade III officer. Promotions become irrelevant as both in terms of work and compensation, stations matter rather than grades.

IFS's contentious posting policy makes members run from pillar to post to secure advantages. While promotion policy is fairly established, no rules govern postings. Successive foreign secretaries have insisted that postings should be an art rather than a science. In the case of heads of missions, there is not even a system of making known the availability of posts, not to speak of applying objective criteria. The soullessness is evident everywhere.

Specialisation is a casualty. Though government and officers invest in language training, many do not get any opportunity to use the languages. Multilateral diplomacy demands special talents but New York, Geneva and Vienna are given as rotational blessings. Even those with special talents for multilateral diplomacy are moved thoughtlessly. Career planning is left to the officers themselves. Those who have remained in neighbouring countries or in multilateral posts for long have done so by hook or by crook, not by the government's deliberate design.

'Blue-eyed' boys and girls are a curse of the service, as no rules seem to apply to them. Ministers with feudal backgrounds and tendencies have a field day. No minister can know every officer and those whom the minister knows get undue advantages. The attraction of life in government after retirement is another reason officers get politicised. How do officers, themselves the beneficiaries of political largesse, set things right?

Training at any level in the IFS means listening to a series of lectures. These vary in quality and usefulness. At no time is any training given for two of the most important functions expected of officers at every level: political and economic reporting and recording of conversations. Of late, even proficiency in English is not insisted upon. When it was suggested that those who did not write their papers in English should not be considered for foreign service, some argued that it would be unconstitutional to be discriminatory! We will soon have diplomats without proficiency in English.

A strong character is essential for anyone to survive nearly 40 years in the IFS. There is no safety net for those who fall. Casualties in terms of physical and mental diseases, alcoholism and family dislocations are as common here as in the fighting forces. Even victims of armed attacks and robberies get no compensation. If someone gets into trouble for any indiscretion, everyone throws stones at him till he is destroyed. His solid service to the nation is never set off against a temporary lapse. Lack of a support system is compounded by the heartless treatment of victims of professional hazards.

However, with all these deficiencies, the IFS has coped with its responsibilities and done better than many of the more equipped diplomatic services around the world. Even if much of Indian diplomacy is conducted in person or on the phone, as Markey claims, it has served the nation well. Living conditions have improved, though nowhere near to the standards of even other developing countries like China, Indonesia or Malaysia. If the foreign service has lost its lustre for new entrants, it is because the other services have greater avenues of securing power and wealth.

South Block has its cupboards full of reform proposals by many ignited minds. But as long as the service does not get a soul, a sense of belonging, arising out of a sense of fairness, equality and justice, no reform, no expansion will transform the software of Indian diplomacy.

The writer is a former ambassador.

 

***************************************

TIMES OF INDIA

Q&A

'ART IS SOMETHING BETWEEN SCIENCE AND SPIRITUALITY'

 

His creations stand out among the hundred-odd art works by contemporary Indian artists on display at the 'Chalo India!' exhibition organised by art collector couple Karlheinz and Agnes Essl at the Essl Museum on the outskirts of Austria's capital city. Chennai-born A Balasubramaniam started off as a painter but now finds creative expression in sculpture, exploring elusive areas that lie between light and dark, the finite and the infinite. He spoke with Narayani Ganesh:

How do you express the invisible and the infinite in sculpture?

I am intrigued by the 'Invisible'; it inspires me. Take for instance, light and shadow. Through sculpture i try to trace the connection, the tension, between the two, the relationship between the object and its shadow. If you are walking in a park, and the sunlight filters through, you cannot really 'see' it until you place something like a paper or other medium in front of you, and the light shows up on the paper. You might not have noticed the light the same way, earlier. That's because there was no definitive medium to capture and express that light. So one has to try to see beyond what our five senses allow us to see, to know appearance as well as reality.

Would you say spiritual insight is necessary to create meaningful art?

I wouldn't say that. I'm not what you might call a religious person. I would not like to be categorised as this or that. I am more engaged with daily life but maybe i see it differently. For instance, earlier, i have worked on the concept of the `Untraceable'. It's like having something but not being able to define it because there is constant transformation. So when you try to define it, it changes, so you can't really define it. If you put something in a container and close it, you think it is secure. But a material like camphor just evaporates. After a while, it goes without leaving a trace.

You mean like ice sculptures? One moment they're there, and the next, they're gone.

No, not like ice sculptures. Ice turns to water so it only changes form from solid to liquid. You can see it; it is not untraceable in that sense. A sculpture that changes is what expresses this concept; made of white fibreglass and covered with another white material that evaporates (both in white so they appear the same but the sculpture changes). I used air freshener material in powder form and compressed it on the mould. I called it Emerging Angel. An evaporating medium is like a clue. Art is something that is between scientific and spiritual aspects of life. It is material but not entirely material. I am now trying to work on something that is premised on the invisible something that is important which is inspiring to me as a visual artist, even challenging. It's my personal journey.

 

***************************************

TIMES OF INDIA

EARLY BIRDS

A MORNING AT THE MALL

MADHUMITA GUPTA

 

I just know from SRK's intense look that he is about to confess undying love for me when the inconsiderate morning alarm shatters the dream. That and hubby dear, "Come on, come on, hurry, hurry!" I peer blearily at the clock. It is 4.30 a.m., i.e. 'technically' morning. On the bed, my son stirs, "Mmrph...is it time to get up already?" "Yes, yes, yes!" his father chants flinging apart the curtains and switching on the lights. The occasion? A day out to the nearest mall, which we could get to before noon if we started at a reasonable 8.00 a.m., giving ourselves adequate time to catch a movie, do some shopping and grab a meal. But who can reason with my dynamic better half? According to him, you must beat the traffic by starting early, which, according to him, is midnight. So, we're off. At 5.30 a.m. Satisfied comments liven up the journey as we race through empty roads, misty meadows and early birds. "Hah! We beat the traffic!" and "Ha! Ha! See, the early bird gets the..." We know! Oh, don't we know it so well?

Within an hour, we're at a dhaba famous for its aloo parathas. The owner, used as he is to early travellers, looks surprised but philosophically gets down to business. Not quite wanting to stare hungrily at our breakfast being made, we take a stroll along the highway. "Isn't it wonderful? No better time to enjoy nature at its purest..." hubby's enthusiastic eulogy is lost in a hacking cough a truck roars by, enveloping us in a cloud of dust and fumes. For obvious reasons, breakfast is slightly undercooked. "As good as home!" hubby gives the dubious compliment. We set off again, skidding to a halt outside our favourite mall before nine. "In three hours, yessir!" hubby exhales delightedly. The car park is dark and eerily deserted, "Sorry," the watchman says, picking his teeth, "the lifts start after 9.30." We climb the service stairs and enter the mall. Silence reigns except for the swishing of brooms. A tall man heads our way, "You three here for today's walk-in for janitors?" While my son and i try unsuccessfully to merge with the woodwork, hubby summons up a sheepish smile, "Er...we're just here for a visit." On second thoughts, what an informative trip it was! How many people know the deep, dark secrets of malls at 9 a.m. in the morning? Not many, except benighted early birds!

 

*************************************** 

TIMES OF INDIA

SUBVERSE

HOMEO SAPIENS

JUG SURAIYA 

 

The world is deeply divided. Never mind those who feel that Barack Obama does deserve the Nobel Peace Prize and those who feel he doesn't. Forget those who are convinced that climate change will destroy us all, and those equally convinced that it's a figment of R K Pachauri's imagination. Ignore those who claim Anil is in the right and those who root for Mukesh. All these are mere ripples on the surface of controversy. The real rift that divides civilisation, the unbridgeable Grand Canyon of all schisms is that which separates those who believe in the curative powers of homeopathy and those who don't.

 

According to the pro-homeopaths, homeopathy can cure, and indeed has cured, anything and everything from premature baldness to the Big C, from the common cold to the most uncommon of pathologies. Give homeopathy half a chance, say homeopaths, and it'll cure all the world's ills, from AIDS to global recession, from international terror to Raj and Bal Thackerayism. According to the anti-homeopaths, homeopathy is pseudo-medical mumbo-jumbo, pharmacological voodoo involving toxic substances like arnica 30, nux vomica 60, deadly nightshade 100, and tarantulas' testicles ad infinitum. To anti-homeopaths, homeopaths are, at worst, dangerous quacks, and, at best, harmless weirdos who also believe in UFOs, greet each other by secret signs known only to initiates, and dance naked under the full moon.

 

Neither believers nor disbelievers, Bunny and i are agnostics when it comes to homeopathy. Neither for nor against, we sit on the fence of ambivalence. So when a friend recommended a homeopathic course of treatment for the sciatica that has been plaguing Bunny for the past six months, we decided to go with it. Maybe it won't work. But what the heck. It can't hurt, can it? And who knows? Maybe it will work. Stranger things have been known to happen. As i can testify. Years ago in Calcutta i suffered from what the series of allopathic doctors i consulted called a 'strep throat'. With unfailing regularity my throat would get sore and inflamed and horribly painful, as though i were swallowing broken glass. The inflammation would be accompanied by fever, sometimes as high as 102 degrees. To try and prevent the infection, i'd rub Vicks on my throat and wrap it up tight with a scarf, right through Calcutta's hot and sweaty summer. Didn't help. Month on month, the strep throat would strike, and i'd pop antibiotics by the fistful in vain attempts to combat it.

 

Finally someone suggested i see a homeopath. I don't believe in homeopathy, i replied. You're not required to, it's not a religion, said the other, and gave me a name and address. So off i went to see my first homeopath, who turned out to be a small, chubby, cheerful chap who looked at me brightly. Sore throat, i croaked, pointing to my wrapped-up neck. The chap shook his head. That's just the symptom, he said. What you're suffering from is something else, he added, and gave me a phialful of small white globules, of which i was to swallow six and not eat or drink anything for half an hour before or after.

 

I went home, had the globules. And didn't sleep a wink that night, having to rush to the loo half a dozen times. I woke Bunny at 6 in the morning. Ring up that damn fellow and tell him he's killed me, i groaned. Bunny rang him and gave him the dire news. Wonderful! The chap responded. I've purged his body of all the toxins that were poisoning him; tell him he'll never get a bad throat again, he said. And i haven't, not once, in the intervening 20-odd years.

 

So do Bunny and i believe in homeopathy? We don't know. All we know is that something cured me of a strep throat all the allopaths i went to had given up on. Here's hoping that the same, or a similar, something will work the magic for Bunny's sciatica. For all anyone knows, maybe the homeo path to health is paved with good prescriptions. Fingers crossed. Toes, too.

 

***************************************

******************************************************************************************

HINDUSTAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

TWO CHEERS FOR THE CONGRESS

 

If ever there was an election in which the principal protagonists seemed to floundering around helplessly, it was the one for the Maharashtra assembly. Through the sheer momentum of its Lok Sabha victory, the Congress-Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) alliance has carried the day — more by default, than by its achievements. The Shiv Sena-BJP combine, which should have had the ruling alliance on the mat on various issues — from farmers' suicides to a lack of follow-up action on 26/11 — seemed more like a deer caught in the headlights than a robust contender for power. As per the script, the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) played the spoiler for the Sena-BJP, getting around 5 per cent of the vote, despite a rare public appearance from the grand vizier of parochial politics, Balasaheb Thackeray himself. The victory in Haryana, though expected, was less impressive for the Congress and takes the sheen off Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda's reputation as a vote-catcher. The sweep in Arunachal Pradesh is a badge of honour for the Congress at a time when the state's status has been questioned by China.

 

One thing is clear from these elections. As a wag put it, the BJP has lost the plot and did not seize the moment. In Maharashtra, the NCP-Congress combine was hobbled by factionalism and rebellion, especially after the controversial allocation of the Amravati seat to Rajendra Shekhawat, son of President Pratibha Patil. A good opposition would have rushed into the many breaches and harped on the problems of misgovernance in a state that has seen India's deadliest terrorist attack under a Congress government's watch. But it did not. Now it's been reduced to implying that the electronic voting machines were rigged.

 

The Sena-BJP combine now has to contend with the Congress being in power for a third term and to a possible assault on its bastions from a buoyant MNS. That the late Pramod Mahajan's daughter Poonam could not win, despite her father's fabled legacy, is indication that the BJP needs to drastically reinvent itself rather than hope that its opponents will miraculously fall by the wayside. If the Congress hopes to be the long-distance runner, it must realise that victories by default are not laurels on which it can rest.

 

*************************************** 

 

HINDUSTAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

DR NO MORE

 

In these self-righteous times when everyone's going affirmative with cheesy taglines like 'Yes, we can!', the death of actor Joseph Wiseman this week marks a sad moment in the delicate balance maintained between twee goodness and cool badness. In the latter category, fell the character that Wiseman so memorably played: Dr Julius No, the arch-villain in the first James Bond movie, Dr No, and importantly the first of only two Bond films titled after its villains (the other one being Goldfinger).

 

Like iconic baddies that include Gabbar Singh, Darth Vader and, most recently, the Joker, the character of Dr No overwhelmed the actor who played him. That was the true sign of Wiseman's success. In Ian Fleming's original 1958 novel of the same name, Dr No was born in Peking to a German missionary and a Chinese lady. He entered the life of crime when he moved to Shanghai and then expanded operations from an island he bought off the coast of Jamaica. In Fleming's book, Dr No helps the Soviets by sabotaging American missiles. In the 1962 movie, his services as an 'evil genius' are rebuffed by both the Soviets and the Americans and he joins the criminal organisation, SPECTRE (SPecial Executive for Counter-intelligence, Terrorism, Revenge and Extortion).

 

Wiseman was born on May 15, 1918 in Montreal, a distance away from the balmier climes of Dr No's island in the Bahamas. He moved to New York and hit the stageboards both on and off Broadway. His first big film break came in 1951 in Detective Story, where Wiseman played a memorable, small-time gangster. It was this role as Charley Gennini that landed him the role of Dr No more than a decade later. In a way, Wiseman played the first multinational corporation villain so loved-to-be-hated by today's anti-WTO, Obama-loving types. After all, it was Dr No who used Wiseman to say, "East, West, just points of the compass, each as stupid as the other."

 

***************************************

 

HINDUSTAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

CRUSHED IN THE MIDDLE

RAMACHANDRA GUHA

 

As the Union government prepares to launch an offensive on Maoist revolutionaries, I am reminded of three conversations that I heard or had in Chhattisgarh in the summer of 2006. The first took place in the state capital, Raipur, at the home of the leading Congress politician, Mahendra Karma. Karma was the begetter of the Salwa Judum, a vigilante army that has been responsible for a wave of killings, rapes and lootings that has forced thousands of tribals into refugee camps.

 

In an interview with a citizens' group, Karma suggested that all means were fair in fighting an enemy as determined as the Naxalites. My colleague, E.A.S. Sarma, a retired civil servant legendary for his intelligence as well as his integrity, suggested that a wiser strategy would be to make adivasis partners in the development process. The state government had just sanctioned a slew of mining projects; why not allocate a substantial stake to the adivasis, as was permitted by Schedule V of the Constitution of India? Then the adivasis would place more faith in the government's good intentions, and turn their back on the Maoists. Karma dismissed this as the utopian talk of 'you intellectuals and human rights wallahs'.

 

The second conversation took place in a refugee camp on the banks of the Indravati river. Here, a Muria school-teacher told me, in Hindi, 'Naxaliyon ko himmat nahin hai ki wo hathiyaron ko gaon ke bahar chhod kar hamare beech mein behes karen' (the Naxalites do not have the guts to leave their arms outside the village and have a reasoned discussion with us).

 

The conversation with Karma underscored the failures of the Indian State. As numerous studies have shown, the adivasis have gained least and lost most from six decades of political democracy and economic development. In terms of access to decent healthcare and education, they are worse off than Dalits. In terms of representation at the high levels of the state, they are worse off than both Dalits and Muslims. They have not merely been neglected, but more actively dispossessed. From the 1950s to the 1980s, the tribals lost their homes and lands to large dams and commercial forestry schemes. Now, under the guise of globalisation, they lose them to mining projects.

 

Their exploitation at the hands of the politician-contractor-industrialist nexus forced many adivasis into the waiting arms of the Maoists. Thus, while there was scarcely a Naxalite in Orissa a decade ago, the handing over of large tracts of tribal land to mining companies has provoked sharp conflict and an escalation of extremist activity in the state.

 

The remarks of the Muria teacher, meanwhile, underscored the authoritarian methods of the Maoists. They come into a village, call a meeting, stand with rifles at the ready and ask the tribals: 'Now tell us whether you're with us'. The support they receive is not always through a process of consultation — rather, it's often compelled through fear. The Maoists also fetishise violence, killing petty government officials who can scarcely be termed 'class enemies', while subjecting so-called informers to kangaroo courts that order their limbs be amputated.

 

The third conversation was with an unlettered adivasi deep in the forests of Dantewada, who summarised the conflict between the State and Naxalites in these chillingly unforgettable terms: — 'Hamein dono taraf se dabav hain, aur hum beech me pis gaye hain'. An altogether more prosaic rendition in English might be—'Pressed and pierced from both sides, here we are, crushed in the middle'.

 

Viewed historically, a triple tragedy has been unfolding in central India, the unvarying feature of which is that it is always the adivasis who are the victims. The first tragedy began with the takeover of their forests by the British, and has continued since Independence with their further dispossession at the hands of both State and market. The second tragedy commenced with the onset of electoral democracy in India, where, as a powerless minority, the tribals have failed to activate the provisions of the Constitution designed to protect their rights and interests. The third tragedy commenced with the advent of the Maoists, whose path of armed struggle, while intensifying violence in the short-term, offers no hope of a long-term solution either.

 

With the refusal of the Maoists to lay down arms, and the Home Ministry's decision to send in massive forces to quell them, there may yet be a fourth tragedy in the making. The obligation to prevent this lies with both the Maoists and the government. I have no way of reaching the former, but can, as a tax-paying and voting citizen, at least hope to address the latter. Rather than think in narrowly militaristic terms, our political class should consider constructive long-term measures to bring dignity to the tribals. Thus, state and central governments must put in place a ban on new mining schemes, and make tribals partners in the mines and factories already sanctioned. They must also implement health and education policies that allow tribals to compete on equal terms with the rest of the nation.

 

The social analyst Badri Raina recently wrote that 'not a school, not a dispensary, not a policeman, not a land-revenue dispensation, not a government office, not a road, bridge or culvert, nor drinking water or assured supply of the barest modicum of food is to be found in [many parts of] Bastar, Dantewada, Koraput, Gadchiroli and so on.' Sending in fresh battalions with deadlier armaments will solve nothing if unaccompanied by a genuine desire to make amends for the neglect and abuse of adivasis by governments of all parties down the decades.

 

Ramachandra Guha is the author of India After Gandhi: The History of the World's Largest Democracy

 

The views expressed by the author are personal

 

***************************************

HINDUSTAN TIMES

THE OLD ORDER CHANGETH

SUHIT SEN

 

This year's general elections seemed to have signalled a shift in voting behaviour countrywide. Some commentators noted that what seemed to be driving electoral choices was a new kind of rational and material calculus as opposed to sectarian and communitarian loyalties and the politics of patronage and intimidation inseparably linked to them.

 

Subsequent elections seem to be bearing out the accuracy of this observation. First came a round of assembly by-elections and now we have at hand the results of the elections in three states where the Congress and its allies have performed creditably — better than expected in Maharashtra with a tenuous majority, worse than expected in Haryana falling marginally short at the time of writing and, as expected by and large, sweeping the assembly in Arunachal Pradesh.

 

Perhaps of greater importance is the relative failure of the sectarian parties in all the states. With 95-odd seats in Maharashtra, the Shiv Sena-BJP alliance has lost considerable ground. In Haryana, though the Congress has fared less well than expected, it is Om Prakash Chautala's party, the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), now disentangled from the BJP, which has done unexpectedly well. The BJP itself is struggling with barely five seats in a 90-strong assembly.

 

But before proceeding farther, a caveat. It is nobody's case that 'primordial' loyalties and the mobilisational networks that rest on them have ceased to exist. What is, however, distinctly arguable is that loyalties engendered by the identities of caste, religion, region and language are being severely attenuated as voters seek to bring into government parties that will provide them with material benefits and good governance.

 

Let's begin with Maharashtra. The Shiv Sena and BJP have lost ground, while the Congress has bucked anti-incumbency sentiments generated by all of 10 fairly undistinguished years in power. One reason cited for what happened was that Raj Thackeray's Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) eroded the Shiv Sena's vote bank and gave the Congress-NCP alliance a clearer run. That may well be true. At this point, it is not possible to ascertain the extent to which this was responsible — we will have to wait for more detailed statistics on voting percentages and statistical profiles. But it is certainly possible to make one claim: that the MNS would have worked as spoiler largely in urban areas because that's where the party's bases lie. Quite clearly, too, the Congress and NCP have done well among the rural electorate. The big reason for that, of course, were the measures taken to bail out farmers who were committing suicide in Vidarbha and the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, which has been implemented better in Maharashtra than it has been in most other states.

 

With little to go on, it is not possible to pinpoint why the Congress did not fare as well as it was expected to in Haryana. Anti-incumbency, complacence and factionalism could have been contributory factors. The important thing was that the BJP, lacking a positive programme and banking on its sectarian ideology, failed to capitalise, while the INLD gained.

 

It is arguable that the best thing that happened to it was the BJP's decision to jettison their alliance. The BSP did not
make an appreciable impact.

 

The BJP's poor showing may, in part, have been fuelled by the disarray that the party is in, especially right at the top. But that is not the entire story. Until the party decides whether it will veer rightwards by hardening its Hindutva agenda or whether it will try to re-invent itself as an inclusive and moderate right-of-centre force, it will remain in disarray. And if it plumps for Option A, it will surely be in danger of making itself more and more irrelevant on the national stage.

 

Suhit Sen is a Kolkata-based writer on politics (The views expressed by the author are personal)

 

***************************************

HINDUSTAN TIMES

COMMUNICATION GAP

UDDALOK BHATTACHARYA

 

Cricket commentators were wrong, said the venerable Oxford-educated principal of the school I went to. "It's never 'the benefit of doubt always goes with the batsman'." "The benefit of the doubt always goes with the batsman" — this is what we swallowed.

 

The principal taught us many other beautiful things, most of which I do not remember now. But this piece of wisdom stayed on my mind, probably because of its association with cricket.

 

The years that I thought were the best of my life were spent without 'the' problem. But it returned after I joined the job of finding fault with what other people write. And my discomfiture has grown, particularly after I came in touch with an editor who was extremely particular about using articles correctly. Some people called him 'The Editor' — out of respect, not derision.

 

One of the most difficult and hotly debated things in the English language is the use of the definite article. I learnt in school that 'the' was not necessary before a proper noun. Why then "the Ganga", or "the Ministry of Home Affairs", or the "the Bharatiya Janata Party"? "The winter" or just "winter", I am told, is a matter of subjectivity.

 

Where do I check? The Editor had told me English was a most "illogical language". Let's face it — many of us in the trade have not learnt the language well, despite having to keep up a pretence to the contrary.

 

One good thing that the Uttar Pradesh government has done (maybe other governments too have done it) is to do away with English in its official communication. Communication in English by the political class, or communicating in English with, it can lead to disaster, as Ronen Sen and Shashi Tharoor have learnt the hard way.

 

No Speaker of the Lok Sabha can be expected to check whether there is really an idiom with "headless chickens". We Bengalis once called Satyajit Ray "our holy cow". Try telling that to a Congressman.

 

Over the past 15 years or so, I have often had arguments with colleagues over this word or that, whether it exists or not, etc. I was often told the word in dispute has become part of 'everyday use' and hence acceptable. The irony of the situation became stark when the same worthies resisted words like 'prepone'. I was admonished for writing "Company X sinks Rs 500 crore …". My supervisor thought "sinks" meant throwing away money. Why don't they check?

 

And — why blame the politicians alone?

 

*************************************** 

******************************************************************************************

INDIAN EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

MAHA TO MUMBAI

 

Once an election campaign is done, the votes cast and counted, and the results dissected, there is usually, among those concerned about issues of governance, a distinct feeling of relief — if the verdict is clear. A government with a solid mandate, so thinking goes, will soon take office; it will have the political capital to take difficult decisions; and the momentum of the election campaign will give it energy. But, alas, although Maharashtra's electorate handed out to the incumbents as clear a mandate as could be expected, there will be little such optimism this time. That governance nearly

 

collapsed under this formation's previous terms is a bit of a dampener to enthusiasm of that sort.

 

But, nevertheless, this is a new chapter. If there is a moment at which Maharashtra's administrative trajectory can be set right, it is this one. And it must not be wasted, for Maharashtra's new government has a tremendous amount on its plate. Consider, for example, the plight of eastern Maharashtra: one huge district is overrun with Naxalites; in most others, the district-level administration is inefficient and unresponsive. These agriculture-intensive areas need growth in their area badly; growth in non-agricultural employment is what they expect, and something previous governments have been unable to provide — or to let happen.

 

The biggest story of this election is urbanisation. Once again, both the larger cities — Mumbai, Pune, Nagpur — and the many smaller urban agglomerations across the state have been central to determining which combine came out in front. And how this next government handles urbanisation is crucial; managing that process should top its agenda. On the one hand, those who live in rural areas have recognised that working on the farm will not bring in enough to satisfy everyone's aspirations; there is already more than enough disguised unemployment throughout the farm sector. Hence the need for local employment that isn't dependent on agriculture. But that will not be enough, either; the process of migration to cities is a natural corollary to India's development process. The next government cannot afford the colossal callousness to the problems of Maharashtra's towns that previous ones have shown. The size and political clout of the towns will just grow. Neither the Congress/NCP nor Maharashtra can afford a situation when the only political force that appears to be giving voice to the concerns of urban Maharashtra also happens to be a medievalist thug. Building urban infrastructure, the ending of restrictive labour legislation to let formal employment grow, and at least attempting to make Maharashtra's urban areas better and more beautiful places to live: these make sense both as politics and as policy.

 

***************************************

INDIAN EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

LOSER'S BURDEN

 

As the first electoral exercise after the Lok Sabha verdict, these assembly election results gain an especially national context. For the BJP, in a spiral of denial since its May defeat, they come as a reminder that postponing a stock-taking will not stop the wreckage from piling up. The BJP will perhaps wonder what may have been had it persisted with its earlier seat-adjustment with the INLD in Haryana. In Maharashtra it has gamely conceded defeat. But it needs to do a lot more to show itself worthy of the opposition space it occupies, especially in Maharashtra and at the national level.

 

The BJP's Maharashtra leadership is already rationalising the BJP-Shiv Sena alliance's third successive defeat to the Congress-NCP combine by arguing that Raj Thackeray's votes were really theirs. This is disingenuous and lazy. In a first-past-the-post system, pointing to fragmentation of the vote can hardly be consolation. But the Thackeray factor is certainly at the heart of the BJP's troubles in Maharashtra. It is not that Thackeray was threatening to garner substantial vote away from the BJP-Sena combine, especially in what used to be their urban stronghold. It is that the party failed to articulate a political response to his hyper-chauvinism. It was certainly a chauvinism inspired by the Sena's familiar rhetoric. But the challenge for the BJP, as a national party, was to craft a positive agenda to present itself as an alternative to both the ruling coalition and to the challenger-come-lately. As seen from its feeble statements and its manifesto, it chose to play Thackeray-lite — and even alarmed its coalition partner in Bihar, the JD(U) — with talk of work permits for migrants.

 

This failure is indicative of the BJP's challenge nationwide. Once a party of the urban middle classes and small entrepreneurs, it is now struggling to articulate a political agenda responsive to the aspirations of the cities and the urban periphery. This may be bad news for the party. But it is also unhealthy for our polity that the largest party of opposition is consumed by problems of factionalism and turned away from the urgent issues of the day.

 

***************************************

 

 

 

 

INDIAN EXPRESS

COLLISION COURSE

 

We don't yet know what caused Wednesday's accident, when the Delhi-bound Goa Express crashed into the stationary Mewar Express near Mathura. Was it a signal malfunction, a pulled chain, or an ignored red light? That question is for any inquiry to ascertain. But here's what we do know: human error has killed at least 22 people and injured as many. Indian Railways must take responsibility.

 

The inquiry must name the negligent as well as suggest systemic changes — such as in signalling — to ensure that such a communication lapse does not occur again. But here's the larger question to ask: if the driver or signal operator is found to have neglected his duty, what to make of the work ethic of his boss? Union Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee's focus is so clearly on the coming West Bengal state elections, that she has little time for her ministerial responsibilities. She has attended less than half the cabinet meetings held, even ones where railway work was on the agenda. Her few railway-related endeavours are a new train service or a new railway facility in, where else, West Bengal. To be fair to her, on this one count, her predecessor was as derelict. But the Congress must know that this is the price of political accommodation. If certain ministries are reserved for coalition partners, collective responsibility still vests with the Union cabinet.

 

Mamata's evident disinterest in her ministry is so brazen, that this train collision — even if not her direct fault — must serve to highlight irresponsibility at the very top. This tragedy is a wake-up call to Mamata Banerjee and the UPA government she is part of. The railway minister must always be on the job, or she must find — or be asked to find — another one.

 

***************************************

INDIAN EXPRESS

COLUMN

WINNER TAKES ALL

COOMI KAPOOR

 

The Maharashtra outcome is noteworthy more for the resounding defeat for the opposition than for the victory, by default, of the Congress-NCP combine. The BJP-Shiv Sena managed to blow a near-perfect opportunity. The cards were clearly stacked in the NDA's favour, with an unpopular government in power for a decade, and with a poor record of governance. But, the NDA failed to cash in on the widespread discontent fuelled by farmers' suicides, a woefully inadequate power supply, sharp price rise, the failure of the monsoon, the mishandling of the Mumbai terror attack of 26/11 and grossly adequate infrastructure in what was once the richest state in the country. The NDA could not even take advantage of infighting and sabotage within the UPA ranks. Nor did it benefit from the presence of the newly created "third front".

 

The results suggest that the BJP and Shiv Sena are losing their relevance in Maharashtra thanks to a leadership vacuum. The Shiv Sena-BJP alliance might choose to blame Raj Thackeray's MNS, which ate into the NDA's vote share and acted as spoiler, for their defeat. But the remarkable rise of his less than four-year-old outfit is a direct consequence of Uddhav Thackeray's failure to enthuse his flock, even though he had the backing of his father, Bal Thackeray. Uddhav may have conscientiously toured the entire state during the campaign, talking earnestly about development and urging people not to waste their vote by plumping for "dalals" (a reference to his cousin), but his sober message did not have the desired impact. The followers of a party built on sheer demagoguery and parochial passions preferred Raj's rabble-rousing and shrill appeal to the Marathi manoos.

 

Raj's fledgling MNS ended up with only a dozen seats, but it

 

ruined the prospects of the Shiv Sena and BJP in Mumbai, their traditional stronghold. Backed by non-Maharashtrian migrants, the UPA won more seats than the NDA in the country's commercial capital, thanks to the MNS splitting the Marathi-speaking vote. Interestingly, after the results Raj's supporters made no attempt to hide their cordiality towards the Congress, strengthening the suspicion that the UPA allies had played no small role in building up Raj as a counter to Uddhav. Considering its relatively strong performance, in a post-Bal Thackeray era the MNS could end up overshadowing the parent party or even taking it over. The Congress could end up regretting its encouragement of a divisive regional force, even if it has worked to its short-term advantage.

 

If in the Sena the dilemma was rival claims for leadership in the Thackeray family, in the BJP there was a woeful dearth of leadership. Ever since the death of Pramod Mahajan the state unit has floundered without his organisational skills, networking and charisma. State party president Nitin Gadkari is a backroom boy, while Gopinath Munde lacks the stature to fill his late brother-in-law's shoes. The BJP leaders failed to generate enthusiasm among demoralised workers or cash in on what should have been key issues of the campaign. The party's central leadership, engrossed in its own war of attrition, provided no direction or support. Significantly there was no Delhi leader in charge of the state campaign, Munde being given sole responsibility. He misused his clout to ensure party tickets for both his daughter and his niece. In the bargain, the BJP lost the moral high ground to claim that it was the only party devoid of a dynastic dimension. Even neighbouring Chief Minister Narendra Modi was discouraged from visiting Maharashtra to campaign for the party.

 

For the BJP, in fact, it is a double whammy. The surprise results from Haryana suggest that if it had put its house in order and joined forces with its traditional ally, Om Prakash Chautala, it could well have ended up unseating Bhupinder Singh Hooda. As it is, while Chautala's INLD cashed in on popular discontent to tot up an impressive tally, the national party, floundering without a regional ally, put up a miserable show in the small, semi-urbanised state bordering Delhi.

 

The true winners in the Maharashtra elections are Chief Minister Ashok Chavan and the central Congress leadership, which backed him against a group of squabbling local chieftains. The Maratha satraps from the Congress and NCP, who viewed the elections as an opportunity to undercut the greenhorn chief minister and demonstrate their individual clout in roping in footloose MLAs, failed in their objective. That there are some 20 successful independent candidates indicates the infighting within the UPA. Almost all are either Congress or NCP rebels. Those in the UPA harbouring chief ministerial ambitions were banking on a hung assembly.

 

Former rivals Narayan Rane and Vilasrao Deshmukh, smarting

 

because both had been ignored by Chavan in the campaign, made common cause. In such a murky scenario, there were several prospective chief ministerial candidates. Rane, Deshmukh, Sushil Kumar Shinde, Manohar Joshi and even a lightweight, like the MPCC chief Manikrao Thakre, were ready to throw their hats in the ring. As it is, the decisive outcome put paid to their ambitions.

 

Another loser in this election is Sharad Pawar. The old Maratha warhorse, who has cherished prime ministerial ambitions for so long, now finds himself on a sticky wicket. He had banked on teaching a lesson to the Congress and Chavan, the son of his old antagonist S.B. Chavan. But the NCP was well behind the Congress in the numbers game. At the start of the assembly campaign the Congress, cocky over its triumph in the parliamentary poll, had made clear to the NCP that it was the senior partner and would call all the shots. With the results indicating that the Congress continues to have the edge over the NCP, Pawar, far from having the last laugh, will have to fight hard to retain his party's separate identity. After the results he conceded meekly that it was up to the Congress to decide who the chief minister would be. The NCP, after abandoning its objection to Sonia Gandhi as leader, now has no ideological difference with the mother party. Nor has the aging Pawar been able to establish a clear line of succession. Demands for the NCP to merge with the Congress are bound to grow.

 

coomi.kapoor@expressindia.com

 

***************************************

INDIAN EXPRESS

COLUMN

SIX MONTHS IN HARYANA

VIPIN PUBBY

 

Even as it appeared that, with the truncated strength of the Congress in the new Haryana Assembly, the dissidents and party rebels would mount pressure on the party high command for a change of guard, came the news that their chief protagonist, Birender Singh, had suffered an unexpected defeat at the hands of the INLD supremo Om Parkash Chautala.

 

 For Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda, who is likely to retain the office, the news about the narrow defeat of Birender Singh must have been the sole bit of relief. While no one, including Hooda, was expecting a re-run of the party's performance in the previous Assembly elections or the recent Lok Sabha elections, the projections were for a comfortable victory. It was also expected that the narrower the victory margin for the Congress, the greater was the possibility of the challengers mounting pressure on the high command. Seats projected for the Congress post-election announcement fell, an indication that the INLD would gain, given the crowds Chautala was attracting at election rallies; but hardly anyone had expected him to do as well as he did.

 

Given the proximity of Hooda to the Gandhis and how well the state Congress did in the Lok Sabha elections, he is probably still going to be anointed the Congress Legislature Party leader and hence chief minister. But though he may form the government easily, running it will be tougher.

 

Although his chief detractor Birender Singh is out of the race, and will most likely to be rehabilitated in the party's organisational structure at the centre, Hooda will have to remain on his toes with Chautala keeping up the pressure one the one hand and, on the other, middle-rung party leaders who are ambitious and do not see eye-to-eye with Hooda. These include union minister Shelja, who has the twin advantages of being a scheduled caste leader and a woman. Some of her favourites were denied tickets, for which she blames Hooda.

 

Another vocal leader is state tourism and forest minister Kiran Choudary, daughter-in-law of former chief minister Bansi Lal. The young transport minister,  Randeep Singh Surjewala, is another to be watched; while Rao Inderjit Singh, son of former union minister Rao Birender Singh, is also nursing a grudge.

 

Some of them opposed Hooda's recommendation that the elections be pre-poned and they might now justify their stand in view of the party's decline in seats. They have been also watching closely the rise of Hooda's son, Deepinder Hooda, who was recently re-elected from the Rohtak Lok Sabha constituency. They could suspect that Hooda is projecting his son while ignoring them. While none of them could do much with the overwhelming majority that the Congress enjoyed in the outgoing House, they may keep Hooda on his toes with its reduced strength. However, none of these leaders have a pan-Haryana appeal or support. In fact all of them remained confined to their constituencies during the campaign; Hooda alone has travelled all across the state. Thus Congress is not left with any credible alternative, at least in the near future.

 

The man to be watched is Chautala, a past master in politics, with a chequered political history. He has been a five-time chief minister, including a stint of a few days. He had also engineered the toppling of the Bansi Lal government in 1999 and is known for his political astuteness.

 

The election results have made it amply clear that he and his party retain the support of the Jats, who dominate nearly 35 constituencies. He travelled extensively and had attracted good crowds all across the state. Some of the critical decisions taken by his government, like the payment of pensions at doorstep and schemes for women, were wildly popular. And the major factor that had gone against his government, that of the poor law and order situation, appears to have become victim of short public memory.

 

Chautala spoke only of local issues: that's what made a difference between the outcome of the Lok Sabha elections from the state and the Assembly elections. A major factor in the Lok Sabha elections was Manmohan Singh versus L.K. Advani versus Mayawati as prime ministerial candidates. Chautala was personally irrelevant. That partially explains the washout his party received then. Of course the performance of the state government under Hooda did count in the ultimate landslide victory for the Congress in the state but the issues this time around were quite different and local.

 

There is, however, no doubt that Hooda has the backing of the party high command and the UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi had also reposed her faith in him while addressing election campaign rallies. Hooda shall, however, have to use all his political skills in the coming months. Chautala, at least, is not likely to let him rest on his oars.

 

vipin.pubby@expressindia.com

 

***************************************

INDIAN EXPRESS

COLUMN

SETTING THE DEMOGRAPHIC RECORD STRAIGHT

WORLDWIDE, MUSLIM BIRTHRATES ARE FALLING

 

DEEPLY misleading assumptions about demographic trends have become lodged in the public mind. The first is that mass migration into Europe, legal and illegal, combined with an eroding native population base, is transforming the ethnic, cultural, and religious identity of the continent... The third is that population growth in the developing world will continue at a high rate.

Allowing for the uncertainty of all population projections, the most recent data indicate that all of these assumptions are highly questionable and that they are not a reliable basis for serious policy decisions.

 

..The birthrates of Muslim women in Europe -- and around the world -- have been falling significantly for some time...The decline of Muslim birthrates is a global phenomenon. Most analysts have focused on the remarkably high proportion of people under age 25 in the Arab countries, which has inspired some crude forecasts about what this implies for the future. Yet recent UN data suggest that Arab birthrates are falling fast, and that the number of births among women under the age of 20 is dropping even more sharply. Only two Arab countries still have high fertility rates: Yemen and the Palestinian territories.

 

In some Muslim countries -- Tunisia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Kuwait, and Lebanon -- fertility rates have already fallen to near-European levels. Algeria and Morocco, each with a fertility rate of 2.4, are both dropping fast toward such levels. Turkey is experiencing a similar trend.

 

Revisions made in the 2008 version of the UN's World Population Prospects Report make it clear that this decline is not simply a Middle Eastern phenomenon. The report suggests that in Indonesia, the country with the world's largest Muslim population, the fertility rate for the years 2010-15 will drop to 2.02, a shade below replacement level. The same UN assessment sees declines in Bangladesh (to 2.2) and Malaysia (2.35) in the same period. By 2050, even Pakistan is expected to reach a replacement-level fertility rate. From a comment by Martin Walker in the `Wilson Quarterly'

***************************************

INDIAN EXPRESS

OPED

WAITING FOR THE CREDITS TO ROLL

KUMAR KETKAR

 

Finally, the Congress and the Nationalist Congress party have managed a modest victory belying grim predictions of arithmetical chaos in the state. One can, of course, deny them the satisfaction of the 'first past the post' glory of victory by citing the lower percentage of votes, by showing the dismal performance of the SS-BJP as Opposition and by stating the obvious: the Godsend of the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena which demolished as many as 38 seats, winning 12 out of them, thereby facilitating their victory. But as the saying goes, 'victory is victory.'

 

This is the golden jubilee year of the formation of Maharashtra state. On May 1, 2010, the state will complete 50 years. None of the issues that tormented the people of the state have been addressed and if the ruling alliance continues to be as callous and disconnected from the people, then one fears, the issues could be fought on the streets.

 

This election is also curtain-call for some. Take for instance Sharad Pawar himself. He will be 70 this December. He has been on the political scene since 1967. He has been saying that he wants to retire. If he was sincere, perhaps he would not have accepted the ministry in the Union cabinet and could have functioned as elder statesman. But he said that he succumbed to the pressures of rank and file. Well, exactly ten years ago, when his party contested in the state as a parallel Congress (NCP) and had candidates against the Sonia-led Congress, he was working with the hope that not only would he be able to create a vertical split in the Congress Working Committee, but also would win Maharashtra almost on his own, thereby becoming a future lead party, a 'true' inheritor of the Congress. His hopes were dashed and when the results came, the leader with a 'foreign origin' had won more seats in the Maratha/Marathi state. That was a crucial year. If the Congress had performed badly, there was a distinct possibility of the NCP joining hands with the SS-BJP alliance, because only then the numbers could have provided the government. There was a BJP-led government in the Centre and Pawar had the best of relations with them. Indeed, Pramod Mahajan used to say that in Maharashtra, a radical change of alliances was likely. But Pawar's Maratha followers, particularly in Western Maharashtra were not ready to join that game. Pawar's efforts to create a new progressive democratic front did not lead anywhere, and he was forced to play second fiddle to the Sonia-led Congress and join the government. That is history. Ever since, Pawar has been trying to carve out a role for himself, in Maharashtra and with the help of the state support, to position himself at the Centre. So far, things have not worked out in his favour. He could not suffered a worse setback than in the Lok Sabha elections when his plans of becoming prime minister disappeared in thin air. Now, he will have to seriously think of a new role. In that sense, despite the Congress-NCP victory, his fate is almost sealed.

 

The second person who would have to redraw the map for himself and also for the Shiv Sena, would be Uddhav Thackeray. There are two things that must worry him. The first is of course the political challenge (or threat, if you wish) posed by Raj Thackeray. The question is not how many MLAs or corporators desert the Shiv Sena. They would not march towards Raj as yet. The reason is simple: self interest. If they choose Raj, they lose their seat, which they would not like to. But there is the second and third and the fourth rank. They have been waiting to go over to Raj. The appeal of Raj is to the young and importantly, to women across the age group. This 'female following' is interpreted as 'sex appeal', by some self-proclaimed psychoanalysts. The crowds that throng to Raj's rallies have easily almost half of them, women. It is also important to note that many surveys showed that the 'man' in the middle age category tended to back Shiv Sena and the 'woman' in the family championed the Raj cause.

 

The second factor Uddhav has to deal with is the alliance with the BJP. Despite contesting fewer seats, the BJP has won more and will now claim the Leader of the Opposition chair. That would considerably demoralise the newly elected members in the assembly. The Shiv Sena has always regarded the BJP as the younger kin and dependent on the mass appeal of the Thackerays. The Shiv Sena and the BJP are culturally poles apart. The BJP constituency is that of an 'upper-caste, upper-class, urban, educated and generally anti-Congress'. The Shiv Sena, on the other hand represents the working classes, the lower middle layers, the poor and the lumpens. When the Shiv Sena was founded, it represented the hopeless, hapless and have-nots from the city of Mumbai, where they felt threatened — culturally and economically. All the initial campaigns of the Sena were to consolidate this base. At that time, the BJP and the SS hated each other. The BJP called the Sena "parochial" and accused it of dividing the misnomer called 'Hindu vote bank'. Realising later that both of them were struggling and not succeeding, they chose to come together in 1985, when the BJP as well as the SS were bulldozed by the Rajiv Gandhi Juggernaut. But in 1990, the SS-BJP got as many as 95 seats together. And in the next election, in 1995, winning together as many as 138 seats, they dethroned the Congress. That cemented them together.

 

Now that cement is wearing thin. Both of them will have to rethink. If the Sena tries to outdo Raj in the 'Marathi Manoos' campaign, in effect they will help the MNS. If the alliance tries to play the militant Hindu card, they would be marginalised because that card, notwithstanding the 26/11 tragedy, has been proved worthless.

 

kumar.ketkar@expressindia.com

 

***************************************

INDIAN EXPRESS

OPED

'AREN'T WE SECULAR?'

INDER MALHOTRA

 

Indira Gandhi was India's third prime minister to die in harness but the first to be assassinated. This dastardly act, made all the more ghoulish because she was gunned by two of her security guards, was not entirely unexpected, certainly not by her. For, when she authorised Operation Blue Star — the storming by the Army of the holiest of the Sikh shrines, the Golden Temple at Amritsar that had been fortified into a citadel of secession by Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and other Sikh extremists — she knew that she had also signed her own death warrant.

 

Remarkably, since much earlier, she had also been convinced that she would have a violent death — preferable to her over suffering in sickbed as her mother, grandfather and father had done. I had become aware of this as far back as 1972 when, presumably at her behest, I was invited to write a profile of the prime minister to be included in the press kit to be distributed at the first UN Conference on Environment, a subject close to her heart, at Stockholm some months later.

 

What happened the next year is best left to Fidel Castro to describe. On November 11, 1973 the Cuban leader was in New Delhi on his way from Havana to Hanoi. An "extremely pleasant banquet" that Indira Gandhi gave in his honour was "rudely interrupted by the stunning news from far-off Chile where it was still morning" that Salvador Allende had been killed in a coup d' etat. "At that dramatic moment," recorded Castro 12 years later, "Indira Gandhi, in a proof of her intimacy and confidence, said to me: 'What they have done to Allende they want to do to me also. There are people here connected with the same foreign forces that acted in Chile, who would like to eliminate me'."

 

A sanitised version of what she had said to Castro so bluntly in private, she was to repeat publicly often. As constant as her warnings against the "foreign hand" was her refrain that "they" wanted to do her in. But she took care never to identify who "they" were. By innuendo and insinuation, however, she left little doubt that the accusing finger pointed to the CIA's department of dirty tricks.

 

Although even before the crisis in Punjab there were threats to her life — soon after her return to power in 1980, a youth named Ram Bulchand Lalwani was sentenced to three years' imprisonment for throwing a spring knife on her at a public meeting in New Delhi — Blue Star was central to Indira's assassination. To flush out the terrorists and secessionists from the Golden Temple had turned out to be tougher than expected. Tanks and artillery had to be used. Casualties were very high. The Akal Takht was reduced to rubble. Even Harmandir Sahib was damaged slightly. Sikhs all over the world were outraged and the extremists exploited this to the hilt, threatening each day that they would make short work of the prime minister, her son and his children.

 

In June 1984, Indira Gandhi had no option but to launch Blue Star. But her monumental mistake was to allow such a situation to develop. She had let her reckless son Sanjay, and Giani Zail Singh, first Union home minister and then President, to build up Bhindranwale who quickly turned into a Frankenstein's monster, just as our Pakistani friends are now discovering that the terrorists they had nurtured are today turning on them.

 

Without going over too many gory details of the way Indira Gandhi was killed — on the narrow pathway leading from her home to her office, separated by a fence broken by a single wicker gate — it is necessary to underscore some of the most disgraceful features of the heart-rending happenings on that melancholy morning.

 

Since she was going to her office to give an interview to actor Peter Ustinov for the BBC TV, she had unfortunately dispensed with her bulletproof vest. This was all the more reason for the security men accompanying her to do their duty and surround her. But that was not to be. They were merrily ambling behind her, while only her trusted aide R. K. Dhawan walked by her side when Beant Singh and Satwant Singh fired those fateful shots. And then, to their eternal shame, the security men fled to save their own skins.

 

Ironically, this was precisely what Indira had predicted sometime earlier. As concern about her security had mounted, Ramji Nath Kao, the legendary spymaster so trusted by her that she had recalled him from retirement to be her security adviser, went to her to seek permission to landscape the lawns of the prime minister's house (PMH) to lessen the impact of any explosives thrown over the boundary walls. She had laughed and said: "Kao Sahib, please stop worrying. When they come to kill me, nothing would help. Those supposed to protect me would be the first to run away".

 

Much else that happened on October 31, 1984 was no less reprehensible. An ambulance permanently stationed at the PMH was unavailable because its driver had gone for his tea break. The profusely bleeding Indira was therefore taken to AIIMS in an Ambassador car.

 

Utterly shocking, indeed incredible, was the joint presence at what became the khooni wicker gate of both Beant and Satwant. The prime minister had vetoed a top-secret proposal by the director of the Intelligence Bureau to exclude all Sikhs from her security staff. On the file, she had written just three words: "Aren't we secular"? But she had endorsed Kao's mandatory directive that no two Sikhs should be posted at the same spot anywhere in the precincts of the PMH. Satwant Singh overcame this problem blithely by pretending that he had upset stomach and needed to be near the loo close to the wicker gate!

 

None of this, however, can excuse the abominable anti-Sikh riots that followed the assassination. A quarter of a century later some of the perpetrators of that pogrom have yet to be brought to book. And all the instruments of the Indian state remain as incompetent, casual and corrupt as they were then.

 

The writer is a Delhi-based political commentator

 

*************************************** 

INDIAN EXPRESS

OPED

THE PRIZE

 

Rashtriya Sahara, in an editorial entitled, 'Politics over Nobel Peace Prize' (October 12), writes: "The prize to Obama has raised eyebrows of the Republican Party, perhaps because it is indirectly being seen as the debunking of the aggressive policies of George Bush that brought a bad name to America... The fundamental difference between Bush and Obama appears to be that Obama is successful in convincing the world that he and his country now want to work for peace. Bush worked for an artificial peace based on use of force during his long stint in power whereas the path of logical persuasion (ifhaam-o-tafheem) chosen by Obama takes us to actual peace."

 

Kolkata and Delhi-based daily Akhbar-e-Mashriq, in its editorial (October 11), says that Obama's prize is "not a bed of roses, it is a crown of thorns". It writes: "In the last nine months, Obama has been unable to perform any miracle. But it has to be accepted that he has definitely set a target and has moved forward to attain it." The paper quotes, in the context of challenges before Obama, a very famous line from poet Jigar Moradabadi about love: "Ek aag ka dariya hae, aur doob ke jaana hai" (have to drown and sail though a river of fire).

 

On the contrary, Hyderabad-based Rahnuma-e-Daccan (October 13) writes: "Barack Obama does not deserve this prize on any criterion." The paper says that Obama's stature would have grown if he had declined to accept the prize. It has also commented on the failure of the Nobel committee to give the prize to such stalwarts in the movement for peace as Gandhi and Nehru.

 

Jamaat-e Islami's Daawat (October 13), makes no bones about its disapproval of the prize at this point of time. "If Nobel prizes are continued to be given in a similar hurried manner, its prestige will be hurt. Awards cannot be given merely on appeals and messages; practical demonstration and positive results too are imperative." The paper has pointed out that the maximum number of nuclear weapons are in his own country and, "all over the world, American soldiers are shedding blood of people and promoting violence instead of peace."

 

Arunachal's status

Commenting on the Chinese claim on Arunachal Pradesh, Delhi-based daily Hamara Samaj (October 15), writes: "It has become the habit of China to take advantage of our soft policy. Therefore, it is unable to appreciate our policy of softness and evasion (of conflict)... Our Ministry of External Affairs has, for the first time, taken a tough stand against China and it has not given way to any element of hesitation in expressing its point of view. It has plainly told China that this type of despicable activities would create bitterness in the mutual relations which cannot be a desirable thing for China too."

 

Hyderabad-based daily Siasat (October 15) writes: "The border controversy between the two countries is an important question left over by history. Positive initiative on the part of India and China is needed to resolve the issue. In such matters great patience and perseverance are to be demonstrated."

 

Akhbar-e-Mashriq has pleaded for caution on the issue of dealing with China. It writes: "We have to accept that both India and China are rapidly moving forward in the realm of development and economic plenty. But China is ahead of India from both military and economic points of view. We should not take any step so that the 1962 story is repeated." Bengaluru-based Saalar (Oct 2) writes: "India has accepted Tibet as a part of China, but China has never done anything like this."

 

Delhi, Lucknow, Dehradun and Mumbai-based daily Sahafat (October 16) has, however, chosen to give weight to the statement of former External Affairs Minister, Mr Natwar Singh, to the effect that at least Tawang, a part of Arunachal Pradesh, had never been shown as part of India in the country's map till 1963.

 

Maulana Akhlaque Qasimi: RIP

The passing away of Maulana Akhlaque Husain Qasimi, a towering Islamic scholar, expert on Quranic teachings as well as a commentator on contemporary affairs has been mourned. Apart from eminent religious scholars and politicians, Election Commissioner S.Y. Qureshi, in a piece entitled, 'A Dilli-wallah's tribute to a Dilli-wallah', (Rashtriya Sahara, October 17) writes that he had enjoyed the affection of Maulana Qasimi from his childhood, and apart from being a true patriot and a freedom fighter, he was proud of being a Dehlvi. "Maulana Akhlaque Husain Qasimi was not merely a traditional maulvi. He was, in fact, an iron man in the field of politics", Qureshi writes. Delhi-based Jadeed Khabar writes (October 15): "if a search was made for an alternative to him, with regard to the sweetness of Dehlvi culture and representation of what is called Taksali language, it would meet with nothing but disappointment."

Compiled by Seema Chishti

 

***************************************

INDIAN EXPRESS

OPED

 

A DRONE STRIKE AND DWINDLING HOPE

THE FOURTH IN A SERIES BY `NEW YORK TIMES' REPORTER DAVID ROHDE ON HIS SEVEN MONTHS AS A CAPTIVE OF THE TALIBAN

AVID ROHDE

 

TWO deafening explosions shook the walls of the compound where the Taliban held us hostage. My guards and I dived to the floor as chunks of dirt hurtled through the window. "Dawood?" one guard shouted, saying my name in Arabic. "Dawood?" "I'm OK," I replied in Pashto. "I'm OK." The plastic sheeting covering the window hung in tatters.Somewhereoutside,awomanwailed.

I wondered if Tahir Luddin and Asad Mangal, the two Afghans who had been kidnapped with me, were alive. A guard grabbed his rifle and ordered me to follow him outside. "Go!" he shouted. "Go!"

 

Ournightmarehadcometopass.Powerful missiles fired by an American drone had obliterated their target a few hundred yards from our house in a remote village in Pakistan's tribal areas. Dozens of people were probably dead. Militants would call for our heads in revenge. Outside, shredded tree leaves littered the yard, but the house and its exterior walls remained intact. Tahir and Asad looked worried. I knew the three of us might not survive for long.

 

It was March 25, and for months the drones had been a terrifying presence.

Remotely piloted, propeller-driven airplanes, they could easily be heard as they circled overhead for hours. To the naked eye, they were small dots in the sky. But their missiles had a range of several miles. We knew we could be immolated without warning. Our guards believed the drones were targeting me.

US officials wanted to kill me, they said, because my death would eliminate the enormous leverage and credibility they believed a single American prisoner gave the Haqqanis, the Taliban faction that was holding us. Whenever a drone appeared, I was ordered to stay inside.

The guards believed that its surveillance cameras could recognise my face from thousands of feet above. In the courtyard after the missile strike, the guards clutched their weapons and anxiously watched the sky. Fearing a direct attack on our house, they ordered me to cover my face with a scarf and follow them outside the compound.

They hustled me down a hillside to whereastationwagonwasparkedbetween rowsoftrees.Ilayinthebackofthecarand silentlyrecitedtheLord'sPrayer.Inthedistance, I heard men shouting as they collectedtheirdead.Ifmanypeoplehadbeen killed,particularlywomenandchildren,we were sure to die. For months, I had promisedmyselfthatiftheytapedourexecution I would remain calm for my family and declare our innocence until the end.

After about 15 minutes, the guards returned to the car and led me back to the house. The missiles had struck two cars, killing a total of seven Arab militants and localTalibanfighters.Ifeltasmallmeasure of relief that no civilians had been killed.

ButIknewwewerestillingravedanger.

In late April, a surprise visit by Abu Tayyeb, the commander who had kidnapped us, raised our hopes that our freedom was being negotiated. Dressed in an expensive white tunic, he strode into our compound just before dinner. His visit was another effort to extort money from my family. Five months into our captivity, he had refused to lower his demands below a $5 million ransom as well as an exchange of prisoners. He dictated more lines. Then he told me I would need to cry for the video. I stared at Tahir. If I refused, the Taliban might kill him or Asad to drive up a potential ransom payment. I hated the thought of my wife, Kristen, and my family seeing such a video, but Tahir was the father of seven children, and Asad the father of two. I agreed to make it. Later that night, Abu Tayyeb announced that the Afghan government had agreed to free 20 prisoners in exchange for our release. The problem, he said, was that my family would not agree to pay the $5 million ransom. "My family does not have $5 million," I told him angrily. I told Abu Tayyeb we would "be here forever" if he did not reduce his demands. In early June, Abu Tayyeb reappeared and announced that the American government was offering to trade the seven remaining Afghan prisoners at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, for us. I told him that was ridiculous. If I made one more video, he said, we would be released. I refused.
"This is all about you," I said. "You are demanding millions of dollars so you can makeyourselflookgoodtotheothercommanders. You are the problem." (TO BE CONTINUED) The New York Time

***************************************

******************************************************************************************

FINANCIAL EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

MAHA RESPONSIBILITY

It has pulled off a double hat-trick, and the Congress combine, therefore, has much reason to celebrate. Not only has it retained power in all the three states whose assembly election results were declared yesterday, it's set to form a third successive government in Maharashtra—supposedly India's richest state. It could, of course, take the results as a simple endorsement of its governance so far. But the smarter partymen know better, and acknowledge it. In big part, the combine's success reflects the failure of its opposition. The BJP appears in disarray across the national stage. While disarray is de rigueur among losing parties, the BJP should have gotten its act together since the general election lost—the second in a row. But it hasn't. In Maharashtra, the Shiv Sena's votebank being hit by factor MNS—which has now opened its account—is just one aspect of how dissidence is debilitating the BJP combine on all fronts. As the election results poured in, the opposition was clutching at straws for defence—like, the ruling party had manipulated the results via "electronic victory machines". Where does the BJP think it is, Afghanistan?

 

Still, we need to remind the Congress combine to heed ground reality and face up to the many governance failures of the last few years. During the election campaign, the party promised everything from making the state an international financial centre to a stronger connect with the Centre—suggesting that, say, West Bengal and Orissa's sufferings were caused by the lack of such a connect. But, after all, back in 2004 the PM had promised that Mumbai would be polished into a Shanghai. There is little to indicate that that vision will come to pass in the foreseeable future. Or, take the project that's been grist for the mill for editorialists—the Mumbai airport. Forget the new one that remains mired in tussles between various ministries, even the Chhatrapati Shivaji International Airport—which aims to become one of the world's top 20 airports by 2013—still boasts a runway cluttered with hundreds and thousands of shanties, which should have been resituated years ago. Outside Mumbai, bullock ploughs rendering marginal farming—as antiquated an Indian picture as possible—remain a common sight. No wonder, per capita foodgrain production in the state is much less than that in neighbouring Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. Within the maximum city itself, NFHS-3 found 40% of the children aged less than three malnourished. Or, take chronic power shortages. And so the list can go on. We wish the winning parties the best. But we also wish that they would do better than they have over their last two terms.

 

***************************************

FINANCIAL EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

DON'T WAIT FOR $ 100/BARREL

One of the very few unpleasant side-effects of a global economic recovery steadily gaining momentum is the impact that it will have on oil prices. Oil prices, which hit a peak of nearly $150 per barrel in the summer of 2008, have been falling since then and went down all the way to below $40 per barrel in the depth of the crisis. Now, the price of oil is hovering at about $75 per barrel, just above the level at which oil marketing companies in India begin to make substantial losses under the administered price regime. The UPA government seems intent on not raising the prices of oil products, even though economic logic dictates that a hike is probably necessary at the moment. One wonders if that stance will at all change now that three important assembly elections are over with the UPA on the side of victory. Unfortunately, given the government's continued reluctance to liberalise oil pricing, a carryover from UPA-I's and NDA's tenure, there isn't much reason to be optimistic about a liberalisation of oil prices in the near future.

 

That would, however, be against the interests of not just oil marketing companies but also the fiscal deficit which has to bear the unnecessary burden of subsidy to OMCs at a time when public finances are already stretched to their limits. The near future of oil prices is likely to be in the range of $75-100 per barrel. At any rate, the only way from here seems upward, given the faster-than-expected global recovery. And once the US and Europe genuinely regain positive momentum, the price may rise further still. Opec has clearly stated that they do not intend to increase production in the near term. However, they have also said that they do not wish oil prices to rise above $100 per barrel—that will put immense pressure on an already weakening dollar. And, given that most oil exporting nations still take payments and hold assets in dollars, they may eventually contrive to ensure that prices don't move beyond $100 per barrel. That is hardly consolation for India, though as OMCs begin to incur losses around the $65 per barrel mark. Instead of waiting for global prices to touch $80 or $90 or beyond and then affecting a big hike in consumer prices, the government would be better advised to take the first step now when the pressure isn't that great. It would, of course, be even better if they dismantled the administered price mechanism altogether.

 

***************************************

FINANCIAL EXPRESS

COLUMN

BE STRONG AS THE DOLLAR GETS WEAKER

DOMINIQUE DWOR-FRECAUT

 

The recent G-20 and IMF meetings have seen a long overdue increase in emerging markets (EM) representation in global institutions. The G-7 is to cease to exist. It will be replaced by the more representative G-20, set up in 1999 to bring together the most important advanced and emerging economies.

 

In addition, the IMF board is to give greater voice to emerging markets. Currently, countries outside the G-7 control only about half of the votes on the IMF board despite representing a greater share of the world economy. The BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India, China) control less than 10% of IMF votes. At the Pittsburgh summit last month, the G-20 has committed to implementing a shift in IMF quota and vote shares "of at least 5% from over-represented countries to under-represented countries" by the spring of 2011.

 

Perhaps more significant is a new, US-supported initiative to reduce global imbalances, i.e. reduce Asia's external surplus and the US external deficit. Under the plan proposed by the US Treasury and adopted by the G-20, the US would raise public and private sector savings; China and Japan would reduce their dependency on external demand, and Europe would implement structural reforms to spur business investment. G-20 members would meet periodically to review each other's progress while the IMF would offer technical support.

 

This sounds very much like a duplication of the multilateral surveillance currently carried out by the IMF. There is however a crucial difference between the US sponsored scheme and current IMF surveillance: the G-20 would be supervising the new initiative. By contrast supervision of the IMF surveillance is carried out by the IMF board where emerging markets are still under-represented. This long overdue adjustment in global governance reflects a long-term trend of fast emerging markets growth. Over the past 15 years countries outside the G-7 have increased their share of world GDP to 60% from 50% and their share of world exports by to 63% from 49%. They also own most of the world's 6.8 trillion dollars in foreign exchange reserves.

 

The rise of the BRICs has been even more impressive: over the past 15 years their share in global GDP has increased to one-fourth from one-sixth and their share of global exports to 13% from 3%. In addition, the BRICs now hold 45% of the world foreign exchange reserves.

 

The global financial crisis has acted as a catalyst in bringing about these much-needed changes in my view for three reasons. First, the crisis has originated in advanced economies and greatly reduced the legitimacy and credibility of their development model, especially when it comes to financial sector development.

 

Second, the need to fund the repairs of corporate and financial sector balance sheets in crisis countries has increased the bargaining power of cash rich countries. The former are mainly advanced economies while the latter typically are either oil exporting countries or Asian countries with large external surpluses.

 

Third, the crisis is likely to see faster growth in emerging markets than in advanced economies. Advanced economies will have to spend a substantial share of their income to fund household, financial and corporate balance sheet repairs over the next few years. This will reduce the funds available for productive investments. By contrast emerging markets that have largely avoided a crisis will be able to power on, perhaps with the exception of Eastern Europe. India is particularly well placed to outperform in view of its low dependency on external demand.

 

Greater EM representation in global institutions is good not just for EMs but for global institutions themselves. It will increase their legitimacy and efficacy. IMF advice is likely to carry more weight if the IMF is viewed as a true multi-lateral institution rather than as the agent of its most powerful members. For instance, China is more likely to accede to the demand of reducing its current account surplus if it is a fully empowered participant in a multi-lateral process than if it is under pressure from the US or the EU.

 

But, with greater voice comes more responsibility. Now that emerging markets have a bigger seat at the decision making table they are going to face stronger pressure to play their part in the rebalancing of the global economy. Dollar weakening, that is very much part of the needed rebalancing, is taking place at greater speed against advanced economies' and Latin American currencies than against emerging Asia's currencies.

 

Since end-February 09 the dollar has depreciated by 16% against a basket composed of the Euro, Yen, British pound, Canadian dollar, Swedish Krona and Swiss Franc and by 23% against a basket of Latin American currencies. By contrast the dollar has depreciated by 10% only against a basket of Asian currencies excluding the yen.

 

This limited appreciation of Asian currencies reflects that Asian countries so far have largely responded to the resumption of capital flows by engaging in large scale intervention in the foreign exchange markets. But this policy response only entrenches their dependency on external demand and prevents the reduction of global imbalances. Asia needs to play its part as an empowered global citizen and allow its currencies to appreciate against the dollar.

 

The author is an economist with the Royal Bank of Scotland. These are her personal views

 

***************************************

FINANCIAL EXPRESS

COLUMN

INDUSTRY'S NEW BEST FRIENDS

SUBHOMOY BHATTACHARJEE

To run an industry you need money. You go to a guy who has the dough and hope to interest him enough to lend you some. If the investment works out, you pay him back (hopefully).

 

So, if this chain works out there are two things that should happen? The industry should expand as it works through more and more of that finance. Simultaneously the fellow who lent his money to you should see his book expand.

 

But if one looks at the data for the Indian economy now, this is not happening. Or rather it is happening at one end and not the other. The Prime Minister's Economic Advisory Council is sure the industrial sector will expand by at least 10% through this financial year from September to March. The figures rolled out by the Council on Wednesday say the index of industrial production will average 8.2% in 2009-10, up from 3.9% in 2008-09.

 

This should therefore mean by now there should be a sizable expansion of credit from the banking sector to industry. Otherwise one has to wonder how industry is planning to finance the double-digit growth rate the Council is so sanguine about.

 

So, if we were to assume the growth rates postulated by the Council will work out and indeed as they have done in the past, then where does industry source the finance from?

 

The latest fortnightly data on bank credit to all sectors including industry, agriculture and services as per RBI shows a growth of only 12.6%, year-on-year. RBI data shows industry—broadly defined as the manufacturing sector—accounts for about 38 % of this. But even cutting out that distinction, the aggregate sum is just half of the 25.2% growth provided by the banking sector to industry in the same period last year. With an average inflation of 4.5 % for the year, the net growth of bank credit is just about 8% this year.

 

To get a sense of the drop in magnitude, the absolute numbers are better. Incremental growth of non-food credit from banks has been only Rs 3,24,887 crore till September 25 of which the credit to commercial sector is just about Rs 94,000 crore. The sum is actually less than that of last year at the same point by Rs 1,91,417 crore. If the industry has to grow at even the same pace as last year, the current sum is inadequate.

 

But given the current trends, even if rate of growth of credit picks up sharply (highly unlikely) in the rest of the year, the rate of growth of bank credit is still going to be nowhere near the rate of 23% for last year.

 

Then what are the alternative sources from where industry is financing its credit needs. One extremely plausible explanation could be the mutual funds. In September itself, redemptions from the liquid and the money market funds by companies and some banks was Rs 1,44,000 crore. Companies typically park their short term surplus capital in such funds, and use them in the course of the year. After a period of frenzied building up of surplus, since October-November last year, that is now being offloaded. The sum is significant; more than 5% of the gross outstanding bank credit at the end of September. If the figure is matched against the total outstanding bank credit to industry as per RBI figure for end-March 2009, it is far higher at almost 14%.

 

The other source through which the industry is financing itself is the accommodation that commercial banks provide in the form of investments in shares, debentures, bonds and most importantly through commercial paper. That sum is also close to Rs 1,00,000 crore.

 

The final piece of financing is of course refunds from the income tax department. Figures released by the Central Board of Direct Taxes show the total tax refund has shot up by 50% as on September end from last year at Rs 28,000 crore.

 

Taken in all, this means the bulk of the financing for the corporate sector is now originating from non-banking sources. This is a very unusual state of affairs for an economy the size of India. Of course, even on a historical basis the total credit from the banking sector to industry is less than 30 % of the GDP even in March 2009.

 

But the current developments show that even this is unlikely to hold. That could have been a cause for concern but it is not so. This is because as the data shows the agents taking the lead in financing industry are rapidly changing. Instead of banks, mutual funds are moving to centre stage. This is of course data culled from a half year that has just recovered from a major upset in the financial market. But if the trend holds we are in for a sea change in the shape of the financial sector—the implications are something that will need to be studied far more. But a game changer definitely.

 

subhomoy.bhattacharjee@expressindia.com

 

***************************************

FINANCIAL EXPRESS

COLUMN

THE WRITING ON THE WALL

SUDIPTA DATTA

 

Ever since the Lok Sabha election results, Bengal watchers have been harping on the fact that the rural electorate—LF's critical support base—had shifted loyalties to the opposition Trinamool Congress. The Left Front managed to bag only 15, seats.

 

Now, final data from the National Election Study and a post-election survey by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies show that the shift away from the Left has been sharper. That's more than what the Left Front is willing to concede, with leaders often reminding the media that the "base is intact". But that's not quite what the voting pattern is showing. While the Left Front got 43.3% votes this time, from 50.81% in 2004, the Trinamool-Congress combine got 44.6% of votes. In 2009, the CPM voteshare slipped to 33.10% from 38.57% in 2004; while Trinamool has seen its voteshare increase to 31.20% from 21.04% in 2004. What should worry the Left leadership is the slipping away of traditional Red voters like farmers (only 31% voted Left and 65% rooted for the TC-Congress alliance, a 26% drop for the LF from 2004); and skilled and semi-skilled workers in the rural areas which saw a 16% slide in Left voting from 2004 figures. A majority of Muslims too (58%) voted for the non-Left parties, a fallout of Left policies, say experts, on land acquisition in Nandigram and south 24-Parganas as also the Sachar committee report, which pulled up the ruling LF for not doing enough for the community on education, health and other human development parameters. Of its traditional base, only the scheduled castes (55%) and tribes (47%) remained loyal to the Left. These figures show that the Left's post-poll analysis blaming losses on a national wave in favour of the Congress rather than its own inefficiencies doesn't quite ring true. Yet some leaders in the party admit privately that faulty policies—poor implementation of NREGA, a non-transparent stand on land acquisition, handling of Maoists —have done a lot of harm. The party has begun some damage control exercises, like creating rural infrastructure , but isn't it too little too late?

 

sudipta.datta@expressindia.com

***************************************

******************************************************************************************

THE HINDU

EDITORIAL

HAT-TRICK OF TRIUMPHS

 

The weaknesses of the opposition are sometimes as important as the strengths of an ally. In Maharashtra, the Congress made the most of both, a disunited opposition and a formidable alliance, and is set to form the government for a third consecutive term. To the credit of the Congress, despite discomforts and irritants, the party nurtured its alliance with the Nationalist Congress Party through good times and bad. But the latest win would not have been possible without the fragmentation of the opposition. The Shiv Sena, after the breaking away of the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena led by Raj Thackeray, is no longer the same battle-hardened party. The Bharatiya Janata Party, still unable to grow out of the shadow of the Shiv Sena, and yet to recover fully from the debacle in the Lok Sabha election, remains dispirited and uninspiring. Thus, from the very beginning, it was a battle for the Congress-NCP to lose. The Shiv Sena was hoping that the supporters of the MNS would return to its fold on sensing that Raj Thackeray was no front-runner. But the MNS put up another impressive performance, this time picking up a few seats too. Whether Raj Thackeray's party, with its politics mimicking that of the Shiv Sena, will have a future is difficult to say, but in the present election the MNS did spoil whatever chances its parent party had. While the Congress-NCP cannot boast of a blot-free record in governance, the combine at least managed to blunt any anti-incumbency sentiment. With Sushil Kumar Shinde, Vilasrao Deshmukh and Ashok Chavan taking turns as Chief Minister, the government also managed to keep on a fresh sheen.

 

In Haryana, Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda did just well enough to keep the Congress afloat. But, as expected, the vote share and the number of seats came down. Retaining power is always more difficult than regaining it, and Mr. Hooda could not have been expected to deliver much more than he did. In voter perception, the ruling coalition certainly seemed to have had more on the credit side of the governance ledger. The Indian National Lok Dal of Om Prakash Chautala did narrow the gap, without any help from its former ally, the BJP, but the Congress, with some support from others, has managed to get another term in office. In the smallest of the three States that went to the polls, Arunachal Pradesh, the Congress won decisively with a majority of its own. In all the three, however, the real challenge will be in meeting the rising expectations of the people. The Congress in the flush of its Lok Sabha victory appeared to have taken the States for granted and while there is reason for satisfaction, there is no ground for euphoria.

 

***************************************

 

THE HINDU

EDITORIAL

RUNOFF NOT A PANACEA

 

The Afghan President, Hamid Karzai, has agreed to a second round of voting in the presidential election, and has therefore accepted that he did not win outright in the first poll, which took place on August 20. The runoff — between Mr. Karzai and the runner-up Abdullah Abdullah — will he held on November 7. The extent of fraud in the first poll was enormous. The U.N. Election Complaints Commission (ECC) found that, in its sample of 92 polling stations, all the votes went to one candidate in 30 stations; at one booth, all 600 votes went to one candidate but were awarded to another; some boxes contained ballot papers all signed in one hand and with the same pen, with all the votes going to one single candidate. In socially-conservative southern Afghanistan, men had registered long lists of women, saying the women could not register in person. Even the ink mark on voters' fingers was easily removed with a toilet cleaner. The Independent Election Commission (IEC), packed with Karzai supporters, delayed preparing a new electoral roll until it was too late. The ECC has concluded that one-third of Mr. Karzai's votes were fraudulent.

 

The ECC head Kai Eide, western diplomats in Kabul, and the Chairman of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, John Kerry, did pressure Mr. Karzai to accept a runoff, but although they welcomed his decision they have said nothing about the previous fraud. The runoff, however, will face problems in addition to those posed by the deepening winter. To start with, voters with strong tribal loyalties, offended by the annulling of their votes, may well stay away en masse. Secondly, the ECC has been damaged by the U.N. sacking, during the campaign, of its deputy head Peter Galbraith, who had predicted serious fraud in 1,500 polling stations. A further problem is the NATO countries' complicity by omission. To make the election look an Afghan affair, they let the IEC run it; now Afghan law also requires the ECC to drop the majority of its international observers. But any problems over the credibility of the runoff will undermine the legitimacy of the winner, and may boost the support for the Taliban as well as for tribal warlords. It appears that lessons from the elections rigged by the U.S. in Vietnam have not been learnt. Above all, the fraud perpetrated on August 20 was a betrayal of millions of Afghan voters who turned out to vote, often defying threats from the Taliban and other groups. The runoff is legally necessary, but it is far from clear what problems it will solve.

 

***************************************

 

THE HINDU

LEADER PAGE ARTICLES

SECURING INDIA'S INTERESTS IN AFGHANISTAN

IRRESPECTIVE OF THE DECISION THE U.S. TAKES ON ITS FUTURE IN AFGHANISTAN, INDIA NEEDS TO REMAIN ENGAGED IN THAT COUNTRY.

SHANTHIE MARIET D'SOUZA

 

The October 8 attack on the Indian embassy in Afghanistan, a grim reminder of the July 7, 2008 strike, has yet again highlighted the challenges of India's involvement in that country. While the Haqqani network aided by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence was blamed for the July attack, this time the Taliban claimed responsibility, posting a statement on a website (shahamat.org). The site is now dysfunctional.

 

The actual perpetrators would enjoy the benefits of deniability guaranteed by the complexity of Afghan insurgency. The growing bonhomie between New Delhi and Kabul, coupled with the increased presence of India's development projects in Afghanistan, remains the target of the Taliban-led insurgency, which includes a huge array of insurgent and anti-government forces operating in tandem beyond south and east Afghanistan, with increased symbolic and high-profile attacks around Kabul. Moreover, as the debate in the United States intensifies about the nature of the Afghan war, President Barack Obama's indecisiveness on a further increase in troops or limiting the "long war," coupled with the political stalemate in Kabul in the aftermath of the August 20 polls, is playing into the Taliban propaganda.

 

In contrast, India's unwavering role in long-term Afghan stability continues to pose a significant challenge to the Taliban and its supporters, who view its assistance as strengthening the democratic regime in Kabul.

 

Despite the loss of fewer lives, mostly visa seekers, than in the 2008 attack (which killed 58 people, including three Indian officials), mostly because of the reinforced security arrangements, the October 8 strike did deliver the message of intimidation. Intended as a warning to India to downsize its role, the attack was in a way aimed at raising the costs of the policy of "winning the hearts and minds" of local Afghans. The attack comes at a significant time when there is an increased scrutiny of India's role in Afghanistan as indicated in a recent confidential report by the top U.S. commander in Afghanistan, General Stanley McChrystal.

 

He summed up: "Indian political and economic influence is increasing in Afghanistan, including significant development efforts and financial investment." While acknowledging that "Indian activities largely benefit the Afghan people," he pointed out that "increasing Indian influence in Afghanistan is likely to exacerbate regional tensions and encourage Pakistani countermeasures in Afghanistan or India." Such thinking finds a resonance in western analysts, who posit that "the road to peace in Afghanistan runs not just through Kabul and Islamabad, but Delhi as well." This, in turn, works well into Pakistan's support to the Taliban in its quest for 'strategic depth' and reinstating a pliant regime in Kabul.

 

As instability and violence in Afghanistan intensify, and the policymakers in the U.S. grapple with the right strategy — counter-insurgency or counter-terrorism — New Delhi has indicated a 'strategic shift' in thinking from a military to political solution to the Afghan war. In an interview to The Wall Street Journal on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly, External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna said India did "not believe that war can solve any problem and that applies to Afghanistan too."

 

There has been a significant shift in New Delhi's thinking in the political uncertainty following the recently-held Afghan polls, in which allegations of fraud have marred the early claims of President Hamid Karzai's victory. Afghanistan's Election Commission has called a runoff for November 7 after investigations dropped Mr. Karzai's votes below 50 per cent. Alternatively, intense diplomacy to cobble together a national unity government is being explored to avoid the scenario of a 'runoff.' Without a legitimate government in place, the troop surge could come to resemble foreign occupation. Such concerns confront President Obama, who awaits the ending of the political stalemate before sending more troops.

 

India expressed support for a 'national unity' government. There is also a recognition of the need for a reconciliation process in building a politically inclusive order. In an international closed-door seminar held recently, India's Foreign Secretary made a specific reference to "reintegration of individuals into the mainstream."

 

This could have been construed as weaning away the reconcilable tribal fighters from the ideologically hardened leadership — "separating the fish from the pond" — a classic counter-insurgency principle India has used in its own counter-insurgency campaigns. This could have triggered a response mechanism of attack on the embassy to project the Taliban as not amenable to talks or reconciliation, thus denying India a larger political role in Afghanistan.

 

India, being the sixth largest bilateral donor, has pledged around $1.2 billion in several reconstruction and development projects within Afghanistan. While there is no denying that India's strategic interests lie in the long-term stability of the country, most of these projects are directed at capacity building and triggering economic growth. India has been providing educational and vocational scholarship, health services, it has dug tubewells across Afghanistan and is now building the Parliament structure. One of the most visible and strategic projects is the 218-km Zaranj Delaram road connecting landlocked Afghanistan to the Iranian port of Chabahar. The road reduces Afghanistan's dependence on Pakistan, providing a potential alternative route connecting Central Asia. However, optimal utilisation of this road would require greater security mechanisms.

 

Interestingly, India's "aid diplomacy" has generated intense domestic debate, given the vulnerabilities its projects and personnel face in Afghanistan. While some would want India to send troops, others propound continuation of the 'aid only' policy. While the latter option would not be in India's long-term strategic interests, an outright military response of troop deployment, apart from its limited utility, would work straight into propaganda of the Taliban and its sponsor.

 

What India needs in the near-term is a reinvigorated policy in terms of protecting its projects and carving out a larger regional role in the long-term stability of Afghanistan. Amid talks of U.S. withdrawal, India needs to consider long-term scenarios of its political, diplomatic and military options.

 

In a revamped diplomatic strategy, India can work towards the creation of a "concert of powers" — a regional grouping including the U.S., Russia, the EU, India, Iran, CAR (Central Asian Republics) and China.

 

While the American policymakers are looking for an exit strategy, Indian policymakers will have to take bold and innovative ideas of evolving regional mechanisms for anti-terror activities. There is need for seamless information-sharing, joint patrolling, border regimes and confidence-building measures among the regional powers.

 

At a local level, India needs to widen its web of engagement beyond the Karzai government. Its Afghan policy in the past few years has alienated its traditional support base among the Northern Alliance groups who have increasingly aligned with Iran. There are alienated Pushtun communities in southern and eastern Afghanistan, who are in need of India's support in building local capacities. These groups can be cultivated as protectors of Indian aid projects by making community participation and local ownership a key plank of the aid policy. On the military front, India can enhance the training for the Afghan National Police in counter-insurgency given its experience in building a COIN grid in Jammu and Kashmir.

 

The Obama administration is caught in a dilemma between heeding its top military commanders' request for more troops or limiting the war. Irrespective of the decision the U.S. takes on its future in Afghanistan, India needs to remain engaged in that country, with a clearer strategy and renewed commitment.

 

(Shanthie Mariet D'Souza is Associate Fellow, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. Shanthied@gmail.com)

 

***************************************

THE HINDU

NEWS ANALYSIS

BRINGING HYDERABADI FLAVOUR TO LONDON FILM FESTIVAL

HASAN SUROOR

 

Shyam Benegal could barely conceal his annoyance as the moderator kept fluffing his lines confusing his new film Well Done Abba, shown at the ongoing London Film Festival on Sunday, with his Welcome to Sajjanpur which was shown at last year's festival. And when he did it a third time, Boman Irani, the "star" of Well Done Abba, couldn't resist a jibe.

 

"It is W-E-LL-DONE-A-B-B-A," he said slowly spelling out the title of the film, "Get on your bike, go all the way to NFT (National Film Theatre) and see it so that you can get Welcome to Sajjanpur out of your system!"

 

This is Mr. Irani's first film with Mr. Benegal and, he says, he regards it such an honour that he would happily "live off it" for the rest of his life.

 

Set in a village, near Hyderabad, Well Done Abba (yet to be released in India) is a political satire on corrupt middle men who dominate Indian rural politics. In recent days, Mr. Benegal has been repeatedly asked whether Well Done Abba is based on real events and his answer is: both "yes" and "no."

 

While not a literal reconstruction of an actual event, the nexus between "babus" and middlemen depicted in the film is very real and things that happen in Well Done Abba is a common occurrence in most Indian villages.

 

"It is based on events of this kind that have taken place. There have been cases where government has spent money on building a road or a bridge but no road or bridge has actually been built. We have seen how the bureaucracy in India instead of helping development often becomes an obstacle to development," Mr. Benegal says.

 

The film is inspired by Urdu writer Jeelani Bano's short story, Narsaiyyan Ki Bavdi, about how money meant for digging a well in a village is siphoned off by corrupt elements who then attempt a cover-up claiming that they did build a well but it was "stolen." The mystery of the "stolen" well lies at the heart of Well Done Abba which was, in fact, originally titled Abba ka Kuan.

 

Mr. Benegal said that Ms Bano's story, also made into a television film, had since become part of Indian folklore. When the script was first offered to him, the writer said he had heard the story from his driver who told him that he heard it from a friend who had apparently heard it from another friend.

 

"It has a universal appeal and that's why Well Done Abba has gone down so well with even a foreign audience," he said.

 

Speaking to a group of film buffs and journalists at Nehru Centre, Mr. Benegal laughed at the suggestion that he was some sort of a "martyr" in the cause of independent cinema. He said he made the kind of films he did because he felt at home making them and there was "nothing heroic about it."

 

"It is just a survival instinct. There are certain kinds of films that I am not simply capable of making," he said pointing out that, for him, making a good film was more important than making "loads of money."

 

His "USP," he quipped in response to a question, was that he had never wanted to make money.

 

"So I'm here where I am — happy making the kind of films I want to. But I am not some kind of a martyr," he said.

 

However, it was not always like this. There was a time when — like other independent film-makers of the time — he saw himself as ranged against the "system" and had a slightly snobbish view of mainstream cinema. He consciously rejected the ``entertainment" values that he associated with it and thus, for example, there were no songs in his early films.

 

But as he evolved he realised that there were elements of mainstream cinema which, if used properly, could be made compatible with "good" cinema. Songs were one of them. So, most of his films now have songs.

 

"I came to films reacting negatively to mainstream cinema but over a period of time I realised that Indian cinema was unique because of its entertainment background. After all, all Indian performing arts have made use of songs and acknowledged their importance. Guru Dutt made serious films but they also had wonderful songs. Songs can be used in different ways — for instance to help move the narrative forward. I realised that by rejecting them I was damaging myself," Mr. Benegal said.

 

Today, he is perhaps the only major Hindi film-maker who remains unfashionably — and defiantly — rural-centric with most of his films set in villages. He believes strongly that villages are where the real India lives and treating them simply as props — as Bollywood does — is to miss the Indian reality. He regrets that the village has "gone off the consciousness of Indian cinema" and there is this "no, no" attitude to depicting rural life.

 

"Even when they do they make it clear that they are not part of it," he said.

 

Mr. Benegal whose association with British film festivals goes back a long time (his presence at the launch of Bradford's Bite-the-Mango international film festival 16 years ago is still fondly remembered by its organisers) was clearly happy to be back but was disappointed that serious Indian cinema no longer got the kind of critical attention in Britain that it once did. Bollywood, on the other hand, was thriving thanks to a growing Indian diaspora whose taste in cinema appeared to be similar to that of mass audiences in India.

 

A sign of the times, Mr. Benegal, someone in the audience mumbled.

 

***************************************

THE HINDU

NEWS ANALYSIS

GETTING SERIOUS ABOUT SAVING THE WILD TIGER

THIS WEEK IN KATHMANDU, CONSERVATIONISTS ARE MEETING TO DRAW A LINE IN THE SAND TO STOPTHE WILD TIGERS' STEADY SLIDE TOWARD EXTINCTION. THE OBJECTIVE IS TO DEPLOY EVERY POSSIBLE WEAPON TO PUT DOWN THE ASSAULT ON TIGERS.

JOHN SEIDENSTICKER AND KESHAV VARMA

 

For too long, conservationists have been able to pit little more than their passion for nature against the immense power of economic self-interest that drives nature-destroying development and sustains illegal markets for vanishing species. It is time for a total reinvention in national park management, provision of top science and technology to tiger conservation landscapes, and sustained political will to stop the bleeding.

 

Despite more than 30 years of conservation initiatives in the 13 Asian tiger range countries and around the world, tiger numbers have continued to decline. There were about 35,000 tigers living in Asian forests in the 1960s — so few that the tiger was declared endangered and programmes were begun to protect them and their habitats. Today, there are no more than about 3,500 of these majestic big cats left. All of our best efforts — and there are some tiger conservation initiatives such as Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's Project Tiger of the 1970s — merely made the downward slope a bit less slippery rather than stem the tigers' downfall.

 

Massive infrastructure development throughout Asia has paved over much of the tiger's habitat and threatens to take it all, with spending on infrastructure in Asia expected to exceed $500 billion a year. At the same time, growing economic prosperity in Asia, and especially in China, has fuelled a multi-billion dollar illegal trade in wildlife with tigers treated as commodities to be traded for enormous profit, not ecological assets to be sustained.

 

The government of Nepal is hosting a Global Tiger Workshop in Kathmandu, attended by wildlife biologists, conservation practitioners, representatives of the governments of the tiger range countries and international organisations, and some new players who have joined to change the game. The recently formed Global Tiger Initiative, designed to facilitate and promote cooperative, game changing actions on behalf of wild tigers is an alliance of governments, civil society, and the private sector. The World Bank too, led by President Robert Zoellick himself, is committed to devoting its global presence and convening power to this endeavour.

 

THE CHALLENGE

The challenge for these experts will be to bring to the table global and local knowledge, experience, information, technology, and best practices to develop new strategies to save tigers through devising a robust, incentive-driven conservation agenda that makes landscapes with tigers more valuable than those without them.

 

Understanding that resisting development is not a viable strategy, the gathering of experts will seek to develop a blueprint for infrastructure development that is "green" and tiger-friendly. Experts will need to determine how best to tackle the illegal trade that has poachers killing at least one tiger every day. There is an urgent need for enhanced law enforcement and, most important, a strategy to reduce the demand for tiger parts and products, including the newly fashionable and repugnant practice of serving dinner guests tiger meat to signal status.

 

New and innovative models of habitat management, such as the recent success of South Africa's National Parks Authority to transform national park management into a biodiversity-friendly business approach that respects the "people aspect" of conservation, will be discussed. Local NGOs and communities will need to be empowered to serve as agents of change. And new ways will need to be found to generate funds to finance tiger conservation, which at present is woefully under-funded compared to the magnitude of the challenge at hand.

 

On capacity-building, a model GTI partnership launched by the World Bank and Smithsonian Institution for the establishment of a global Conservation and Development Practice Network will get under way in 2010. This network will provide a training and professional support system to improve field conservation and management in tiger range countries, and will target forest resource managers and senior policymakers there.

 

The GTI, on its part, can be an important instrument to change the way the world values tigers and the biodiversity they represent. Wildlife conservation can no longer be treated as a fringe concern we can't afford. It must be valued for what it really means to us. If ignored, the future will be bleak for the billions of people whose lives and livelihoods depend on the ecological services, from carbon sequestration to watershed protection, of the forests that remain under the tiger's umbrella.

 

POLITICAL COMMITMENT

Hopefully the shift is taking place. All of the nations in which tigers live, from India in the west and Russia in the east, are meeting in Kathmandu — an unprecedented expression of regional unity that reflects the emergence of political commitment to save Asia's tigers. Nepalese Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal's support and ministerial representation from countries such as Thailand is evidence of the momentum that is building to get serious about wildlife conservation and biodiversity protection. With a multilateral framework and regional protocol for cooperation among the tiger range countries, a trans-boundary "war on poaching" can help stop the bleeding.

 

By looking at the experience and best practices in tiger range countries from Russia to Malaysia on what works best and why, a global tiger recovery road map will begin to take shape. The meeting in Kathmandu aims to be a useful stepping stone to next year's Year of the Tiger Global Tiger Summit, where governments and national and international organizations will formalise policy changes and commit to new investment in science and technology to reinvent the conservation and development paradigm. We must seize this moment at Kathmandu. There is symbolic importance in the Year of the Tiger, yet the year ahead must be more than a symbolic effort. It must be remembered as the year we took steps to save and sustain the tiger.

 

EXCELLENT OPPORTUNITY

Although several global meets in the past have not had the desired impact, Kathmandu offers an excellent opportunity to bring to the table 'game-changing' ideas in wildlife enforcement mechanisms, community livelihood incentives, innovative park management and capacity-building programmes, demand reduction, 'green infrastructure,' and new financial mechanisms. As 2010 and the Year of the Tiger approaches, these ideas and innovations could represent a new front in the battle to save the wild tiger. To paraphrase conservationist Marjory Stoneman Douglas, if we win, we get to keep the planet.

 

(John Seidensticker is Head of the Conservation Ecology Centre at the Smithsonian's National Zoological Park and Chairman of Save the Tiger Fund Council. Keshav Varma is Programme Director for the Global Tiger Initiative, based at The World Bank Institute.)

 

***************************************

THE HINDU

INTERVIEW

'U.N. FRAMEWORK CONVENTION FORMAT TOO TRADITIONAL'

WE WOULD DISCUSS WITH THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT HOW BEST WE MAY BE ABLE TO HAVE A COMMON NARRATIVE IN COPENHAGEN, SAYS MALDIVES PRESIDENTMOHAMED NASHEED

SANDEEP DIKSHIT

 

On his second visit to the country after taking over as President in the Maldives' first admittedly open and fair elections less than a year ago, Mohamed Nasheed brought the extreme vulnerability of his country due to rising sea levels to the global centre stage by holding an underwater meeting of his Cabinet. In an interview to The Hindu, Mr. Nasheed spoke on several subjects including security assistance from India, safety for Indian professionals in Maldives and investments expected from Indian companies. But the Maldives President, who believes there is space for a common narrative that can break the impasse on climate change talks, complains that the UNFCC ( United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change ) format is too traditional.

 

What is your agenda in India this time?

A number of Indian companies have shown high interest in the Maldives. Hopefully our team will be able to finalise a number of issues. It is up to them what they want to do in the Maldives and the kind of investment they want to have there. So we will be doing two things, having an engagement with the Indian government and briefing them about the situation in the Maldives and how we can strengthen the bilateral relations. And also we would talk to the Indian government how best we may be able to have a common narrative in Copenhagen.

Could you elaborate on the common narrative approach you are suggesting?

 

India and some richer countries don't seem to see eye to eye on issues how we will be able to deal with climate change. India has no issue on the science of it unlike some other countries unwilling to do anything because they do not believe in what is happening. But the Indians are talking about a bigger picture of who should be more responsible on the predicament the world is facing. So I think here is an opportunity if we can have a common narrative both with India and also with some western countries. That might be beneficial for a better deal in Copenhagen.

 

What is the solution out of this logjam?

There is a logjam mainly because the Kyoto Protocol is a list of things we shouldn't do. It is asking India not to consume energy or not to produce energy. That is going to be very difficult for a dynamic fast developing country. We could change the thing to a more positive list to say India should be producing so much renewable energy to the extent that mathematics comes down to the same — 350 part per million and 1.5 degrees. It is a question of how much investment India would have to make in renewable energy and we should be asking the western countries to contribute in these investments and in technology transfer. If we can come out with that kind of option — asking for greater investment instead of reduction in consumption — we can make Copenhagen a more positive thing rather than a negative thing. We feel this might be a way out of the impasse.

How do you see the common SAARC draft?

 

The whole UNFCC of negotiations in Copenhagen is so traditional. It is as if you have just ended a war and are talking of repatriation. Or you are having a crusade on splitting the spoils. You cannot cut deals with Mother Nature, you cannot negotiate with laws of physics. How do we change the whole framework of negotiations? The UNFCC framework is so traditional that it is difficult to work within the framework. If we can start thinking out of the box and see how we may be able to have an additional framework of things. In this sense we must be able to come out with something in Copenhagen.

 

How has the recession hit Maldives and what are the plans to pull the economy out of it?

It has hit us very badly for two reasons. One is the former government in its last days went into a very heavy spending spree and we got into heavy deficit. Meanwhile, revenue is low because tourist arrivals have dwindled. And fish catches too. So the recession is having a very very strong impact but for the three four months we have seen tourism is picking up. We are hoping for Indian investments in Maldives. Returns in Maldives are very lucrative. There are fair amounts of Indian investments already. There is Taj there. It has again opened up an upmarket brand. I met Mr. Tata recently and they have very strong desire to invest because it gives very good returns. There are opportunities in education, transport, utilities, energy and water.

 

You were several times at the receiving end of autocracy in Maldives and were even adopted by Amnesty International as a Prisoner of Conscience. How are you modernising the political structure?

 

We need to strengthen our institutions. We have come up with a more liberal Constitution with separation of powers. Greater freedoms and a number of civil liberties and human rights issues have been clearly spelt out in the Constitution. We now need to implement that and are in the process of doing that. We need to strengthen the institutions especially the judiciary which is very backward. We need to find mechanisms and procedures through which the executive —which is me — can relinquish power to independent institutions. That is the only manner to build a sustainable democracy. I am trying to find avenues through which I can relinquish the extraordinary powers I have. There can then be a balance of power between Parliament and the President.

 

Could you give examples of that?

Well I can arrest even you (laughs)….

How do you propose to combat the asymmetrical security threats to your country?

Maldives' security is very common to Indian security. If you cannot defend the Maldives you cannot defend the Indian soft belly, you cannot defend peninsular India. Recently you found your threats materialising from the sea [Mumbai attacks]. Strengthening the security of Maldives is very very important for everybody. Meanwhile we have a fairly efficient military. It serves its purpose for repulsing a terrorist attack. But we have issues as long as Pakistan is unstable, we have people going there and the Taliban is recruiting from the Maldives. As long as that goes on and there is opportunity to recruit people from elsewhere and run a terror network, it is going to be very difficult to put our house in order. So we would like to see the Pakistani military succeed in what they are doing now. I hope the Pakistan government will push them back and finish the issue. We had a very good example from the Sri Lankan government recently. And I also do wish the international community would assist Pakistan in doing it. And I hope India would also assist Pakistan in doing this. I am sure we don't have a quarrel in that regard. So hopefully Pakistan would try and deal with that situation. At the same time there is piracy. Somali pirates can be bold enough to come all the way to Maldives. They sacked Mahe port in Sychelles. They could do that here. We should be mindful of that. Somalis don't have a clue to who to attack. It doesn't matter whose flag the ship is flying. For them a ship is a ship. They are very rural people who got hold of AK-47s. India needs to sort Somalis. India needs to venture outside and see that the whole Indian Ocean Rim is secure. Unless the Indian Ocean Rim countries are not secure India should not feel confident they are secure in peninsular India.

 

There were reports in the Indian Express about a security grid for the Maldives. Would you like to comment on that?

We got seven radar stations with Indian assistance because we want to look after our fishing grounds. Just the other day with Indian assistance we were able to catch two poaching fishing vessels. Because of the arrangements with military and Indian establishment, we have been very successful. We purchase the radars through Indian assistance and installed them, may be also through Indian assistance, we will get our people trained through Indian assistance and we will look after the territory. Whenever there is information we can share with India, whenever there is threat to India we will of course tell them. It is very simple. Others might say India has gone and installed the radars. It is not that. It was we who asked, they didn't tell us. They were in a sense fairly hesitant. But I think we were good in presenting our case. So Indians have been in good in supplying us technology. It is a case of technology transfer.

 

During the previous regime, there were complaints about Maldives not being sensitive to issues being faced by Indian teachers from Tamil Nadu and Kerala. How is the atmosphere now?

Not only Indian teachers all expatriate teachers. There is a juvenile delinquency problem, there is a huge drug problem so teachers are being harassed. They are not harassed because they are Indians but because there are so many drug addicts who want a fix and Indians are victims as much as Maldivians. We will defend them and we will protect them. They are a part of us and have made a very good contribution. I am sure the people of the Maldives value that. If you ask this question about their safety and security now, their answer will be very different. We have done our best sometimes to the extent of discreetly providing security to protect teachers, doctors and nurses. We want to make them a part of our lives, they are a part of our lives. We love Indian stories, we watch Indian films, we come here for treatment, so India and Maldives are very close.

 *************************************** 

******************************************************************************************

  THE ASIAN AGE

EDITORIAL

HONEYMOON FOR CONG CONTINUES

 

The broad trends thrown up by the Assembly election in Maharashtra, Haryana and Arunachal Pradesh, the results for which became available on Thursday, is that the honeymoon period for the Congress is not yet over five months after the Lok Sabha poll. The obverse of this is also, naturally, true. The BJP, as the main Opposition party, remains low on performance and on morale. Clearly, the fights within are still taking a toll. As party spokesman Ravishankar Prasad said to the media when the results were being announced, the BJP must learn to speak in one voice. The party had done exceedingly well in byelections to Assembly seats in a large number of states last month, leading to the belief in some quarters that it might be in the process of turning the corner. That is evidently not the case yet. By hinting at only organisational failures of his party, the BJP spokesman has obviously underplayed the magnitude of the problem that the BJP faces. The Congress has performed far better than its opponents because the latter offered no counter-narrative. If they had, the voter might have been more willing to listen to criticisms of the Congress, especially on the disastrous prices front. As things were, the electorate went along with the Congress line that the party was best able to provide a secure environment for economic and social activity.

 

Within the larger discourse of continuing support to the Congress, there are naturally state-level trends to refer to. Arunachal Pradesh is the easiest to understand. It threw up no complexities. The state is known to go with those who rule at the Centre. Of the remaining two states, it is Maharashtra that compels attention, not Haryana, although it was widely thought that the latter would be a cakewalk for the Congress. Every indicator now suggests that the Congress would be able to form the government in the state. This will be a record. Incumbents have never been returned to power in Haryana. But it turns out the Congress had a real fight on its hands. Unsuspectingly, Om Prakash Chautala's INLD offered very stiff resistance, although Opposition parties in the state were badly divided. Such was the result that theoretically it permitted the non-Congress elements to upstage the Congress if they came together.

 

But Maharashtra has been a revelation for the Congress-NCP alliance. The party romped home although it was in the fray for the third consecutive term. This is indeed an achievement and could bolster chief minister Ashok Chavan's claim to continue to lead the government. Had the ruling alliance fallen short of a majority, Mr Chavan might have held a weaker hand. The Congress turned out to be much stronger than its ally in terms of seats won. But it is still too early to say that the NCP is a write-off. Among all the parties in the field in Maharashtra, it alone won 50 per cent of the seats it contested. It would have proved disastrous for the Congress not to ally with it, as some senior leaders were suggesting earlier. The Shiv Sena-BJP alliance suffered badly in this election. A key reason for this is the rise of Raj Thackeray's Maharashtra Navnirman Sena. This party now bears watching. It has shown the potential to hijack the Shiv Sena's élan. Nationally, the Congress would breathe easy after this round of state elections, but it needs to engage in some retooling and renovation in policy terms.

 

***************************************

THE ASIAN AGE

OPED

250 mothers will die of childbirth in India today

Patralekha Chatterjee

 

Shashi Kapoor stole the thunder from screen baddie and wealth-flaunting older brother Amitabh Bachchan in the 1975 blockbuster Deewar with just four words: "Mere paas maa hai". Being a mother is good, great and glorious in mythology, cinema and in the popular psyche in India. Sadly, in real life, motherhood is a hazardous experience in many parts of the country.

 

"No Tally of the Anguish: Accountability in maternal healthcare in India", a recent report by Human Rights Watch (HRW), the New York-based international NGO, is the latest reminder of the paradox of being a mother in India. We deify motherhood but do not do enough to save mothers.

 

"For an emerging global economic power famous for its medical prowess, India continues to have unacceptably high maternal mortality levels. In 2005, the last year for which international data is available, India's maternal mortality ratio (MMR) was 16 times that of Russia, 10 times that of China, and four times higher than in Brazil," the 150-page report observes.

 

Some more damning figures: Of every 70 Indian girls who reach reproductive age, one will eventually die because of pregnancy, childbirth or unsafe abortion, compared to one in 7,300 in the developed world. More will suffer from preventable injuries, infections and disabilities, often serious and lasting a lifetime, due to failures in maternal care. Indeed, India contributes a little under a fourth of the world's maternal mortality.

 

Given all these disturbing numbers, why do not we hear more about maternal deaths? The short answer: because the magnitude of the problem is not recognised and the life stories of the dead women remain untold. Deaths due to conflicts, disasters or terrorism instantly grab public attention, become talking points, pressuring politicians and policymakers towards action. Most maternal deaths, in contrast, are deaths due to neglect, and remain ill-monitored. Medical records typically capture the immediate, biological causes of maternal deaths. What gets left out are the personal, familial, socio-cultural and environmental factors contributing to these deaths. The key underlying reason behind a maternal death in India is not always lack of money. The brutal truth, as the HRW report notes, is that generally speaking, maternal mortality is high where women's overall status is low, and public health systems are poor. It is the low status of women which leads to the low priority accorded to her health. Early marriage, women's neglect of their reproductive health, inability to decide when and where to seek medical help, widespread malnutrition, lack of education, awareness, domestic violence and poor access to quality healthcare, including emergency obstetric services are some of the all too familiar factors which contribute to tens of thousands of maternal deaths.

 

A telling indicator: In rural India, even the desperately poor spend months planning every detail of a family wedding. The birth of a child, in stark contrast, is considered a routine affair, requiring minimal preparation and expenditure. Neglect during pregnancy and childbirth claims the lives of around 100,000 women across the country every year. Most such deaths can be averted but for the "three delays" — delay in decision to seek care, delay in reaching the appropriate health facility and delay in receiving care once inside a hospital.

 

Within India, there are also huge disparities. National averages camouflage sharp in-country variations in maternal mortality and morbidity. Northern India, made up of the so-called eight "Empowered Action Group" states, along with Assam, have the highest maternal mortality rates in the country. At 440 maternal deaths per 1,00,000 live births, Uttar Pradesh reports the second highest MMR (maternal mortality ratio) in the country. This is about 1.7 times the estimated national MMR and more than three times that of states like Tamil Nadu in south India.

 

Many of the insights in the HRW report are familiar to Indians working in public health. India's flagship National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) seeks to address the twin challenges of maternal and child survival. Since its launch in 2005, the NRHM has pumped in huge sums of money to improve public health systems and reduce maternal and infant mortality. Recent data suggests that it has made some difference in parts of the country. All-India figures show a decline in maternal deaths between 2003 to 2006.

 

However, the initiatives will not produce the intended outcomes unless there is strict monitoring and healthcare system accountability, as the HRW report correctly stresses. We also need timely investigations into maternal deaths.

 

Unicef, for example, has piloted a verbal autopsy tool called Maternal and Perinatal Death Inquiry and Response, which involves communities.

 

Two years ago, while visiting districts across the country where this was being implemented, I saw promising signs. Trained health and community workers and NGO field staff visited families where a maternal death has taken place with a structured questionnaire. The questionnaire is a tool to facilitate a process of raising awareness, of getting people concerned and involved about issues impacting a mother's health and make them more knowledgeable about how they can do something about them. In several instances, communities had come forward with local solutions to critical issues like referral transport during obstetric emergencies. Saving mothers is not rocket science, and certainly within the capacity of a country whose lunar programme just celebrated its triumphant discovery of water at the moon. What is needed is a determined focus on the specific cracks through which so many women fall. In the Indian context, this means paying attention to not only the disparities between different states and regions but also the significant differences in utilisation of maternal health care within states, districts and cities.

 

Rural women, the urban poor, and women in geographically-remote areas report poorer utilisation of maternal healthcare services than the middle class in urban areas. Pregnant women belonging to dalit and tribal communities use maternal health services less than women belonging to upper castes.

 

Maternal deaths continue in India because the women who die are not those we socialise with and their rights are not given the same value as our rights. India has the resources, tools and technical expertise to save its mothers and its children. It should do so not only because of what Human Rights Watch or any other organisation says, but because it is the right thing to do. It will be a critical step in making the idea of India more attractive.

 

Patralekha Chatterjee writes on contemporary development issues, and can be contacted at patralekha.chatterjee@gmail.com

**************************************

THE ASIAN AGE

OPED

CANTILEVERED DESIGNS

SHEKHAR BHATIA

 

MUMBAI's new bridge over the Arabian Sea is the city's latest landmark. On a recent trip to the city I drove across the Bandra-Worli Sea Link, partly because I did not want to miss my flight, and partly for the experience. There was another reason: bridges fascinate me.

 

Modern bridges inspire awe because they are marvels of engineering. You see programmes on National Geographic and Discovery channels on how some of them were built. These are truly audacious projects. Older bridges are more about romance and history. There is another difference: modern bridges look nice from a distance; the older and historic ones need to be admired up close.

 

I was living in Kolkata in 1992 when the second bridge over the Hooghly, the Vidyasagar Setu, was inaugurated. Like Mumbai's Sea Link it's a cable bridge. For Kolkatans, it was their Golden Gate. They had waited for the bridge that linked Howrah to Kolkata for 14 long years. On a bandh day, when there was no traffic on the streets, I went up and down the bridge on a bicycle. It was raining, the river was in high tide and the view from the top was stunning.

 

Further upstream, the old Howrah Bridge, built by the British in 1943 and said to be the finest example of a cantilever bridge, looked jaded in comparison. I have some unpleasant memories of Howrah Bridge when I had to abandon my cab and walk because of the traffic jam. In those days everyone I knew had a narrowly-missed-the-train-because-of-the-jam story.

 

Bridges define a city; they become its signature theme, the picture-postcard landmark. The Golden Gate in San Francisco is the world's most famous suspension bridge. Compared with the sleek cable bridges of today — the Erasmus in Rotterdam or the double-decker Tsing Ma in Hong Kong — the Golden Gate looks heavy. But it's an unfair comparison considering that it was built 70 years ago.

 

I prefer the view from the other famous suspension bridge — the Brooklyn Bridge in New York built nearly 50 years before the San Francisco landmark. It's a lovely stroll if the weather is nice, and you get a stunning view of the Manhattan skyline. I love the design of the pedestrian-only Millennium Bridge between Tate Modern and St. Paul's Cathedral in London. It is subtle; doesn't jut out. The suspension bridge was built in only three years, though it was soon shut down because it wobbled.

 

One of the most memorable bridges I have seen is what they call a zigzag bridge. It's in the Humble Administrator's Garden in Suzhou, China. The low, wooden bridge zigzags over a pond and offers a panoramic view of a classic Chinese garden. It's all the more charming because zigzag bridges were built to block the entry of evil spirits who, it is believed, could travel only in straight lines.

 

I have some nice memories of old bridges because of something I saw or experienced. I remember Pont d'lena in Paris because I have family photographs with the Eiffel Tower in the background; the Pont de Arts because of the jazz musicians, the view of Notre Dame and the print I bought from one of the stalls. It's quite like the Charles Bridge in Prague. At the Rialto Bridge across the Grand Canal in Venice we bought some glass artefacts.

 

I have not seen the modern Millau Viaduct designed by the legendary British architect Sir Norman Foster (it's the world's tallest vehicular bridge), or the ancient Pont du Gard, an aqueduct built by the Romans. Both these beauties are in south of France. Cable bridges — whether in Mumbai, Boston or Hong Kong — may vary in dimension but they look nearly the same. At night, Mumbai's Sea Link looks like a diamond with its tip emerging from the ocean, and if you are not familiar with the city, it could be anywhere in the world.

 

Before the bridge came up, it took nearly three quarters of an hour to travel a distance of about 8 km from Worli to Mahim causeway during peak traffic hours; it now takes just 10 minutes, costs Rs 50 one-way over the 5.6-km-long bridge. It bypasses the stench of Mahim causeway during low tide. What I missed, however, was a stop at the bakery near Mahim after Shivaji Park from where I always pick up the city's famous pao and khari biscuit that I grew up on.

 

The Sea Link has been a bone of contention between political parties in the recent elections. Its foundation stone was laid some 10 years ago by Bal Thackeray when the Shiv Sena shared power in the state. The Congress Party inaugurated it, named it after Rajiv Gandhi, and also promised to extend it to Nariman Point. But if this bridge took 10 years, no one believes it will happen soon. In the next three years Delhi will have a cable bridge at Wazirabad over the Yamuna. They say it will be India's first "signature bridge" — a fancier version of cable bridges — and the new symbol of Delhi. I wonder if, over the years, the Sea Link will replace the Gateway of India as Mumbai's most famous landmark.

 

Shekhar Bhatia can be contacted at shekhar.bhatia@gmail.com

 

***************************************

THE ASIAN AGE

OPED

LIFE'S METER

ROBIN SHARMA

 

Oct.23 : Imagine a dashboard with a meter on it. At one end is the word FREEDOM. At the other, the word RESPONSIBILITY. To me, being a leader and living a remarkable life means striking the delicate balance between the two. In other words, the needle on your "responsibility meter" should stay in the middle. Ideally. Life's all about balance. And one of the most vital balance points is the one involving freedom and responsibility. Yes, be free. Enjoy the moment. And yet, be responsible. Set your goals. Keep your promises. Fulfill your duties. Where does your life, this very minute, register on the responsibility meter? Too much time enjoying your freedom and not enough time doing what's required to build a world-class career and world-class days? Or the other way around? Being on either extreme means being out of balance. Think about being in the middle of the meter, better awareness drives better choices. And better choices create better results.

— Excerpted from The Greatness Guide 2

 

By Robin Sharma. Published by Jaico

Publishing House, jaicopub@vsnl.com

 

***************************************

 

 

THE ASIAN AGE

COLUMN

A MIRAGE OF PEACE SHIMMERS ACROSS

BALBIR K. PUNJ

 

It is to be hoped that India will not be misled by a series of recent events in Pakistan into believing that the Pakistani Army is now all set to crush the Taliban and that this would, eventually, be the end of terror from across the border. A careful analysis of the situation in Pakistan reveals a different game being played there, one that will only intensify the "terror pressure" on India.

 

The suicide attacks on the Pakistan Army and police posts by the Pakistani Taliban are no doubt a result of the Pakistan Army's all-out effort to subdue the Taliban militancy emanating from its northwest tribal areas. After it crushed the Taliban in the Swat Valley, the Pakistan Army is going all out against the Taliban in southern Waziristan in an operation termed Rah-e-Nijat, or, the road to deliverance.

 

The Pakistani Army's offensive is stated to involve 30,000 troops that are moving from three directions into the Mehsud-dominated area of Ladha, Makeen and Sararogha. The strategy, as stated, is to isolate the Pakistani Taliban, i.e. the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).

 

Reports from Pakistan say that the TTP is now dominated by a triumvirate comprising Hakimullah, Qari Waliur Rehman, the new ameer of the Mehsud tribe who is also considered the brain behind the devastating suicide attacks in Pakistan, and Qari Hussain, the chief instructor of the suicide bombers.

 

The TTP is said to have a force of 10,000, including a contingent of 2,500 Uzbeks from Afghanistan. Afghan Taliban leader Jalaluddin Haqqani is the link between the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban.

 

But we should not jump to the conclusion that the two Taliban are working together. The Afghan Taliban are stated to be not too keen on their Pakistani counterparts, which plan and execute attacks on Pakistan's military establishments.

 

This situation has to be seen in the background of conflicts within Pakistan, in Afghanistan and role the United States-led North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (Nato) forces play in Afghanistan.

 

The TTP may have fallen foul of the Pakistani Army but not of its Afghan counterpart. In fact, the second suicide attack on the Indian embassy in Kabul on October 8 (that did not succeed) was a joint action of the Pakistani Army and the Afghan Taliban. More such acts can be expected as the Pakistan Army seeks to create fissures in the India-Afghan relationship.

 

The Pakistan Army is giving critical support to the Afghan Taliban in the hope that one day the US will leave the Kabul regime to its fate and the Army brass in Pakistan will be able to pull the strings in Kabul when the local Taliban return to power. There is a possibility that this can be achieved through a deal with the US.

 

In fact, many US leaders are now pushing for precisely such a deal, saying that the Afghan Taliban are a sign of local nationalism and that the longer the US stays in Afghanistan, the greater will be the nationalist backlash, making the US even more unpopular — a repeat of what happened to the Russians earlier.

 

For India, such an outcome would prove to be a diplomatic disaster as it has invested heavily in the success of a democratic regime in Kabul. It is also helping with the construction of the Parliament building in the Afghan capital. This also involves training key administration personnel, setting up power stations and building roads.

But, for Pakistan, such a development would be a big opportunity to enter Afghanistan and use it to target India. And that is why both the civilian administration and Pakistani military are united in driving India out of Afghanistan. That is exactly why the Pakistani Army has launched this attack on its own Taliban terrorists. It's a campaign to please the US.

 

The civil and military establishments in Islamabad are also aligning their policies in a bid to ensure that the country gets the lifeline promised by the US through the economic assistance of $7.5 billion. To get this aid, the Pakistani Army has to prove that it is serious in its efforts to destroy all terrorist organisations.

 

The aid legislation in the US Congress has led to the Kerry-Lugar rider being attached to it. The rider insists that the administration certify that Pakistan has acted to curb Al Qaeda, the Taliban and other associated terror groups, and that it has disabled their ability to launch cross-border attacks on neighbouring countries.

 

Also, if the aid is to be continued, Pakistan should be seen as not being involved in nuclear proliferation activities and that the Pakistani Army is under effective civilian control.

 

China, the eternal friend of Pakistan, has also begun to flex its muscles, pitching for a shrill protest at Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's visit to Arunachal Pradesh and the Dalai Lama's scheduled visit to this largely Buddhist state of India.

 

Pakistan Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani and Nepal's ousted Prime Minister and Maoist leader Prachanda were in Beijing at the same time when China reacted.

 

New Delhi has recently discovered how China managed to push in over 25,000 unskilled workers, all on business visas, for the various projects it is implementing in India. The Union home ministry has taken steps, alebit late, to stem this tide. It is admitted that the deception was made possible by the Indian Marxists' influence on the previous United Progressive Alliance government.

 

The convergence of several elements against India should be widely noticed in the developing situation in Pakistan and Afghanistan.

 

This would enable India to hold on to a proper perspective in shaping its policy to contain this threat instead of harbouring false hopes that Pakistan wishes to build bridges of peace across the border.

 

Anything could happen in Pakistan. That includes a conclusion in Washington that a military dictatorship is a better deal in Islamabad rather than a tottering civilian administration, and a moderate Taliban in Afghanistan is preferred over a weak government in Kabul that perpetually needs foreign troops to remain in power.

 

Balbir K. Punj can be contacted at punjbk@gmail.com

 

***************************************

******************************************************************************************

DNA

EDITORIAL

WRONG PLACE, WRONG TIME

MAROOF RAZA

 

Afghanistan has rightly been called the graveyard of Empires, as the US and its NATO allies are now beginning to find out. And within this quagmire, it is pertinent to ask what New Delhi hopes to achieve in this anarchic war ravaged land? India has already drained over a billion dollars in a country where money goes unaccounted, and which requires $5 billion a year for at least another decade to become a functional state.

While India's development work and socio-economic initiatives have earned it the appreciation of the Afghans, it has also earned New Delhi the annoyance of Pakistan which views Afghanistan as its strategic backyard. For all this, New Delhi is hoping to earn a place at the high table, when peace shall prevail in this land of the 'Great Game'.
 
But that will perhaps never be so. Pakistan's military minders in GHQ Rawalpindi are wedded to the idea — which emerged as an article of faith in the 1990's — that Afghanistan must remain under Pakistan's control, as a safe strategic hinterland, for Pakistan's establishment to fall back into in the event of a successful Indian military thrust into the heartland of Pakistan.

Therefore, Pakistan's brass hats are averse, and will remain so, to any role that India or for that matter the US and NATO wish to play in Afghanistan. This has certainly been conveyed to New Delhi but not so much to Washington, since America is still paying Pakistan's bills.

But once the western forces are exhausted and when they'll begin to leave — a day that does not seem too far now — Pakistan will push in its Taliban proxies back into Afghanistan to run the country as they did when the Soviet army had left in the 1990s.

For this they retain links with various Taliban groups — led largely by the veteran Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and the ISI stooge, Jalaluddin Haqqani — as strategic assets to regain influence in Afghanistan.

And where will this leave India? At best, as an outsider with no political role within Afghanistan. This therefore raises the question as to what the policy alternative for Delhi should be, in the emerging scenario in Afghanistan.  The common view within India's foreign office (the ministry of external affairs) is that India must continue to support its friends and allies within Afghanistan, so that New Delhi will one day be allowed to decide the future of this ravaged land.  But the reality will be far from this.

Today, as the Americans call the shots, they allow little role to even their closest ally, the British, on policy matters in Afghanistan. And when they go, and if Afghanistan slips back into Pakistani hands, India will have no role at all.

This is a point that India's foreign office clearly prefers to ignore under the guidance of Indian's intelligence agencies, like RAW, which feels that diplomacy, at least with Pakistan, is best attended to by a system of tit for tat.  No wonder Pakistan continues to blame India for having too many missions in Afghanistan with many of them providing  space to India's intelligence agencies to operate across the Af-Pak border and meddle in the affairs of Pakistan's tribal and  Baloch areas. This India denies, but it has no takers in Islamabad.

Moreover for Pakistan, apart from the strategic space that its military is obsessed with obtaining, any future pipeline for the gas which can come from the central Asian countries north of Afghanistan, has to pass through Afghanistan and into Pakistan and then elsewhere. Thus Pakistan's added motivation to have Afghanistan under its influence.  For India to get that gas, the hurdles would be even more than the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline, which till date is a non-starter.

So, a way forward for India will be to address Pakistan's complex strategy to counter India's dominating presence in the region. Afghanistan can be a key to that. Pakistan could have been a regional power if it lay anywhere else on the world map, but seen against India and China, its two immediate neighbours, it looks small.

So, by allowing it a prominent role in Afghanistan and then onto  the gas rich region of central Asia would be a diplomatic master stroke. But, India's decision to pull out of Afghanistan must be used as a major diplomatic bargaining tool to extract a worthwhile concession from Pakistan, such as cooperation in confronting terrorism.

Moreover, if India has another billion dollars to spare, then it must not pour that in aid and into development projects in Afghanistan, but use it to leverage India better with at least two of India's neighbours — Bangladesh and Nepal for instance. This would earn much more goodwill in India's immediate neighbourhood. Sadly, Afghanistan on the other hand has little to offer India.

The writer is a commentator on strategic affairs

 

***************************************

 

 

 

DNA

EDITORIAL

SLEIGHT OF HAND

JAI MRUG 

 

The verdict today is the vote for the incumbent. Each is for a different reason though. The verdict on October 22 has two clear messages — a discredited and disunited opposition can achieve for an incumbent what a visionary may not painstakingly achieve. Secondly, 'Ekla Chalo' is not the medicine for one and all.

The Shiv Sena-BJP alliance failed to capitalise on discontent among the voters on account of power-cuts, price rise and the drought. The opposition failed to project themselves as a credible alternative that could mobilise all the anti-Congress forces across the spectrum. The election was thus fought amongst regional satraps, factional leaders and rebels.

The Congress-NCP alliance managed to augment its tally marginally to 144 given that the low Index of Opposition Unity (IOU) ensured that two terms of anti-incumbency against the Cong-NCP combine translated into virtually nothing.

In urban areas especially Mumbai as the mills turned into malls, the Marathi manoos has split almost evenly between the Shiv Sena and the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS).   In Mumbai for example the Cong-NCP combine won 20 out of the 36 seats, but the Sena-BJP lost 6 of their traditional seats to the MNS.

The MNS has damaged the prospects of the Sena BJP in close to two dozen seats, polling 6 per cent of the votes statewide. The damage to Sena has been monumental. At last count it was running neck and neck with its junior ally to retain its position as the principal opposition party in the assembly. Of the 90 seats won by the SS-BJP, the BJP won 46 and the Sena 44.

The Cong-NCP alliance also polled well in Marathwada, the CM's region where they decisively surged ahead of the SS-BJP alliance, winning 27 seats against 13 of the SS-BJP but conceding 6 to others, most of them independents. In western Maharashtra the Cong-NCP alliance maintained its lead, though it was down considerably — it won just half the seats in this region: 29 out of 58. Independents and smaller parties like Raju Shetty's Swabhimani Paksha halted the avalanche of the Cong-NCP, winning 10 seats in addition to the Sena-BJP which won 18 seats here.

The Congress party's tactical inclusion of Rajendra Gawai in the alliance, disunity in the ranks of the third front, and the BSP's holding on to its traditional Dalit vote ensured that there was virtually no impact of the Third Front in Vidarbha. As a result, the Cong-NCP alliance did better than the Sena-BJP, winning 32 out of the 62 seats. 

Haryana has repeated the verdict but not the scale. Inflation and drought, especially in southern Haryana have cost the Congress about two dozen seats in the state. There was a 6 percentage point swing against the Congress party whittling its vote share to 36 per cent.

The party was however poised to win 43 seats making it the single largest party. Om Prakash Chautala's Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) picked up far more votes than it did in the Lok Sabha polls, when it polled approximately 15 per cent of the vote. The party polled 27 per cent of the votes in the assembly polls almost the same as what in polled in 2005 and was poised to win 30 seats. The party's strategy of coming out with a candidate list at the earliest and hitting the campaign trail earlier than others paid off.

The party has won 31 seats, 22 more than what it won in 2005. The BJP polled 10 per cent of the votes, almost the same as it did last time and won 4 seats. The 'Ekla Chalo' by the principal opposition parties in the state of Haryana made it a walkover for the Congress in the state with an IOU of 45 per cent. At a social level the Congress ensured that the Chautalas did not have an unchallenged suzerainty over the Jat vote.

It has worked carefully to cultivate the scheduled castes through developmental projections and a covert understanding with the Dera Sachha Sauda. Haryana is the first state of the nation to provide its entire scheduled caste population with private water connections under the Indira Gandhi Drinking Water Scheme.

Also a reasonably high number of SCs (59 per cent) in Haryana are covered by the NREGA. This has ensured that the BSP was contained in Haryana at about 7 per cent of the vote. A balanced social coalition and a splintering opposition have ensured a second term for the Congress in Haryana.

In Arunachal Pradesh the Congress swept the polls winning 41 of the 60 seats at the latest count. Not that something phenomenal was achieved by the previous regime. It is simply a case of pragmatic state politicians going with the party at the Centre and doing so unanimously. 

The Congress can relax for now; the opposition is yet to get its act together. The idiom of Indian politics has changed from TINA (There is no Alternative) to TINCO (There is no Coherent Opposition).

 

The writer is an election analyst.

 

*************************************** 

DNA

COLUMN

ETIQUETTE IN THE TIME OF FACEBOOK

MADHU JAIN 

 

Sometimes, Facebook can be quite in-your-face. A bit of a jack-in-the-box actually. Just the other day a wedding invitation popped up on Facebook. It was for a wedding reception and dinner for the offspring of a couple we knew.

The invitation was sent out en masse, it appeared, or at least a 'limited edition'. Now, this couple are fairly good friends. Not intimate, mind you, but more than acquaintances.  And a popular duo on the Delhi social and intellectual circuit.

Initially, I thought this was some kind of joke, the work of a wit-at-large. Besides, I presumed, an electronic invitation probably meant a "virtual" reception. Perhaps, we were all to assemble in the alternate world and raise a toast with "virtual" flutes of champagne and gorge on "virtual" tandoori chicken and taka-taka stuff — not to speak of "virtual" air kissing and gifts. Guests could even dispatch their holograms to make an appearance at the celebration. The illusion was soon dispelled.

A few days later another collective message on Facebook followed. It informed the large group of invitees — rather matter-of-factly —  that they were not to expect any invitation cards. This was it — this was the card. The whole shebang of licking stamps and putting addresses on envelopes and then going out to post them is quite unnecessary in our age of instant communication. Especially with flunkies and staff no longer around to do the needful for the freshly retired.

Pragmatism now rules with technology as its handmaiden with a wand. The wedding season is upon us and with it all the hassle of shopping for wedding presents. Not the easiest of tasks in a dug-up Delhi that looks like a mammoth excavation site and traffic that moves at a dead snail's pace. So, the savvy have begun to send electronic gift vouchers.

A few clicks of the mouse and voila the present is dispatched — no need to even carry the stuff to the wedding reception. However, those at the receiving end will have to take the trouble to venture out and pick up the gifts. Even though the cost of doing so may be greater than what the gift is worth.  Canny entrepreneurs may come up with a way for the recipients to electronically send on the unwanted gift to others, like one of those chain mails.

It's a brave new electronic world out there. With all the accelerated connectivity, the age of public intimacy has finally arrived on our shores. Public confessionals are getting to be the order of the day, courtesy Facebook "status" anxiety. An increasing number of Facebookers regularly disgorge their quasi-innermost feelings and insecurities on Facebook. That is when they are not plugging their books, films or themselves — particularly their sensitive souls and wisdom-sprinkling sound bytes and platitudes.

Whether it's the intimacy bred on social networking sites or on collective all-in-one- stroke emails (or even sms messages), people are nonchalantly stepping over the lakshman rekhas that enforce social proprietary.

Earlier this week a couple sent an e-mail invite (for me and my family) for their 25th wedding anniversary. Not only have I never met (I believe) this couple who are hosting a dinner in Rajasthan, the long message spells out the importance of the occasion. The two had suffered years of hardship and struggle, standing by their "core human values". Finally, they had the financial means to celebrate their success.

Look, I don't mean to be a party pooper. Perhaps these unconventional people are ahead of our times. This may be the shape of things to come. And people like me are dodos, stuck in the warp of convention and the red tape of social etiquette. So, here's an electronic toast to the newlyweds, in true earnestness. And cheers as well to the couple celebrating their silver wedding anniversary.

The writer is a journalist based in Delhi

 

*************************************** 

******************************************************************************************

THE TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

TRIUMPH OF CONGRESS

DOMINANT SHARE IN ALL THREE ASSEMBLY POLLS

 

THE underlying message in the results of the State assembly elections in three states — Haryana, Maharashtra and Arunachal Pradesh — is a perceptible boost for the Congress and a significant setback for the BJP, which is a virtual repeat of the Lok Sabha elections earlier this year. While the Congress triumph in Arunachal and Maharashtra is decisive, in Haryana it has belied expectations by ending up six short of a majority in a House of 90. The surprise element in Haryana has been the impressive showing of Om Prakash Chautala's INLD which had won only nine seats in the 2005 elections but has this time ended up with 32 (including one of the Akali Dal) against 40 of the Congress. Evidently, the Congress has had to pay a price for infighting, as also for sustained price rise and a bad power situation. The party clearly failed to capitalise on the inability of the opposition to forge an alliance in an apparent show of misplaced over-confidence.

 

Maharashtra, on the other hand, has proved a feather in Congress' crown. That it would be the dominant partner in the Congress-NCP alliance was clear even when NCP supremo Sharad Pawar announced before the elections that the chief minister would be from the Congress. While the Congress-NCP alliance has kept its 2005 tally intact and defied the anti-incumbency factor, the Shiv Sena-BJP tie-up has suffered erosion both due to the battering that the BJP has got at the national level for its perceptible lack of thrust and direction and the rise of the Raj Thackeray-led MNS that has hit the Shiv Sena hard.

 

With elections now out of the way, it would be time for government-formation, and strategising. While forming governments in Maharashtra and Arunachal would be a cake walk for the Congress, regardless of who forms the government in Haryana the party would need to curb infighting. For the BJP, this is yet another reminder from the electorate that it sorely needs a leadership change at the Centre if it is to make an honest bid to win back public trust.

 

***************************************

THE TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

ACCOUNTABILITY OF JUDGES

PROPOSED BILL A STEP IN THE RIGHT DIRECTION

 

UNION Law Minister M. Veerappa Moily's statement on Wednesday that the Centre will bring forward the Judicial Standard and Accountability Bill in the winter session of Parliament to "resurrect the judiciary's image" has not come a day too soon. Unfortunately, the judiciary's image has taken a beating in recent times because of increasing cases of corruption and misconduct on the part of judges. It is a matter of regret that there is no statutory mechanism to check corruption in the higher judiciary. While high court chief justices have disciplinary powers over the lower courts, the Supreme Court and high court judges can be removed only through impeachment by Parliament. That this process is too cumbersome and time consuming has been borne out by experience. Though the Chief Justice of India can prevail upon a judge to resign, his advice could well be disregarded.

 

The fragility of the present collegium system of selecting judges has also come out in bold focus through the Dinakaran affair. There is neither adequate transparency nor accountability in the current system. The basis on which the Supreme Court collegium chooses judges is unclear. In the light of increasing cases of corruption involving high court judges, Mr Moily's observation that the government would like to revisit the judges' appointment process and that the proposed Bill would have provisions for dealing speedily with "corruption, misconduct and misdemeanour" is welcome.

 

Since people have great expectations from judges and the judicial system is a pillar on which democracy rests, any act of misconduct on their part should be viewed seriously and they should be held accountable for their acts of omission and commission. The inordinate delay in the elevation of four high court chief justices to the Supreme Court even after the collegium had delinked their elevation with that of Karnataka High Court Chief Justice P.D. Dinakaran who faces charges of land-grabbing in Tamil Nadu is regrettable. As for Justice Dinakaran, if the collegium finds him guilty of the charges, his continuance in the Karnataka High Court itself would become untenable.

 

***************************************

THE TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

RAISING THE BAR

STIFFER IIT ENTRY CRITERIA IS WELCOME

 

GETTING into the prestigious IITs has never been a cakewalk. The percentage of successful students in 2009 was a mere 2.6 per cent. Now, IIT entry may be further restricted as the Class XII cut-off percentage for the IIT Joint Entrance Examination (JEE) is likely to be increased. The proposed move to revise the eligibility criterion deserves to be welcomed as a step in the right direction.

 

The present eligibility bar of 60 per cent was introduced nearly three years ago. Raising the bar further will not only reward merit, but is likely to curtail the mushrooming of coaching institutes that have of late become the bane of education. Over the years, these teaching shops have not only commercialised education, providing an unfair advantage to the well-heeled but also adversely affected school education. Some may see the dilution of Class X board examination and putting greater emphasis on Class XII examination for IIT entrance as contradictory. However, both are meant to boost the standard of school education. The cut-throat competition has negatively impacted the quality of secondary education. As of now education in senior classes in schools has becoming coaching-centric. As aspirants tend to ignore school education, they miss out on significant learning, possible only within the school environment. The change is aimed at discouraging "coaching class culture". Undeniably, schools are real temples of learning and there is an urgent need to tame teaching shops.

 

The IITs must indeed seriously deliberate over the JEE reforms and arrive at a rational weightage that while providing equal opportunity to students from poor background must not stonewall brilliance. While the interest of students cutting across all classes has to be kept in mind, the centres of excellence should have no place for under performers.

 

*************************************** 

THE TRIBUNE

COLUMN

INSTABILITY IN AFPAK

NEED FOR A PRO-ACTIVE INDIAN POLICY

BY MAJ-GEN ASHOK K. MEHTA (RETD)

 

TALKING to the Taliban for India is anathema: in the words of Indian Ambassador in Kabul, Jayant Prasad, it is like frying snowballs. The Americans think otherwise. The US strategy on Afghanistan being reviewed a second time by President Obama in nine months underscores reconciling as many of the 15,000 Taliban as is feasible, in both Plan A and Plan B – Invest and Endure or Improve in order to Exit.

 

Besides talking, the other exercise is outbidding the Taliban to persuade Afghan villagers to lay down arms. It is based on an old saying — that you can rent an Afghan but never buy one and the tradition of triggering defection during combat. The hardcore Taliban — the so-called ideologues — are no more than 5-10 per cent and are led by Mullah Omar who heads the Taliban's Rahbari Shura or leadership council, also called the Quetta Shura. The reconcilable Taliban are the ones who can be hired or the foot soldiers.

 

The economics of this strategy entails doubling their salary and would cost around $ 300,000 a day compared to $ 165 million the Americans are spending fighting the war. But getting the rank and file to ditch the Taliban won't be so simple.

 

The US strategy innovators are coming up with impressive ideas though ignoring complexities in their implementation. The dialogue with the Taliban at a time when they scent victory and can see an exit arch for foreign forces is unrealistic.

 

So is the concept of protection of people at the expense of yielding ground and killing Taliban envisaged in the new Gen McChrystal strategy. But by far the most questionable are quantifiable benchmarks of success or progress in strategy within specific time lines.

 

Generals have months not years to show the strategy is working. Gen McChrystal wants to raise the 92,000-strong Afghan Army to 1,34,000 and the police from 84,000 to 1,60,000 in 13 months. This will not be easy. It is still not clear what the military goal will be: weakening the Taliban or suppressing it as this will determine force levels and time frames.

 

Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao said at an international conference on Afghanistan in New Delhi that "putting strategy into effect is the challenge for which there is no quick-fix solution". 

 

She endorsed the process of reconciliation provided it was under the parameters of the Afghan constitution. She warned against compartmentalising terrorism and striking Faustian bargains with terrorists. Clearly, India and the US are not on the same page over dialogue and reconciliation with the Taliban.

 

Pakistan's failures to implement its commitments to deal with terrorist groups within its territory including the Al-Qaeda, the Taliban's Quetta Shoora, Hizb-e-Islami and Lashkar-e-Taiyyaba has led to the stark decline in the security situation in Afghanistan.

 

After consistent US prodding backed by a big financial package, the Pakistan Army has launched its fourth offensive in South Waziristan. The hotbed of insurgency is in contiguous areas along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border astride the Durand Line. It is centered around Kandahar in the south which is dominated by the Taliban and in the east where the battleground is more intricate.

 

Here operate a loose confederation of affiliates such as the Haqqani network, Hizb-e-Islam Gulbuddin and Al-Qaeda together with Jaish-e-Mohammad, Lashkar e Taiyyaba, Tehrik Nefaz Shariah Mohmand. Both sectors have umbilical links with sanctuaries in Pakistan. Lately, Taliban operations have expanded towards the north and west and provinces around Kabul.

 

Almost 42 nations which contribute 64,000 troops to the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) are ironically from outside the region. Another 35,000 US troops (and 21,000 on the way against 40,000 demanded) operate independently. Even with 90,000 Afghan National Army, the force level is insufficient and disparate to meet the challenge. Fewer boots on the ground are compensated by firepower, mainly the air forces. New operational procedures forbid use of air power if it could cause collateral civilian casualties. In the first six months of 2009, of the 1013 civilians one-third is attributed to government forces, mainly in cross firing. It is highly unlikely that European countries will bear the costs of this war. What is therefore being operationalised is a US, not ISAF, strategy as allies have too many caveats — will not operate by night, only fire in self-defence, etc. Growing sophistication in suicide terrorism and IEDs have created havoc in the country. This year is the worst for casualties for foreign troops.

 

Mainstreaming the Taliban is being advocated by former Pakistan Ambassador to Kabul Rustam Shah Mohmand. He says the root cause of the insurgency is the presence of foreign forces. His scheme involves inviting the Taliban to join the political process followed by a time-bound exit of foreign forces replaced by the Blue Berets followed by a UN-supervised election that could lead to a broad based government of power sharing. Analysts say that mainstreaming is an idea whose time has not come.

 

Obama's AfPak strategy is in its most difficult test bed with prospects of success receding even after incurring $ 24 billion in security costs. Gen. McChrystal's SOS for 40,000 more troops and $ 9.5 billion are meant to stem the tide of a resurgent Taliban and regain the initiative. On the development side, achievements are quite impressive: more than five million Afghan refugees have returned home since 2002; the number of school-going children has grown from under 1 million in 2001 to about 6 million in 2007, one-third of them girls; the number of teachers has increased seven-fold to 142, 500 including 40,000 female teachers; health and nutrition sectors have expanded and infant mortality reduced by 26 per cent in five years.

 

A new currency, stable exchange rate and private commercial banks are in place. About 150 cities and more than four million people across the country have access to mobile and fixed digital lines. In 2001, only 15,000 people had access to telecom facilities. TV stations, print media and radio networks have grown rapidly from the dark days of the Taliban. Opium cultivation has decreased by 21 per cent this year; 98 per cent of the total cultivation of opium is confined to seven provinces, five lying in the Taliban-dominated South. The strong link between poppy and insurgency is unbroken though new ways to combat the problem are being explored including buying off entire poppy crops. India has played a significant role in the socio-economic sectors of development: humanitarian, infrastructure, small-scale social projects and skill and capacity development. These have created a groundswell of goodwill and reinforced historic Indo-Afghan ties. Washington has kept Delhi out of the political and security sectors due to Pakistan's sensitivities. Afghans are keen to see India's political and military footprint not just the soft power.

 

As a front-line recipient of the violence and instability unleashed in AfPak, Delhi has not only to defend and enlarge its presence and activities across the HinduKush but also devise countermeasures against machinations of antagonists. While the US' AfPak strategy is being redrawn, recent suicide terrorism in Pakistan and instability in Afghanistan call for a pro-active Indian policy in the region.

 

 

***************************************

THE TRIBUNE

COLUMN

EPICAL FOOTPRINTS

BY BHAI MAHAVIR

 

THEY had read a story by Vinobaji how a group of four boys left school — looking for an adventure and had run into a tiger which resulted in an interesting encounter with it. This bunch too had ducked school and were in the forest. So far so good. But, wherefrom were new pupils to get the tiger?

 

They sat in a huddle to consider the matter but had no clue whatsoever how to sort it out. Some serious thought made them realise that to follow the footprints on the sands of time, they needed the participation of a tiger also. But the root cause was not this, contended the wisest of the group, the initial flaw was that their "great men" had not got their idea from any book.

 

Osho's inscrutable idea referring to the idea has a charm of its own! It must have been the approaching festival of Dasehra and Ramlila celebration when emperor Akbar asked his witty minister Birbal, "You people make such a song and dance about Ram; did he have a greater empire than mine?"

 

"May be or may be not, Alampanah", answered his never-to-be-caught Birbal, "but Valmiki and more so, Tulsi raised him to the skies — Ramayana story you know…"

 

"Well, can you not write an Akbarayana, Birbal, in our praise…?"

 

"Of course, why not," responded Birbal, "Only, I will need a year's leave and a lakh of gold coins …"

 

The deal was settled. Birbal was relieved from his darbar duties and advanced a lakh of ashrafis. He had a whale of a time, life was for him an endless sweet dream of fun and frolic. As the year neared its close, Akbar called him to ask about his progress.

 

"The major part has been done, Your Majesty," he replied, "but I have come up against a road block. Sita, as you know was kidnapped and kept in captivity for more than a year. Who is the scoundrel to have abducted our queen, i.e. today's Ravana…I'll kill the swine…"

 

"What! Birbal, what nonsense is this?..." shouted Akbar, "I will…"

 

"But Your Majesty, Ramayana is incomplete without 'Sita – apaharan!'..."

 

Recovering from the shock, the king approached the subject again after a few days and asked if Mahabharata could be tried. Birbal was very positive in regard to this proposal too. "Only, it is a bigger and more difficult theme so the time allowed will have to be doubled."

 

Thereby started the epic of new Mahabharata. For Birbal it was a heavenly bliss all through – fun and frolic with no worry at all! Then came the day Birbal came to report a second time.

 

"It is time," he said, "Your kingship will enjoy and profit immensely from it. But Sir, there is a little problem. Draupadi had five husbands, Alampanah, who are the four other guys to correspond to our Mallika?..."

 

Akbar flew into a rage…with hand on sword…eyes bloodshot…and shouted, "Birbal, do you have any sense of what you are talking! The rascals …will pay dearly along with you…"

It is not known as to whether — when Birbal ran for life — his shoes were on his feet or in his hands! In either case he must have had a little understanding of what the very great men leave behind them while parting!

 

***************************************

THE TRIBUNE

OPED

TIME TO INTRODUCE SHIFT SYSTEM IN COURTS

BY P.P. RAO

 

THE judiciary in India is unable to render speedy justice to litigants. Arrears of cases have piled up in courts. The Supreme Court has brought down the pendency to two to three years with the help of computerisation and planning. In high courts, the pendency is heavy.

 

Even writ petitions, which are supposed to provide quick relief and ought to be decided within a few months, take years for a decision. Election petitions, which deserve to be dealt with immediately, take unduly long time. There have been several instances where, by the time the litigation is over, the election petitions became infructuous.

 

Such delay defeats the people's right to valid representation in the legislature. In the subordinate courts, the extent of pendency is unmanageable. The few fast-track courts created by the NDA government at a considerable cost have made a marginal difference.

 

The Constitution guarantees the right to speedy trial but the judiciary is unable to ensure it. Such inordinate delay in the criminal justice system encourages more crime, causes dissatisfaction among the public and makes the operation of the criminal law difficult.

 

It is well known that delay defeats justice. Witnesses tend to resile from their earlier statements and turn hostile. Investigating officers lose interest and society tends to take a cynical view of the failure of the system.

 

In corruption cases, the rate of conviction is very low. The conviction rate in the TADA and POTA cases involving the heinous offence of terrorism is very low. The accumulation of arrears is heavy in almost all the tribunals. It is, therefore, necessary to find a solution which is not very expensive but effective and satisfactory from all angles and to all concerned.

 

While courts are under-staffed and arrears of cases are mounting, a precious human resource available in abundance in the shape of recently retired judges and judicial officers is being wasted.

 

If their services are utilised after proper screening for physical and mental fitness, integrity and ability by opening a second shift in each and every court and tribunal, it will go a long way in removing the bottlenecks in the judiciary and liquidating the arrears fast to the satisfaction of all concerned.

 

To ensure purity and efficiency of the system, re-employment of retired judges has to be made on the basis of selection and should not be automatic. In the case of the subordinate judiciary, the selection may be made by a high court or by a committee of senior judges constituted by the full court for this purpose.

 

For the re-employment of retired judges of the Supreme Court, the collegium which selects candidates for appointment as judges of the Supreme Court may be entrusted with the task of picking up suitable judges who are fit for re-employment for manning the second shift in the Supreme Court. The re-employment could be initially for a period of three years with a provision for an extension of tenure subject to fitness.

 

Additional ministerial staff will also be required. Even there, to the extent possible, recently retired court masters, stenographers and other administrative officers and employees could be deployed. For the shortfall, if any, fresh recruitment can be made.

The shift-system re-employing recently retired judges, judicial officers and administrative staff will have several advantages:

 

By utilising the existing court rooms, furniture, telecommunications, library, etc., there would be no need to incur any expenditure on creating additional infrastructure for running a second shift.

 

Their salary bill will be minimal as their pensions could be adjusted against the emoluments payable on re-employment. The quality of justice rendered by them would be high. Retired judges with their long experience will be able to dispose of cases very quickly as compared to newcomers and not-so-experienced sitting judges. The quick disposal of cases will reduce the scope for corruption.

 

The prospect of re-employment of clean and efficient judges and judicial officers soon after their retirement is bound to encourage honesty and efficiency among sitting judges and judicial officers.

 

The shift system provides more opportunities to the needy members of the Bar who do not have adequate work. It will result in larger distribution of work among lawyers because many senior lawyers will not be able to afford the stress and strain of practising in both shifts. The litigant public will be able to get quick relief and also justice of good quality.

 

The Law Commission of India in its 125th report submitted in 1988 had recommended a shift system in the Supreme Court. The Justice V.S. Malimath Committee on Reforms of Criminal Justice System (March 2003) has recommended a shift system in all criminal courts. It is high time to make the courts work in two shifts

 

The introduction of the shift system in courts will be the cheapest and best solution for liquidating arrears and ensuring speedy justice. Parliament has the power to enact the necessary legislation for introducing the shift system with a simple majority in both Houses. Articles 128 and 224-A permit the utilisation of the services of retired judges of the Supreme Court and of high courts for clearing arrears.

 

The writer is a senior advocate of the Supreme Court

 

*************************************** 

THE TRIBUNE

OPED

EUROPE'S ANGST OVER AFGHANISTAN

BY JACKSON DIEHL

 

AS the US President and his National Security Council privately debate whether to send tens of thousands of troops to war, America's European allies watch with a mixture of anxiety and anguish. They know that if the deployment goes forward, they will be asked to make their own difficult and politically costly contributions of soldiers or other personnel.

 

But they are, if anything, even more worried that the American president will choose a feckless strategy for what they consider a critical mission. And they are frustrated that they must watch and wait — and wait and wait — for the president to make up his mind.

 

"Everyone is waiting for what is going to be decided in the Oval Office, without having any chance to have our say," moans a senior commander in one European army.

 

No, Norwegian Nobel Committee, this is not George W. Bush but Barack Obama, the president lionized for favoring harmonious collaboration with the rest of the world. It's fair to say that Obama has tried harder than Bush to coordinate policy with U.S. allies. But his deliberations on Afghanistan are demonstrating how some fundamentals of being a superpower never really change.

 

For example, when you're supplying 70 percent of the troops for a war and doing 90 percent of the fighting, your allies may just have to cool their heels while you decide whether to escalate, hold steady or blow up your strategy.

 

And while they wait, they will stew. In conversations with senior European officials visiting Washington, and at a transatlantic conference sponsored by Italy's Magna Carta Foundation last weekend, I heard an earful of Euro-anxiety about the strategy review Obama is conducting.

 

Some of the concern is simply about the spectacle of a young American president hesitating about going forward with a strategy that he committed himself to just months ago — and what effect that wavering might have on enemies both in Afghanistan and farther afield.

 

But a surprising amount of the worry, considering the continental source, is about whether Obama will be strong enough — whether he will, in the words of one ambassador, "walk away from a mission that we have all committed ourselves to."

 

European governments bought in to Obama's ambitious plan to pacify Afghanistan when he presented it in March. Unlike the U.S. President, they mostly haven't had second thoughts. By and large they agree with the recommendations developed by the commander Obama appointed, Gen. Stanley A. McChrystal, who says that unless the momentum of the Taliban is broken in the next year, the war may be lost.

 

It's hard for European leaders to argue that Obama should send the 40,000 or more reinforcements that McChrystal is seeking, since they will be accompanied, at best, by only 2,000 to 3,000 more Europeans. So they tend to focus on the other half of the equation: why the West cannot give up on the effort to stabilize Afghanistan under a decent government.

 

"We need to create a stable government in Afghanistan, a government we can deal with," NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen said during a recent visit to Washington. "Otherwise we will be faced with permanent instability in Afghanistan and in the region."

 

Rasmussen and other Europeans are also happy to speak up publicly against the strategy sometimes attributed to Vice President Joe Biden, under which the United States would focus on counterterrorism operations against al-Qaida with drones or Special Forces.

 

"Why are there no Predator strikes in Peshawar or Quetta? Because it can't be done," said Swedish Foreign Minister Carl Bildt, whose country currently represents the European Union. "But we know leaders of al-Qaida and the Taliban are hiding in those urban areas. I fail to see that as a viable strategy."

 

Britain, naturally, has made the most direct attempt to sway the Washington debate. Last week Prime Minister Gordon Brown announced that he would add 500 troops to Britain's contingent of 9,000 — a step that wouldn't make much sense if the United States were to scale down its own commitment.

 

 By arrangement with LA Times-Washington Post

 

***************************************

THE TRIBUNE

INSIDE PAKISTAN

PEOPLE TURN AGAINST  THE TALIBAN

BY SYED NOORUZZAMAN

 

THE Pakistan military has launched its drive against the Taliban militants in South Waziristan with certain advantages. There cannot be as many internally displaced persons as were found during the Swat-Malakand operation. South Waziristan is a sparsely populated region with over five lakh people living there, whereas the population of the Swat-Malakand region is much higher.

 

The third factor which goes in favour of the armed forces is the tribal people's disenchantment against the militants, whose activities have made their life miserable.

 

As Rahimullah Yusufzai, Resident Editor of The News in Peshawar, says in an article carried on October 20, "As was the case before the military operation in Swat and the rest of Malakand division, the military leadership received political support just a day before the attack in South Waziristan. Among the parties backing the government policy and the army action is Maulana Fazlur Rahman's JUI-F that is sometimes critical of the military option, and even now is offering its services to initiate talks with the TTP (Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan)."

 

Yet it is not going to be an easy battle because of the terrain problem and other factors. Rahimullah says that "military spokesman Maj-Gen Athar Abbas has conceded that the troops' advance has been slow due to stiff resistance and landmines. The battle will take a familiar course with both sides claiming battlefield achievements as was the case in Swat until the militants start losing territory and men, and withdraw to their mountain fastnesses, retreat to remote places … or scatter to other places in the tribal areas … to survive and regroup."

 

Army Chief Gen Ashfaq Kiyani has adopted a strategy to ensure that all the clans of the Mehsud tribes are not antagonised. According to Daily Times (Oct 21), an "Open letter" by the Army Chief addressed to the Mehsud tribes says, "The operation is not meant to target the valiant and patriotic Mehsud tribes, but is aimed at ridding them of the elements who had destroyed peace in the region."

 

The letter specifically talks of "foreigners" as the enemy of peace. "The Army Chief's reference to 'foreigners' is a carefully deployed appeal to the codename of Pashtun honour which allows safe haven to the suppliant but bans all hostile acts from him", the daily adds.

 

Funds for militants

 

Tariq Osman Hyder, a former diplomat, says in an article in The Nation (Oct 20), "The battle against the militants has become multi-dimensional… The strength of the militants and their access to arms from Afghanistan are dependent on funding. Some comes from drug money and hostile intelligence agencies across the border. A small part is raised within Pakistan. However, the largest amount is received by transfers using both banking and illegal channels. This is borne out by the fact that while from documented remittance flows some seven billion dollars a year comes from overseas workers, a grey area of four million dollars comes ostensibly for charitable, educational and other purposes from other parties.

 

"Pakistan must forcibly address this problem with known conduit countries and by activating its investigative and regulatory mechanisms, including the State Bank's financial investigation unit and the FIA. Certainly, the United States has the muscle to do more on this vital external funding front."

 

Why are students a target?

Tuesday's suicide attack at International Islamic University, Islamabad, forced the authorities to declare all educational institutions closed till Sunday. According to The Nation, "a meeting at the Chief Minister's House in Lahore … decided to shut all the academic institutions in the province till further orders. Entry tests and the ongoing examinations in various institutions have also been postponed."

 

Educational institutions are considered among the softest targets for the militants. That is why the authorities are not prepared to take any further risk. They may allow the opening of the educational institutions after making all the necessary security arrangements.

 

Dawn (Oct 21) says in an editorial, "But the dastardly attack against innocent students on Tuesday is indicative of the fact that the fight for the future of Pakistan does not just pit the 'godless' against the 'true believers'; it is actually a war by a radical minority in society that is bent on imposing its millenarian ideals on the rest of the population, including those trying to educate themselves about Islam in a modern environment."

 

The university has been targeted because it falls in the "moderate" camp of Islam. This poses a major challenge to the authorities in Pakistan.

 

***************************************

******************************************************************************************

THE ASSAM TRIBUME

EDITORIAL

SURRENDER OF ULTRAS

 

The recent move of the Government to constitute a high level committee to thoroughly check the credentials of the militants who want to surrender is a welcome move as this will check the menace of "fake surrenders" that has been going on in Assam for years. There have been allegations when even the security forces forcing innocent persons, who have nothing to do with militant groups, to "surrender" to increase the number of surrendered militants and such allegations only give a bad name to the forces engaged in the counter-insurgency operations in the State. It is a fact that efforts should be made by all concerned to bring back the misguided youths to the mainstream, but "fake surrenders" will not help in any way in solving the problem of militancy. It is also a fact that majority of those who surrendered since the early part of 1990s have no case against them and the police also did not have any record against them. But with the Government forming a committee headed by the Additional Director General of Police (Special Branch), this menace will be controlled to a great extent. It is easy for the police and security forces to identify a militant who has cases against him or her or whenever a militant comes forward with any sophisticated weapon to surrender. But the problem is with those who come for surrender without any weapon and when there is no case against him or her. But as the committee comprises senior officials of the Central Intelligence agency and members of the Army and other forces operating in the counter-insurgency operations, one can assume that these agencies will definitely have some input about any militant who comes forward to surrender.

At the same time, the Government and the security agencies should try to persuade the misguided youths to return to the mainstream. Of course, surrender of a few members of any militant group will not solve the problem, but such surrenders definitely have adverse impact on the outfits, while, the security forces also get vital information about the activities of the outfits from the surrendered members. As most of the members of the militant groups took to militancy because of unemployment, the Government should chalk out a proper rehabilitation package for them. Providing Government jobs to the surrendered militants is not a solution and efforts should be made to provide self employment avenues to them. The Government and the society as a whole should try to prevent militant outfits from luring away unemployed youths or else the outfits will always be able to fill up the void created by surrenders with fresh recruits. Whenever any youth is found missing from any part of the State, the police and security forces must consider the matter seriously and the Gaonburas can also be entrusted with the responsibility of keeping a close watch on whether any youth is reported missing from their respective villages.

 

***************************************

 

THE ASSAM TRIBUME

EDITORIAL

TWITTERING TWITS

 

The grapevine has it that there is outrage in a section of the avian world! Not only has mankind been destroying the habitats of the free-flying creatures and threatening to bring about extinction of many of the species, it has begun to misappropriate words which so far had belonged exclusively to their domain. There is nothing new in this, of course, since humanity has been demeaning birds through word usage ever since it learned to speak intelligibly. For instance, a phrase such as "having bats in the belfry" is derogatory enough to bring about a lawsuit from bats, never mind that despite possessing wings they are actually mammals. "Going cuckoo" does little to enhance the reputation of that highly intelligent bird, while "being chicken" offers no compliment to that succulent species. The latest in the list of misappropriate or a misappropriated word is "twitter," hijacked by the free micro-blogging service that allows social networking among its adherents. The OUD had earlier defined "twitter" as "a series of light tremulous sounds" emitted by birds. But, with the messaging service taking on the word, and the media assiduously following twittering by so called celebrities across the globe, birds have been left way behind. As far as mankind is concerned, no longer does a budgerigar or a sparrow twitter, but a Shashi Tharoor or a Perez Hilton does!

When ordinary folks twitter, it is of little consequence, but twittering by celebrities, often responded to by thousands of their acolytes, is a different kettle of fish altogether. Occasionally a twitter can do some good, despite the OUD also defining it as "trivial talk." The latest example of this is the worldwide circulation of a story about how an oil trading company, Trafigura, had dumped a huge amount of toxic waste in Ivory Coast making thousands of people ill. Apparently the company was trying to arm-twist a British newspaper into suppressing the story, but an inadvertent tweet message had alerted other twitterers into investigating on their own, thereby ensuring that the episode was globally circulated. But twittering can also land the twitterer in hot water, as Shashi Tharoor with his infamous "holy cow" twitter had discovered to his misfortune. The problem is that a twitter, being limited to 140 characters, makes the user come right to the point without offering any opportunity for elucidatory alibis. Also, unlike those who blog, it is mandatory for twitterers to use their real names, which leaves them open to libel lawsuits. With such lawsuits becoming endemic in nations like the US, institutions are being forced to insert twitter ban clauses in contracts with their employers. Thus, unless a twitterer pauses to reflect on what should be twitted, he or she might metamorphose into a "twit", a word defined by the OUD as "a silly or foolish person!"

 

***************************************

 

THE ASSAM TRIBUME

EDITORIAL

BOMB EXPLOSIONS AND LAWS

NEELOTPAL DEKA

 

The October 30, 2008 bombings in Assam that ripped through markets in Guwahati city (Pan Bazar, Fancy Bazar and Ganeshguri) and the surrounding areas of western Assam (Barpeta, Bongaigaon and Kokrajhar) caused at least 84 deaths and 470 injuries. The bomb blasts have outraged every patriotic Indian. No civilized nation can allow this kind of barbaric inhumanity to be partly or fully supported or sponsored by any neighbour or domestic insurgents. The only way we can combat it is to minimise, if not eliminate, such occurrences. Prevention is crucial and perhaps law makers may come out with legislations or existing legislations with amendments that can prevent such occurrences. Acquittals even in a case like Parliament attack occurred because of poor prosecution rather than loopholes in anti-terrorism laws.

The reasons for terrorism in India may vary vastly from religious to geographical to caste to history. The Indian Supreme Court took a note of it in Kartar Singh v. State of Punjab, where it observed that the country has been in the firm grip of spiralling terrorist violence and is caught between deadly pangs of disruptive activities. Apart from many skirmishes in various parts of the country, there were countless serious and horrendous events engulfing many cities with blood-bath due to bomb blasts etc. killing even without sparing women and children and reducing those areas into a graveyard. On 30th October, 2008, the Chief Judicial Magistrate's Court Campus that houses the Lawyers' Association Guwahati was almost converted to a kind of graveyard. Imagine a situation when lawyers were helpless to defend themselves and tried to find their colleagues from the ashes of the burnt bodies, but in vain.

Anti-terrorism laws in India have always been a subject of much controversy. One of the arguments is that these laws stand in the way of fundamental rights of citizens guaranteed by Part III of The Constitution of India. The anti-terrorist laws have been enacted before by the legislature and upheld by the judiciary though not without reluctance. The intention was to enact these statutes and bring them in force till the situation improves. The intention was not to make these drastic measures a permanent feature of law of the land. But because of continuing terrorist activities, the statutes have been reintroduced with requisite modifications.

At present, the legislations in force to check terrorism in India are the National Security Act, 1980 and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. There have been other anti-terrorism laws in force in this country at different points in time. Earlier, the following laws had been in force to counter and curb terrorism. The first law made in independent India to deal with terrorism and terrorist activities that came into force on 30 December 1967 was the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 which was designed to deal with associations and activities that questioned the territorial integrity of India. The Act was a self-contained code of provisions for declaring secessionist associations as unlawful, adjudication by a tribunal, control of funds and places of work of unlawful associations, penalties for their members etc. The Act has all along been worked holistically as such and is completely within the purview of the central list in the 7th Schedule of The Constitution of India.

The second major act came into force on 3 September 1987 was the Terrorist & Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act 1987 (TADA) this act had much more stringent provisions then the UAPA and it was specifically designed to deal with terrorist activities in India. When TADA was enacted it came to be challenged before the Apex Court of the country as being unconstitutional. The Supreme Court of India upheld its constitutional validity on the assumption that those entrusted with such draconic statutory powers would act in good faith and for the public good in the case of Kartar Singh vs State of Punjab [(1994) 3 SCC 569]. However, there were many instances of misuse of power for collateral purposes. The rigorous provisions contained in the statute came to be abused in the hands of law enforcement officials. TADA lapsed in 1995.

The POTA was the third major Act in India as regards anti-terrorism laws is concerned. The POTA was an anti-terrorism legislation enacted by the Parliament of India in 2002. The Act replaced the Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (POTO) of 2001 and the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA) (1985-95). The Act provided the legal framework to strengthen administrative rights to fight terrorism within the country of India and was to be applied against any persons and acts covered by the provisions within the Act. It was not meant as a substitute for action under ordinary criminal laws. The Act defined a "terrorist", the "act of terrorism" and granted special powers to the investigating authorities described under the Act. To ensure certain powers were not misused and human rights violations would not take place, specific safeguards were built into the Act. But once the Act became law there surfaced many reports of the law being grossly abused. Human rights and civil liberty groups fought against it. The Act was repealed in 2004.

Various suspicion and voices have been raised by people, and NGOs under the pretext of constitution, constitutional provisions, and equality before law and civil rights. All these organizations must keep in mind that provisions are there in the Constitution where reasonable restrictions can be enforced even upon the liberty of people and in view of the increasing terrorist activities in the nation. In Indian scenario it has become difficult to enact law like POTA, but at the same time we all are struggling to save ourselves from the terrorist activities. The situation is such that if you do not give to your security forces and investigative forces the legal power, human rights violations will be much worse. Therefore, if you want, out of concern for human rights, the powers not to be misused, you cannot sustain a situation where you do not give powers to the police but put pressure on it to deliver. You will have a situation of anarchy.

In such a situation, references are always repeatedly been made to laws in other countries. Let us not selectively take our lessons from America. It is very dangerous to quote selectively. Because every country has its own laws depending upon the society and problems faced by it. The North-Eastern States are facing multifarious challenges in the management of its internal security. There is an upsurge of terrorist activities, intensification of cross border terrorist activities and insurgent groups in different parts of the North-Eastern States. The reach and methods adopted by terrorist groups and organisations take advantage of modern means of communication and technology using high tech facilities available in the form of communication system, transport, sophisticated arms and various other means. This has enabled them to strike and create terror among people at will. Terrorism has several consequences that have to be faced in the context of a growing threat to the country. Therefore, let us all understand the problem we are now dealing with. And this problem requires various kinds of provisions. Legitimate power has to be given because this is an extraordinary situation. Extraordinary situations require extraordinary remedies.

(The writer is an Advocate, Gauhati High Court)

 

***************************************

 

 

 

THE ASSAM TRIBUME

EDITORIAL

SATIS CHANDRA KAKATI – A JOURNALIST PAR EXCELLENCE

SUREN RAM PHOOKUN

 

In Assam, veteran journalist Satis Chandra Kakati needs no introduction. He was not only a distinguished journalist of the State, but was also deeply involved in public and social life. Looking at his immense contributions in the field of journalism, the Government of India conferred upon him the prestigious Padmashri award in 1991. In a glittering function held in the Ashoka Hall of the Rashtrapati Bhawan, the award was conferred upon him by R Venkataraghavan, the then President of India.

He was born and brought up at Ulabari, a sleepy hamlet in Nalbari district in 1912. His father was a teacher in a local primary school and got a monthly pay, which was very negligible to maintain a big family. Popularly known as 'Bakola Pandit', he had earned the reputation of a very successful teacher, who had moulded the career of several celebrities of the State. Kakati's father was not in a position to give college education to his son Satis. On the other hand Kakati had a great desire to study in Cotton College and from his childhood he was a meritorious student, particularly during his childhood he was very strong in English. Kakati was sure to secure letter marks in English, but in the Entrance Examination held under the Calcutta University in the year 1932, Satis Kakati secured letter marks in Assamese. Although he was deceived by luck, he was over confident to secure letter marks in English under the same university in the Intermediate Arts examination. But luck was once again hostile against him. In the BA final examination Kakati came out with flying colours by securing honours in Economics.

After passing the Entrance Examination, when he applied for admission in Cotton College in the first year Arts, he was bluntly refused admission by the Principal of Cotton College saying that under no circumstances he would be admitted. Because Kakati was known to be anti-British and out and out a Congress man. According to the Principal if Kakati was admitted, the entire educational scenario of the college would be polluted. He had acted as an agent of the Congress party in Assam. Having come to know this officially, Kakati was deeply hurt and decided to meet Tarun Ram Phookun at his Bharalumukh residence. Kakati revealed everything to Phookun and requested him to interfere. After knowing the entire situation, he asked Kakati to go back with an assurance that he would take up the matter immediately. At that time Bamdeb Goswami was the Head Assistant of Cotton College. He was also a neighbour of Tarun Ram. Bamdev Goswami was very close to the Principal and all administrative jobs of the college were done by Goswami. The next morning Phookun asked Bamdeb to see him on way to college. Tarun Ram Phookun sternly told Goswami to ask the Principal to give admission to Kakati by the next day. Otherwise, the European Principal shall have to leave Cotton College campus bag and baggage. Goswami informed Principal Sudmerson about Phookun's anger. On the same evening the Principal came to Phookun's residence and begged an apology and told him that Kakati had been admitted in the 1st year class and his admission fee was waived. This had moulded the career of Satis Chandra Kakati who proved to be an efficient editor of an English daily like The Assam Tribune and had served this English daily with great distinction. Moreover, to his credit, he had also edited the weekly Assamese newspaper the Asam Bani which was sold like hot cakes in the market.

Kakati's career was moulded by his immediate kin Deba Chandra Talukdar of Santipur area of the city. He was staying in a small room and had studied in Cotton College. He was the founder president of All Assam Journalists Association, was a member of the All India Newspaper Editors Conference for 11 years besides being elected Vice President of the All India Newspapers Conference in 1975. He had also held various important positions as Member, Tea Board, Government of India (1976-79), Member, Gauhati University Court, Chairman, Guwahati Municipal Board (1962-63), Member, Assam unit of National Integration Council and many others. Kakati was also a freedom fighter who suffered rigorous imprisonment for three months for his involvement in the Civil Disobedience Movement launched by Mahatma Gandhi in 1930.

Kakati was the recipient of Soviet Land Nehru Award (1976), LN Phookun award of Asam Sahitya Sabha (1999) and the literary pension from the Assam Government. Satis Kakati had to his credit several published literary works, including Jeevan Mala, Hitler-Mussolini, Discovery of Assam, Bideshi Galpar Moukoh, Nehru Aru Soviet Russia, Smriti Bichitra & Problems of the North-East. He visited UK, USA and Germany at the invitation of those countries.

During his long innings of over six decades as a leading journalist he had seen many trials and tribulations, smiles and tears of the people of Assam. The versatile journalist can aptly be said as the torch bearer of the State. Known for his strict adherence to the journalistic ethics, Kakati had produced a host of eminent journalists. A close confidant of Radha Govinda Barua, Kakati had good rapport with RG and after the demise of Lakshmi Nath Phukan the first Editor of The Assam Tribune, Kakati became the editor and served the paper for long 11 years with great distinction. He also served as a teacher in Kamrup Academy for several years.

(Published on the occasion of SC Kakati's birth anniversary)

 

***************************************

 

******************************************************************************************

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

LEST WE FORGET

 

The score reads 3:0 for the recent assembly elections, with the Congress retaining its hold on power in Arunachal Pradesh, Haryana and Maharashtra, and the BJP drawing a blank. Now, the ground is all set for the Congress to score a self-goal, with success going to its head and its leaders convincing themselves that they're doing everything right.

 

This would be a big mistake. Granted, it's no mean feat that the Congress has achieved. Even after misgoverning the state as thoroughly as they have over the last five years, the Congress has retained Maharashtra. The voters of Haryana have not failed to throw out an incumbent government even once since Bansi Lal was re-elected in 1972.

Yet, they have given Congress' Hooda another chance. But all this sunshine cannot vaporise some dark clouds skulking in the background. The Congress-NCP combine won Maharashtra only thanks to Raj Thackeray splitting the Shiv Sena votes and the continuing disarray in the leadership of the BJP.

Hooda has barely managed to cobble together a majority. So there is no reason for the Congress brass to think that the present electoral momentum would automatically carry them through in the forthcoming Jharkhand elections as well.

The reality is that the good intentions of the party and government leadership are not being translated into tangible action on the ground, thanks essentially due to the failure to reform the Congress. The late Rajiv Gandhi diagnosed the Congress' chief malaise — it has become a bunch of powerbrokers. It needs to become a political party, once again, becoming a vehicle for articulating popular aspirations on a sustained basis.

Right now, Rahul Gandhi's effort to sensitise the party to the lot of the deprived has resulted in farce, with loyal party leaders lugging what they consider to be the bare necessities of material comfort along with them when they follow their leader on his poverty trail. To implement the rural employment scheme without leakage, to lead a movement for transparency making use of the RTI Act, to restore to forest dwellers their traditional forest rights leveraging the forest dwellers' law, to lead a political movement against Maoist violence — all these are key tasks going a-begging.

 

***************************************

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

LEAVE IT TO THE BANKS!

 

The Report of the Working Group on Benchmark Prime Lending Rates (BPLR) is dead right when it says there is much that ails the present system: large quantum of sub-BPLR lending, making 'BPLR' a complete misnomer; lack of transparency; downward stickiness of BPLRs and perception of cross-subsidisation in lending.

Where it is dead wrong is in its proffered solution: renaming BPLR 'Base Rate' and adding bureaucratic curbs on the quantum of sub-Base Rate lending (not more than 15% of the incremental lending during the financial year, etc).

Banks keep their BPLR higher than warranted, that is, higher than the rate applicable to the most credit-worthy customer, because of a number of factors, primarily the continuance of administered interest rates for many lending activities. True, the Report suggests deregulating some of these rates. But it accepts the ground reality, the political economy underlying administered rates that makes their disappearance highly unlikely, at least in the near future.

So, telling banks how they should arrive at their Base Rate — using "clearly-defined common cost elements that include the card interest rate on retail deposits (deposits below Rs 15 lakh) with one year maturity (adjusted for current account and savings account deposits); adjustment for the negative carry in respect of cash reserve ratio (CRR) and statutory liquidity ratio (SLR); unallocable overhead cost for banks which would comprise a minimum set of overhead cost elements; and average return on net worth" — is just a lot of bureaucratic meddling.

If banks are allowed to run as commercial entities and interest subsidies paid out of government coffers, there is no need to go through such a convoluted exercise to arrive at a simple pricing decision. As the success of micro-finance groups that lend at 20-25% and have low non-performing assets has shown, interest rates per se are not the problem. Needless interference is. Yes, transparency is essential. But beyond that let each bank decide for itself. As long as there is competition, no bank will be able to charge a higher-than-market clearing rate without losing customers. Competition, not bureaucratic norms, is the best safeguard.

 

***************************************

 

 

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

 

CHINESE CHECKERS

 

China

is to send a team of 50 experts to check out the world's best museums and private repositories to see where the country's looted artefacts have finally landed up. This particular expedition is to track down the thousands of items that were pillaged from the Old Summer Palace from 1860 to 1900 to end up in art collections and museums spread over 2000 places in 47 countries.

 

The Chinese claim the idea is not to catalogue the missing items for a bid to get them back in the future, a task which would surely be tedious if not altogether impossible. Why any country should spend time, energy, human resources and money for such an exercise if it is purely academic, is hard to understand.

There is a Unesco convention, of course, that allows countries to seek reclamation of items that were looted, but the cut-off date is 1970, so items taken before that have little chance of being restored to their original countries and owners. Earlier this year, two looted items from the Old Summer Palace surfaced at the auction of the estate of the French fashion designer Yves Saint Laurent, and a Chinese collector put in the highest bid.

Dramatically, however, he later refused to pay, which then brought to the fore the argument about the legality of the provenance of such items.

Given that China will almost certainly want historic objects to be brought back to the country eventually — as Russia's oligarchs are doing by paying out vast sums for the repatriation of Tsarist art and Christian artefacts smuggled out and sold all over the world — it may not be long before a formal move to reclaim looted objects is launched.

India would surely be interested in any such global initiative, as would Greece, as both have some of their most precious treasures lodged in British institutions. China has the wherewithal to make sure that once the valuable relics are returned, they will be well looked after. India should get its act together on that count too, so that it can reap the benefit of any success the Chinese have in their endeavour.

 

***************************************

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

HOW TO COMBAT THE MAOISTS

DIGVIJAY SINGH

 

I had visited Chhattisgarh on my annual pilgrimage to Dongargarh, soon after the encounter in which the superintendent of police, Rajnandgaon, an upright officer who led from the front, was killed. Dhanendra Sahu, the Pradesh Congress Committee president told me that he had gone to see a wounded CRPF constable from Assam in the hospital. The constable told him that the Naxalites are being totally supported by the villagers. There is a complete disconnect between the people and the administration.

 

I recollect being told by the tribals in South Bastar when I was the chief minister of undivided MP that they are being harassed by both officials, those who come during the day and the ones who come at night, the former being the government officials and the latter the Naxalites.

To the tribal, both were exploiting him. But now it appears that Naxalites have either won over the confidence of the tribals over the years or the government has totally moved out of the affected area.

Mahendra Karma, a firebrand tribal leader from Dantewada who first got elected to the assembly as a CPI candidate in 1980, could mobilise the support of the tribals who had been harassed by the Naxalites. This was an opportunity which if handled tactfully, sensitively, with pro-poor and pro-tribal policies could have contained the spread of Naxalites but Salwa Judum which means "coming together for peace" could not be converted into a movement to fight the Naxalites because the government of Chhattisgarh only treated Naxalism as a law and order problem.

Chhattisgarh government expected the Salwa Judum activists to fight with inferior weapons against the well-armed Naxalites. But the bigger blunder was to shift the Salwa Judum activists to a refugee camp. It may have suited the incumbent government to propagate their ideology in the refugee camps but by doing so, they vacated the space into which the Naxalites moved in. Even the refugee camps were not protected. Naxalites attacked these camps at will and a number of Salwa Judum activists who had shown the courage to take on the Naxalites were targeted and eliminated.

The Andhra Pradesh government under Y S Rajshekhar Reddy initiated peace talks with the Naxalites and talks progressed to a great extent but broke down on the issue of laying down of arms by the Naxalites. No democratically-elected government could have agreed to allow them to keep illegal arms. The government of Andhra Pradesh then took the offensive against the Naxalites but at the same time took up land distribution, land reform and other pro-poor steps which they had agreed to implement in their talks with the Naxalites.

The Andhra Pradesh government could instil a sense of confidence and a sense of belonging among the forest dwellers and tribals who were earlier at the mercy of the Naxalites. We see the results now. There is comparatively more peace in AP than what we have in Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Jharkhand. Chhattisgarh and Orissa share borders with Andhra Pradesh.

Therefore the need of the hour is to build confidence among the forest dwellers and particularly among the tribals through some of the following steps.

Forest rights which the tribals enjoyed over centuries were taken away by the British by enacting the Indian Forest Act, 1927, which enabled them to exploit the forest wealth to their advantage. There was widespread protest in the early 1930s against this Act in Gondwana, led by Mahatma Gandhi. The movement was called Jungle Satyagraha. Scores of tribals were killed in police firing and the movement was brutally suppressed.

Although we won freedom, we haven't been able to restore forest rights to the tribals and forest dwellers. There is the need to have a new Forest Act in which the total forest produce including timber, bamboo and all the minor forest produce is given to the forest dwellers so that their livelihoods are assured and the standing tree may then be used even as collateral to take consumption loan.

The Mines and Minerals (Regulation and Development) Act, 1957, (MMRDA) was enacted to exploit mineral wealth. It is highly exploitative and has been used to enrich the state and all those who had the clout and resources to get the lease.

Where does it leave the forest dweller or the landholder who has been living there for generations? He is paid compensation for the land if it is in his name, which normally is not the case, otherwise forcefully evicted. Even the compensation which he was supposed to get was denied, some times, by lower functionaries. Why can't we amend the MMRDA to include the land oustees as one of the beneficiaries of the annual royalty which the government gets? Why can't we levy a cess on the mineral for local area development which could directly be deposited in the account of the Gram Sabha if it is in a scheduled area and Panchayat/ Gram Sabha if it is in a non-scheduled area?

Amend the Land Acquisition Act, 1894, so that the land compensation is decided with the consent of the land oustee. Haryana government has decided that the land oustee would get a fixed amount annually for the next 30 years. Even China has decided to give, besides compensation for unmovable property like old houses, each relocated family new arable land plus an annual subsidy of 600 yuan ($88) per person for 20 years.

Why are we not implementing panchayat extension in scheduled areas in the tribal areas which is a constitutional requirement? This would ultimately empower the forest dwellers and tribals to write their own destiny.

If we have the political will to enforce the steps outlined above, Operation Green Hunt may succeed. otherwise, without these pro-people steps, we may end up waging a war against our own people and Operation Green Hunt may turn into Operation Red!

(The author is general secretary of the All India Congress Committee and a former chief minister of Madhya Pradesh)

 

***************************************

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

SHOULD BONDHOLDERS BE BAILED OUT?

LUCIAN BEBCHUK

 

It is now widely expected that, when a financial institution is deemed "too big to fail," governments will intervene if it gets into trouble. But how far should such interventions go? In contrast to the recent rash of bailouts, future government bailouts should protect only some creditors of a bailed-out institution. In particular, the government's safety net should never be extended to include the bondholders of such institutions.

 

In the past, government bailouts have typically protected all contributors of capital of a rescued bank other than shareholders. Shareholders were often required to suffer losses or were even wiped out, but bondholders were generally saved by the government's infusion of cash.

For example, bondholders were fully covered in the bailouts of AIG, Bank of America, Citigroup, and Fannie Mae, while these firms' shareholders had to bear large losses. The same was true in government bailouts in the United Kingdom, continental Europe, and elsewhere. Bondholders were saved because governments generally chose to infuse cash in exchange for common or preferred shares — which are subordinate to bondholders' claims — or to improve balance sheets by buying or guaranteeing the value of assets.

A government may wish to bail out a financial institution and provide protection to its creditors for two reasons. First, with respect to depositors or other creditors that are free to withdraw their capital on short notice, a protective government umbrella might be necessary to prevent inefficient "runs" on the institution's assets that could trigger similar runs at other institutions.

Second, most small creditors are "non-adjusting," in the sense that they are unable to monitor and study the financial institution's situation when agreeing to do business with it. To enable small creditors to use the financial system, it might be efficient for the government to guarantee (explicitly or implicitly) their claims. But, while these considerations provide a basis for providing full protection to depositors and other depositor-like creditors when a financial institution is bailed out, they do not justify extending such protection to bondholders.

Unlike depositors, bondholders generally are not free to withdraw their capital on short notice. They are paid at a contractually specified time, which may be years away. Thus, if a financial firm appears to have difficulties, its bondholders cannot stage a run on its assets and how these bondholders fare cannot be expected to trigger runs by bondholders in other companies.

Moreover, when providing their capital to a financial firm, bondholders can generally be expected to obtain contractual terms that reflect the risks they face. Indeed, the need to compensate bondholders for risks could provide market discipline: when financial firms operate in ways that can be expected to produce increased risks down the road, they should expect to "pay" with, say, higher interest rates or tighter conditions.

But this source of market discipline would cease to work if the government's protective umbrella were perceived to extend to bondholders. If bondholders knew that the government would protect them, they would not insist on getting stricter contractual terms when they face greater risks. The problem of "moral hazard" — which posits that actors will take excessive risks if they do not expect to bear fully the consequences of their actions — is commonly cited as a reason not to protect shareholders of bailed-out firms. But it also counsels against protecting firms' bondholders.

Thus, when a large financial firm runs into problems that require a government bailout, the government should be prepared to provide a safety net to depositors and depositor-like creditors, but not to bondholders. In particular, if the firm's equity capital erodes, the government should not provide funds (directly or indirectly) to increase the cushion available to bondholders. Rather, bonds should be at least partly converted into equity capital, and any infusion of new capital by the government should be in exchange for securities that are senior to those of existing bondholders.

Governments should not only avoid protecting bondholders after the fact when the details of a bailout are worked out, but should also make their commitment to this approach clear in advance. Some of the benefits of a government policy that induces bondholders to insist on stricter terms when financial firms take larger risks would not be fully realised if bondholders believed that the government might protect their interests in the event of a bailout.

In other words, governments should establish bailout policies before the need to intervene arises, rather than make ad hoc decisions when financial firms get into trouble. The best policy should categorically exclude bondholders from the set of potential beneficiaries of government bailouts. This would not only eliminate some of the unnecessary costs of government bailouts, but would also reduce their incidence.

(The author is professor of law, economics, and finance, and director of the program on corporate governance at Harvard Law School)

 

***************************************

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

TO OBSERVE AND BE DAMNED

MUKUL SHARMA

 

The scientific method for investigating phenomena is simple. You collect information by observing stuff, experiment with that data and finally test various hypotheses by making predictions. If the predictions turn out to be dependable and others can repeat the whole procedure, and all the results are available for scrutiny by peers later, the investigation is complete (for the time being at least) and we have an explanation of what, for example, is thunder. Or light. Or whatever.

 

An important aspect of this method is that the entire process should be objective in order to reduce the chance of a biased interpretation of the results.

However, there's a problem with this methodology — namely, a built-in bias: the act of observation (or measurement) changes the nature of the phenomenon being observed. When a child has a fever, a parent plonks a thermometer in its mouth to measure the temperature. But the thermometer has to absorb some heat energy from the body to record a temperature which changes the temperature of the body. Similarly, when an electrician connects a voltmeter to a circuit to measure the voltage in it, the device puts an additional load on the system, thus changing the behaviour of the circuitry itself. Again, when the path of an electron needs to be observed a photon must interact with it. This changes the electron's path.

In the case of sense perception and the mind the same thing also happens because there is an unconscious component there, becoming conscious of which inevitably affects it. For example, the knowledge of a dream subtly alters its function and, like other measuring observations, creates a new phenomenon. Meaning, psychological phenomenon, too, cannot easily be partitioned or deconstructed without affecting it in some way. To come to terms with overall significance, it must be viewed as a whole without degrading any pre-existing or prior to measurement properties.

Yet when it comes to our most inner being — our soul, our spirit or perhaps even the godhead that resides within us — we are constantly urged to contemplate it. As a result, a lot of us attempt to analyse and examine it using various methods such as mediation, visualisation and prayer, to actualise our existence and give it a higher meaning. Does this refined scrutiny not militate against the evidence for the wholeness that we are deemed to be not just part of but, indeed, are?

 

***************************************

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

ENGAGE ALL THE PARTIES TO THE DISPUTE

 

The APHC has been encouraged by the recent statement made by Mr P Chidambaram in Srinagar. Our basic stand regarding the resolution of the Kashmir dispute is either a direct plebiscite on both sides of the cease-fire line or a negotiated settlement that fulfils the aspirations of the people of the undivided state of Jammu & Kashmir as it existed on August 14, 1947.

 

If a settlement has to be sought through negotiations, our stance is clear: we were the first to step forward to talk. In doing so, we took a big risk, including risks to our lives; but we did it as we believe dialogue could be the best way forward. We are aware that various shades of opinion exist but if the dialogue has to be result-oriented we need to bring on board all those who oppose Delhi, because we believe in a dialogue that is all inclusive. We may or may not succeed in getting everyone on board, but we will continue to try.

It is a fact that there cannot be a permanent resolution to the dispute without the involvement of Pakistan, as a large part of the state is on the other side of the cease-fire line. History shows that all bilateral agreements between Delhi and Islamabad have failed, similarly all agreements between Srinagar and Delhi have also failed in yielding any result.

That is why the APHC believes that all the three parties to the dispute need to be engaged. An important point is the need for confidence-building measures (CBMs) between Delhi and Srinagar. It may be more accurate to talk about building trust, which precedes confidence building.

We had asked the PM in our earlier meetings to start with some initiatives. We believe in measures like revoking various draconian laws; demilitarisation, even if implemented in a phased manner; evolving a mechanism so that co-operation in tourism, trade, travel and other areas is ensured between all parties; respecting sentiments of Kashmiris, keeping in view the sensitivities and complications of the Kashmir problem until a final settlement is arrived at.

In the meantime, a strategy based on sincerity, farsightedness and realism must be adopted. These are small steps that will significantly change the atmosphere, advance the scope of the talks and may even help bring to the table those among us who may be reluctant today.

 

***************************************

 

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

DIALOGUE HAS TO BE GIVEN ADEQUATE CHANCE

 

There can't be two answers to the question. For the simple reason that nothing else has worked in Jammu and Kashmir, dialogue has to be given an ample and adequate chance. Everything has been tried so far; elections fraud and fair, elected governments, governor's rule, militarisation, armed struggle, peaceful demonstrations, wars, diplomacy, et al. Though policymakers take satisfaction in temporary turnarounds, often mistaking surface calm for the disappearance of a problem, it has returned always with increased misery for the people of the state and grave impact on our country and Pakistan.

It is not that dialogue has not been tried in the past. But there have been inadequacies in the approach, method and objective of such a dialogue. Generally it has been an exercise to reach predetermined results whose parameters are set by the security establishment. It is important to learn from past mistakes so as to evolve a solution that satisfies all the stake holders, primarily the people of J&K. It is necessary those who enter the dialogue are strengthened, and not sought to be discredited by the exercise. So it will need sincerity of purpose on the part of the government.

The dialogue process will also have to be upgraded to a dignified political level. Why are the politicians kept away from the process which concerns the most vexed problem India has faced? The fact that bureaucratic handling has not been able to resolve it for six decades should make it clear that hard-boiled politicians like Lalu Yadav, Sharad Pawar or Digvijay Singh took charge.

Kashmir, in spite of what is happening around us, should not be seen as a problem of terrorism. It existed as a political problem much before Palestine, Afghanistan, Waziristan, al Qaeda, Taleban and Lashkar and will have to be handled as such. Only then can a dignified solution be arrived at.

Kashmiris will have to be looked at as a self-respecting people with a rich civilisational background and not as a security threat in need of neutralisation through subterfuge and draconian laws. They will have to get the satisfaction of having acceded to a thriving democracy with strong institutions and not merely its security establishment that has succeeded in converting the soldier and his gun as the only symbols of the Indian state.

 

***************************************

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

SHOULD GOVT ENGAGE SEPARATISTS IN J&K?

DIALOGUE HAS TO BE GIVEN ADEQUATE CHANCE

 

There can't be two answers to the question. For the simple reason that nothing else has worked in Jammu and Kashmir, dialogue has to be given an ample and adequate chance.

Everything has been tried so far; elections fraud and fair, elected governments, governor's rule, militarisation, armed struggle, peaceful demonstrations, wars, diplomacy, et al. Though policymakers take satisfaction in temporary turnarounds, often mistaking surface calm for the disappearance of a problem, it has returned always with increased misery for the people of the state and grave impact on our country and Pakistan.

It is not that dialogue has not been tried in the past. But there have been inadequacies in the approach, method and objective of such a dialogue. Generally it has been an exercise to reach predetermined results whose parameters are set by the security establishment. It is important to learn from past mistakes so as to evolve a solution that satisfies all the stake holders, primarily the people of J&K. It is necessary those who enter the dialogue are strengthened, and not sought to be discredited by the exercise. So it will need sincerity of purpose on the part of the government.

The dialogue process will also have to be upgraded to a dignified political level. Why are the politicians kept away from the process which concerns the most vexed problem India has faced? The fact that bureaucratic handling has not been able to resolve it for six decades should make it clear that hard-boiled politicians like Lalu Yadav, Sharad Pawar or Digvijay Singh took charge.

Kashmir, in spite of what is happening around us, should not be seen as a problem of terrorism. It existed as a political problem much before Palestine, Afghanistan, Waziristan, al Qaeda, Taleban and Lashkar and will have to be handled as such. Only then can a dignified solution be arrived at.

Kashmiris will have to be looked at as a self-respecting people with a rich civilisational background and not as a security threat in need of neutralisation through subterfuge and draconian laws. They will have to get the satisfaction of having acceded to a thriving democracy with strong institutions and not merely its security establishment that has succeeded in converting the soldier and his gun as the only symbols of the Indian state.

 

Engage all the parties to the dispute

The APHC has been encouraged by the recent statement made by Mr P Chidambaram in Srinagar. Our basic stand regarding the resolution of the Kashmir dispute is either a direct plebiscite on both sides of the cease-fire line or a negotiated settlement that fulfils the aspirations of the people of the undivided state of Jammu & Kashmir as it existed on August 14, 1947.

If a settlement has to be sought through negotiations, our stance is clear: we were the first to step forward to talk. In doing so, we took a big risk, including risks to our lives; but we did it as we believe dialogue could be the best way forward. We are aware that various shades of opinion exist but if the dialogue has to be result-oriented we need to bring on board all those who oppose Delhi, because we believe in a dialogue that is all inclusive. We may or may not succeed in getting everyone on board, but we will continue to try.

It is a fact that there cannot be a permanent resolution to the dispute without the involvement of Pakistan, as a large part of the state is on the other side of the cease-fire line. History shows that all bilateral agreements between Delhi and Islamabad have failed, similarly all agreements between Srinagar and Delhi have also failed in yielding any result.

That is why the APHC believes that all the three parties to the dispute need to be engaged. An important point is the need for confidence-building measures (CBMs) between Delhi and Srinagar. It may be more accurate to talk about building trust, which precedes confidence building. We had asked the PM in our earlier meetings to start with some initiatives. We believe in measures like revoking various draconian laws; demilitarisation, even if implemented in a phased manner; evolving a mechanism so that co-operation in tourism, trade, travel and other areas is ensured between all parties; respecting sentiments of Kashmiris, keeping in view the sensitivities and complications of the Kashmir problem until a final settlement is arrived at.

In the meantime, a strategy based on sincerity, farsightedness and realism must be adopted. These are small steps that will significantly change the atmosphere, advance the scope of the talks and may even help bring to the table those among us who may be reluctant today.

 

***************************************

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

THE JOURNEY OF RAKESH JHUNJHUNWALA

We have seen a 80% rise in the stock markets over the last one year, the highest pace in fact in the last eight years and one man saw this happening. We are talking about the pied piper of the Indian stock markets, none other than Rakesh Jhunjhunwala. A journey which started with just Rs. 5000 has now moved to this place, RaRe Enterprises (Ra-Rakesh Jhunjhunwala, Re- Rekha Jhunjhunwala). Rakesh Jhunjhunwala spoke exclusively to ET Now of his experience with the markets and about his journey to the top.

When you first ventured into the stock markets, it must have been a huge gamble 20 years ago. You qualified as a CA, what made you take that step?

My father was also interested in stocks. When I was a young child, he and his friends would drink in the evening and discuss about the stock market. I would listen to them and one day I asked him why do these prices fluctuate. He told me to check if there is a news item on Gwalior Rayon in the newspaper, and if there was Gwalio Rayon's price would fluctuate the next day.

I found it very interesting and I got fascinated by stocks, I self-taught myself. My father told me to do whatever I wanted in life but at least get professionally qualified.

I was always a reasonably good student so I took up chartered accountancy. In January 1985, I completed my CA. I told my father I wanted to go to the stock market. My father reacted by telling me not to ask him or any of his friends for money. He, however, told me that I could live in the house in Mumbai and that if I did not do well in the market I could always earn my livelihood as chartered accountant. This sense of security really drove me in life.

But your first real large investment was Sesa Goa, I am curious to understand Sesa Goa, a commodity company, what prompted you to invest in Sesa Goa?

 

Sesa Goa had a big fall because there was a depression in the iron ore industry and then prices for the next year had been considerably raised about 20-25%. The stock was available abysmally cheap around Rs. 25-26. There was a projection of a very good growth in profitability in the next year but nobody seemed to believe it.

When I saw the facts, I wanted to invest but I did not have capital. Between 1986 and 1989 I must have earned Rs 20-25 lakhs. After 1986, the market went into a big depression for two three years but I put that money in Tata Power and the Tata Power stocks became about 1100-1200.

Now I was worth Rs 50-55 lakhs. I bought 4 lakh shares of Sesa Goa in forward trading, worth Rs 1 crore. I sold about 2-2.5 lakh shares at Rs 60-65 and another 1 lakh at Rs 150-175. The prices then went up to Rs 2200 and I sold some shares. I did some other trading too. I had net worth of about Rs 2 - 2.5 crore.

Was there any point of time when you came close to thinking that this is not for you or was it always a goal from the beginning?

I would not say that I did not come to a point where I had doubts in my mind, but my family circumstances and the support of my parents and my wife and my brother always let me do what I wanted in life. As long as I was not risking anything which I had not made with my own hands and I was playing with my money, I thought it was fine.

Your mother insisted that stock market is for gamblers, your wife is saying that she is a good luck charm, there was perhaps some amount of family resistance when you started your entry into stocks.

I would not say there was some kind of resitance, there was only some kind of apprehension. They never stopped me from going, they only warned me. There can be no greater well wisher for me in life than my mother. My mother says every man's luck is his woman.

People will laugh at me, but when they ask me to make a wish for the next life, I will say I want the same parents, same brother and sister, same wife, same friends.

Are you superstitious, to what extent do you feel that luck has something to do with it?

I would not say I am superstitious. When you acknowledge that you have been lucky or you have been successful because of circumstances which are not what you have done or created, then you get humility, you do you feel that I am what I am because of what I am. You feel you are what you are because a set of circumstances came together and those circumstances were not brought together only by you, they were also brought together by fate. For example if Rakesh Jhunjhunwala has earned some wealth in life, the fact that the index was 150 when he came here and today the index is 17500, is one of the biggest contributors of the creation of the wealth, yes.

Did you ever in your wildest dreams imagine that we would be at these levels?

When index was at 150 points I did not have so much idea of markets but surely in 2002-2003 I felt that markets will see levels and India will see prosperity which we can't imagine right now. I still hold that view.

What does Rakesh Jhunjhunwala do when he does want to take some time out, indulge himself, is there something you enjoy doing?

I enjoy reading, I enjoy watching food shows.

Are you a big foodie?

Yeah, look at my size. Basically my favourite food is street food. I love the Chinese food on the streets, also I love the dosa. I do not get the taste in the paav bhaji anywhere so I tell my wife and then we make it at home. I basically like relaxing, I do not do much physical activity.

Now we know three sides of Rakesh Jhunjhunwala, investor, trader and businessman, you have got a fourth side also and a very prominent fourth side which is the philanthropist, the philanthropist Rakesh Jhunjhunwala because I have been told that you got big plans to construct a children's home.

I would not call myself a philanthropist and all, it is too early but surely see, we must realise one thing that the giver of this wealth is God, do not think we have earned it because we are smart. Ultimate giver is God and it casts a duty on us that this wealth be used for good social purposes. So it is the aim and ambition of my life that a good portion of the wealth that I earn would be used for good social purposes.

The only sure income that I have is dividend income and I spend one third of my dividend income in charity and I hope to do that in future and also with time I would like to endow at least Rs. 500 crores to a foundation and really work on charitable activity.

Everyone knows that you are both a successful long term investor as well as a trader, how do you manage to balance both?

Short term trading is for short term gain. Long term trading is for long term capital formation. Trading is what gives you the capital to invest. My trading also helps my investing in the sense I use a lot of technical analysis for trading at times.

If the stock is overpriced, I should sell but my trading skills tell me that the stock can remain overvalued or get more overvalued. Hence, I hold on to my investments.

So, I think they complement each other in many ways but they are two distinct compartments totally.

You make investment decisions quickly and with a lot of conviction. We got examples how you made a decision to buy Praj or Matrix, that is unique. When you are investing long term money, you need to assess it, you need some time assessing.

See, one thing first of all, all assessments can only be made up to a point. You are investing in the future, the future is uncertain. So you cannot make any prediction of profits to any preision and you look at the opportunity; you look at the people managing, you look at the competitive ability.

If the margin of what you think the value is and if you think the future can be so great then why spend time assessing it. If I thought that Matrix profits are going to be hundred crores and Matrix market cap is 150 crores then what should I invest, what should I research and what should I think. So when the opportunity is so great...

It is interesting that some of your best ideas have come not because of insider information, not because of insider edge, they have come because of simple common sense and news which is there in public domain.

Yes, they have, because many a times the insiders themselves do not know what is happening. My idea is to credit the factors which drive the portfolio which are the opportunities, the competitive ability, the people, the valuation, the return on capital.

So if those circumstances are present then why will profits not arise.

Welcome back, Samvat 2065, Indian markets have given astonishing return of 80%. Where from here, this Diwali to next Diwali, do you see Indian markets?

I see very very very very bullish for the very very very long term. Bullish for the short term and maybe you could see a correction in the mid-term.

What extent of a correction could we see?

I wish I knew.

 

Have you made any large investments in the last three months?

I have not made large investments in the last three months because I have been fully invested right through the fall and right through the rise but I did make some investments in the last one or two years.

You have often indicated that it is important to buy but it is equally important to buy at a right price, are prices right?
Well, prices are right. There can be no generalisation, you know, look at the equity, you can still find investment opportunities at these price levels. In 2003 bull market, I made some of the best investments in which I made the largest money.

I made the investment in Praj Industries in January 2004 with the index of 5500 and it nearly doubled and I sold some part of it about 250 times appreciation even now.

Any area that you have been looking to exit or you think it is the right time to exit over the last few months or now?
As far as the exits are concerned, I keep buying-selling something, nothing substantial. The variability in my portfolio will not be more than 5% or 3%. Personally, I have decided that at some point of time, regardless of companies, looking at the macro, I am going to exit all my investments because the history of bull markets tells us that excesses go to such levels and to recapture them takes decades.

What are the biggest driving factors for the markets going ahead?

Well, driving factor for the market is that there is a transition from West to the East. We have good regulation, good trading platforms, there is mountain of savings; we are just going to go up every year driven by growth in GDP demographics, growth in financial markets.

The foreigners have no choice but they will invest where growth is 10%, I think that is what is driving markets.

Is that a case where next 12 to 24 months' earnings do not expand and PE multiples will expand?

I do not think so. I think earnings will expand faster than what people are anticipating and already none of the results have disappointed.

You have no exposure to real estate, very little exposure to technology and very little exposure again to commodities.

Well, I will not buy real estate even today. Look at the way you can get value for a stock by issuing an old stock and there is the continued circle to get constant earnings. It is speculation of the highest order.

What happens in real estate price discovery is most imperfect and I do not like the general real estate.

Although bullish in the residential real estate in India, I do not think there are models which are sustaining.

As far as technology is concerned, I think it is a mature industry. I am bearish on US dollar, I have large investment in the unlisted space. I have some exposure to commodities and I have a large investment in oil companies.

Maybe it was by design of accident, I missed the cement boom and I never invested again. I missed the cement boom in 2003-2004-2005. As far as other industries are concerned I was bullish on Tata Steel because of the Corus factor, but I did not buy.

So what would Rakesh Jhunjhunwala buy today?

Well, what I buy today and what I sell today is a matter of personal...

 

Which sector would you look at?

I would look at all India sensitive sectors, retailing, banking, infrastructure, pharma.

How do you see yourself, Rakesh Jhunjhunwala, the family man, the investor or the businessman?

See, the only truth of life is death and that when I am going to die I would say boss, just leave me for three hours, I would buy one stock, I will do some trading, I will spend some time with my children, my wife, I will have two drinks and then you can burn me. So it has to be combination of everything.

 

***************************************

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

 

WE'RE STAYING AWAY FROM REALTY STOCKS: RELIANCE LIFE

 

R Rajagopalan, chief investment officer at Reliance Life, manages assets worth Rs 10,000 crore. In an exclusive interview to ET NOW, Mr Rajagopalan explains why he's bullish on banking stocks but underweight on real estate. Excerpts:

 

For a long-term investor to take a negative call on autos, which is a consumption proxy, is rare.

We aren't taking a negative call on autos. We are slightly underweight on that sector for the time being.

Your largest holding is banks. You own SBI, and have an exposure to ICICI Bank.

Core sector growth will definitely lead to good performance in the banking sector. The global recession is behind us; and credit growth is going to pick up. Banking is one sector that's going to benefit from higher credit growth.

A lot of the commodity stocks have run up quite a bit. Over the medium term, does anything in commodities look appealing to you?

In the near term, I would be slightly cautious because prices have run up. In the medium-to-long term, steel will always interest us because it is going to get into infrastructure development. I would be more inclined to take a call on steel in the medium-to-long term.

What's your view on real estate? Some of these stocks, on a NAV basis, still appear to be fairly undervalued.
We are just keeping away from real estate because of high volatility in the near term. Some of the stocks may be very attractively priced, but due to volatility we are keeping away from real estate stocks.

Will you be a contrarian buyer in telecom?

We have exposure, but we are underweight in telecom.

No plans to increase that exposure?

As of now, no.

You like power as a story even though it is expensive?

From a long-term perspective, yes.

 

***************************************

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

WE WANT TO BRING DERIVATIVES BACK ON BSE: DY CEO

 

Asia's oldest bourse — the Bombay Stock Exchange — enjoyed a monopoly and leadership status for many decades, before losing out to the much younger National Stock Exchange. The latest entrant in the business MCX-SX is also giving BSE a run for its money in the currency derivatives segment. But it now appears that the BSE is readying itself for another bout to regain its market share.

A new team is at the helm with the latest to join the BSE being Ashishkumar Chauhan who has joined as Deputy Chief Executive Officer — a post specially created for Mr Chauhan. Incidentally, Mr Chauhan was instrumental in setting up the capital market and equity derivatives segment of NSE, among other things. ET Now caught up with Mr Chauhan for a quick chat.

BSE has been losing ground in most of the segments. While it still enjoys a decent share in the equity segment, it is nowhere on the scene when it comes to the non-equity arena. How do you plan to address this issue?

Our strategy would be unveiled over the next couple of years. And you will see we will work towards getting derivatives market back on BSE. There would be many more instruments that would come for trading on BSE over that period.

But how exactly does BSE plan to attract trading in non-equity instruments? Would the tie-up with United Stock Exchange play a key role here as it is more focussed on derivatives?

We believe it would. It would help us gain market share in that non-equity segment.

Exchange-traded funds seem to be the new buzzword with all exchanges vying to attract more and more ETFs on their platform. Only two weeks ago, the BSE arranged an awareness seminar on ETFs. Are these products high on BSE's radar?

We launched trading for a few ETFs last week. We have got excellent support from the investors in trading of those ETFs. We would like to believe that over a period of time, ETFs would become a significant part of BSE's total offering to investors.

Finally, is BSE open to the idea of inorganic growth as part of its attempts to garner higher market share? Or, would you completely rule it out?

It is an interesting question. Each and every opportunity would be weighed on its own merit. Only then, an appropriate decision would be taken.

 

***************************************

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

'OUR MARGINS WILL BE STABLE FOR THE WHOLE YEAR'

2RUCHITA SAXENA

 

Larsen & Toubro (L&T), is sitting pretty on a 26% rise in net profit for the second quarter. In an interview with ET NOW's Ruchita Saxena, its wholetime director & CFO, YM Deosthalee , said the company expects new orders to rise above 30% in the current year. Excerpts.

What's the status of your order book? When are you expecting these projects to close financially?
The L&T's order book, as of today, is around Rs 81,000 crore, up from around Rs 70,000 crore in the beginning of the year. Our normal execution cycle is about two-and-a-half year, when it will get converted into sales. In the E&C business, we have recorded 14% growth in the first six months. For the year as a whole, we should have more than 15% growth in the E&C business.

Which sectors are expected to generate more orders?

If you look at our order book position, 38% is from infrastructure, 26% from power and 30% from the oil and gas process industries. We expect the share of power to be higher because there are plenty of opportunities.

Regarding margins, what is the outlook? What are the factors that are working in your favour at present?

If we look at the margins segment wise, engineering and construction margins are stable. For the half year, there is a slight improvement. The margins will be stable for the year as a whole. We have taken various steps in the last few years in terms of risk management, project management, value engineering, supply chain, etc. This is because you will always have surprises in this business. The commodity prices may go up, the foreign exchange may turn volatile, there could be delays in project implementation, so it is a risky business.

Would you say that economic recovery has finally begun for your company?

We had not gone down during the downturn. If you look at the last year's performance, we had recorded more than 35% plus growth. But the fact remains that some of our businesses have been impacted. In the last one or two months, we have seen some signs of recovery, especially in the product businesses, which were badly impacted, and in the machinery and industrial products division.

Could you give us an outlook on your subsidiaries, like L&T Finance and L&T Infrastructure?
Financial services, especially the areas in which we are operating, have an extremely good future. If India continues to grow at 6%, 7% or 8%, then financial services will grow because money will be required. In the current year, both those entities have done well.

Their combined asset base was Rs 7,500 crore at the beginning of the year, we hope to end the year somewhere between Rs 11,000 crore to Rs 12,000 crore, which means 40% to 50% growth.

 

***************************************

 

******************************************************************************************

                                                                                                               DECCAN CHRONICAL

EDITORIAL

HONEYMOON FOR CONGRESS CONTINUES

 

The broad trends thrown up by the Assembly election in Maharashtra, Haryana and Arunachal Pradesh, the results for which became available on Thursday, is that the honeymoon period for the Congress is not yet over five months after the Lok Sabha poll. The obverse of this is also, naturally, true. The BJP, as the main Opposition party, remains low on performance and on morale. Clearly, the fights within are still taking a toll. As the party spokesman, Mr Ravishankar Prasad, said to the media when the results were being announced, the BJP must learn to speak in one voice. The party had done exceedingly well in byelections to Assembly seats in a large number of states last month, leading to the belief in some quarters that it might be in the process of turning the corner. That is evidently not the case yet. By hinting at only organisational failures of his party, the BJP spokesman has obviously underplayed the magnitude of the problem that the BJP faces. The Congress has performed far better than its opponents because the latter offered no counter-narrative. If they had, the voter might have been more willing to listen to criticisms of the Congress, especially on the disastrous prices front. As things were, the electorate went along with the Congress line that the party was best able to provide a secure environment for economic and social activity. Within the larger discourse of continuing support to the Congress, there are naturally state-level trends to refer to. Arunachal Pradesh is the easiest to understand. It threw up no complexities. The state is known to go with those who rule at the Centre. Of the remaining two states, it is Maharashtra that compels attention, not Haryana, although it was widely thought that the latter would be a cakewalk for the Congress. Every indicator now suggests that the Congress would be able to form the government in the state. This will be a record. Incumbents have never been returned to power in Haryana. But it turns out the Congress had a real fight on its hands. Unsuspectingly, Om Prakash Chautala's INLD offered very stiff resistance, although Opposition parties in the state were badly divided. Such was the result that theoretically it permitted the non-Congress elements to upstage the Congress if they came together. But Maharashtra has been a revelation for the Congress-NCP alliance. The party romped home although it was in the fray for the third consecutive term. This is indeed an achievement and could bolster the Chief Minister, Mr Ashok Chavan's claim to continue to lead the government. Had the ruling alliance fallen short of a majority, Mr Chavan might have held a weaker hand. The Congress turned out to be much stronger than its ally in terms of seats won. But it is still too early to say that the NCP is a write-off. Among all the parties in the field in Maharashtra, it alone won 50 per cent of the seats it contested. It would have proved disastrous for the Congress not to ally with it, as some senior leaders were suggesting earlier. The Shiv Sena-BJP alliance suffered badly in this election. A key reason for this is the rise of Mr Raj Thackeray's Maharashtra Navnirman Sena. This party now bears watching. It has shown the potential to hijack the Shiv Sena's élan. Nationally, the Congress would breathe easy after this round of state elections, but it needs to engage in some retooling and renovation in policy terms.

 ***************************************

DECCAN CHRONICAL

EDITORIAL

A MIRAGE OF PEACE SHIMMERS ACROSS

BY BALBIR K. PUNJ

 

It is to be hoped that India will not be misled by a series of recent events in Pakistan into believing that the Pakistani Army is now all set to crush the Taliban and that this would, eventually, be the end of terror from across the border. A careful analysis of the situation in Pakistan reveals a different game being played there, one that will only intensify the "terror pressure" on India.

The suicide attacks on the Pakistan Army and police posts by the Pakistani Taliban are no doubt a result of the Pakistan Army's all-out effort to subdue the Taliban militancy emanating from its northwest tribal areas. After it crushed the Taliban in the Swat Valley, the Pakistan Army is going all out against the Taliban in southern Waziristan in an operation termed Rah-e-Nijat, or, the road to deliverance.

The Pakistani Army's offensive is stated to involve 30,000 troops that are moving from three directions into the Mehsud-dominated area of Ladha, Makeen and Sararogha. The strategy, as stated, is to isolate the Pakistani Taliban, i.e. the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).

Reports from Pakistan say that the TTP is now dominated by a triumvirate comprising Hakimullah, Qari Waliur Rehman, the new ameer of the Mehsud tribe and also considered the brain behind the devastating suicide attacks in Pakistan, and Qari Hussain, the chief instructor of the suicide bombers.

The TTP is said to have a force of 10,000, including a contingent of 2,500 Uzbeks from Afghanistan. Afghan Taliban leader Jalaluddin Haqqani is the link between the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban.

But we should not jump to the conclusion that the two Taliban are working together. The Afghan Taliban is stated to be not too keen on its Pakistani counterpart, which plans and executes attacks on Pakistan's military establishments.

This situation has to be seen in the background of conflicts within Pakistan, in Afghanistan and role the United States-led North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (Nato) forces play in Afghanistan.

The TTP may have fallen foul of the Pakistani Army but not of its Afghan counterpart. In fact, the second suicide attack on the Indian embassy in Kabul on October 8 (that did not succeed) was a joint action of the Pakistani Army and the Afghan Taliban. More such acts can be expected as the Pakistan Army seeks to create fissures in the India-Afghan relationship.

The Pakistan Army is giving critical support to the Afghan Taliban in the hope that one day the US will leave the Kabul regime to its fate and the Army brass in Pakistan will be able to pull the strings in Kabul when the local Taliban returns to power. There is a possibility that this can be achieved through a deal with the US.
In fact, many US leaders are now pushing for precisely such a deal, saying that the Afghan Taliban is a sign of local nationalism and that the longer the US stays in Afghanistan, the greater will be the nationalist backlash, making the US even more unpopular — a repeat of what happened to the Russians earlier.

For India, such an outcome would prove to be a diplomatic disaster as it has invested heavily in the success of a democratic regime in Kabul. It is also helping with the construction of the Parliament building in the Afghan capital. This also involves training key administration personnel, setting up power stations and building roads.
But, for Pakistan, such a development would be a big opportunity to enter Afghanistan and use it to target India. And that is why both the civilian administration and Pakistani military are united in driving India out of Afghanistan. That is exactly why the Pakistani Army has launched this attack on its own Taliban terrorists. It's a campaign to please the US.

The civil and military establishments in Islamabad are also aligning their policies in a bid to ensure that the country gets the lifeline promised by the US through the economic assistance of $7.5 billion. To get this aid, the Pakistani Army has to prove that it is serious in its efforts to destroy all terrorist organisations.

The aid legislation in the US Congress has led to the Kerry-Lugar rider being attached to it. The rider insists that the administration certify that Pakistan has acted to curb Al Qaeda, the Taliban and other associated terror groups, and that it has disabled their ability to launch cross-border attacks on neighbouring countries.
Also, if the aid is to be continued, Pakistan should be seen as not being involved in nuclear proliferation activities and that the Pakistani Army is under effective civilian control.

 

China, the eternal friend of Pakistan, has also begun to flex its muscles, pitching for a shrill protest at the Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh's visit to Arunachal Pradesh and the Dalai Lama's scheduled visit to this largely Buddhist state of India.

The Pakistan Prime Minister, Mr Yousaf Raza Gilani, and Nepal's ousted Prime Minister and Maoist leader Prachanda were in Beijing at the same time when China reacted.

New Delhi has recently discovered how China managed to push in over 25,000 unskilled workers, all on business visas, for the various projects it is implementing in India. The Union home ministry has taken steps, alebit late, to stem this tide. It is admitted that the deception was made possible by the Indian Marxists' influence on the previous United Progressive Alliance government.

The convergence of several elements against India should be widely noticed in the developing situation in Pakistan and Afghanistan.

This would enable India to hold on to a proper perspective in shaping its policy to contain this threat instead of harbouring false hopes that Pakistan wishes to build bridges of peace across the border.

Anything could happen in Pakistan. That includes a conclusion in Washington that only a military dictatorship is a better deal in Islamabad rather than a tottering civilian administration, and a moderate Taliban in Afghanistan is preferred over a weak government in Kabul that perpetually needs foreign troops to remain in power.

 

Balbir K. Punj can be contacted at punjbk@gmail.com [1]

 

***************************************

DECCAN CHRONICAL

EDITORIAL

MORE US TROOPS IN AFGHAN WAR A BAD IDEA

BY NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF

 

The United States was born of our ancestors' nationalistic resentment of a foreign power whose troops we saw as occupiers, not protectors. The British never fathomed our basic grievance — this was our land, not theirs! — so the more they cracked down, the more they empowered the American insurgency.

Given that history, you'd think we might be more sensitive to nationalism abroad. Yet the most systematic foreign-policy mistake the Americans have made in the post-World War II period has been to underestimate its potency, from Vietnam to Latin America.

We have been similarly oblivious to the strength of nationalism in Afghanistan and Pakistan, particularly among the 40 million Pashtuns who live on both sides of the border there. That's one reason the additional 21,000 troops that President Barack Obama ordered to Afghanistan earlier this year haven't helped achieve stability, and it's difficult to see why 40,000 more would help either.

American policymakers were completely blindsided in recent weeks by outrage in Pakistan at the terms of our latest aid package — and if we can't even hand out billions of dollars without triggering nationalistic resentment, don't expect a benign reaction to tens of thousands of additional American troops.

We have been fighting in Afghanistan for twice as long as we fought in World War II, with a current price tag estimated to be more than $60 billion a year. Standard counterinsurgency ratios of troops to civilians suggest we would need 650,000 troops (including Afghans) to pacify the country. So will adding 40,000 more to the 68,000 already there make a difference to justify the additional annual cost of $10 billion to $40 billion, especially since they may aggravate the perception of Americans as occupiers?

I've been fascinated by Pashtuns ever since I first sneaked around the tribal areas as a university student, hiding in the luggage on tops of buses. My interviews in recent years with Pashtuns in both Afghanistan and Pakistan leave me thinking that we profoundly misunderstand the nature of the insurgency.

Some Taliban are fundamentalist ideologues who will fight the Americans to the death. But others become fighters because they are paid to do so, because a tribal elder suggests it, because it gives them an excuse for traditional banditry, because American troops killed a cousin, or because they resent infidel forces in their land.
When Pakistani troops enter Pashtun areas, the result has sometimes been a backlash that helps extremists. If Pashtuns react that way to Punjabis, why do we think they will react better to Texans?

Indeed, modern Pashtun history is, in part, one of backlashes against overambitious modernisation efforts that lacked local "buy-in".

The American military has become far more sensitive to Afghan sensibilities in the last few years, and there are some first-rate commanders on the ground who cooperate well with local Pashtun leaders. That creates genuine stability. But all commanders cannot be above average, and a heavier military footprint almost inevitably leads to more casualties, irritation and recruitment for the Taliban.

One of the main arguments for dispatching more troops is the terrorist threat from Al Qaeda.
But Steven Simon, a National Security Council official in the Clinton years who is now a terrorism expert at the Council on Foreign Relations, notes that there may be more Al Qaeda fighters in Pakistan, Yemen and, perhaps, Somalia than in Afghanistan.

"I'm sceptical that the war in Afghanistan is going to solve the Al Qaeda problem", he said.

That's not to say we should pull out, and it's a false choice to suggest that we should either abandon Afghanistan or double down. A pullout would be a disastrous signal of American weakness and would destabilise Pakistan.

My suggestion is that we scale back our aims, for Afghanistan is not going to be a shining democracy any time soon.

We should keep our existing troops to protect the cities (but not the countryside), while ramping up the training of the Afghan Army — and helping it absorb more Pashtuns to increase its legitimacy in the south.

We should negotiate to peel off some Taliban commanders and draw them over to our side, while following the old Afghan tradition of "leasing" those tribal leaders whose loyalties are for rent. More aid projects, with local tribal protection, would help, as would job creation by cutting tariffs on Pakistani and Afghan exports.
Remember also that the minimum plausible cost of 40,000 troops — $10 billion — could pay for two million disadvantaged American children to go to a solid preschool.

The high estimate of $40 billion would, over 10 years, pay for almost half of healthcare reform. Is America really better off spending that money so that more young Americans end up spilling their blood in Afghanistan without necessarily accomplishing much more than inflaming Pashtun nationalism?

 

***************************************

DECCAN CHRONICAL

OPED

250 mothers will die of childbirth in India today

By Patralekha Chatterjee

 

Shashi Kapoor stole the thunder from screen baddie and wealth-flaunting older brother Amitabh Bachchan in the 1975 blockbuster Deewar with just four words: "Mere paas maa hai". Being a mother is good, great and glorious in mythology, cinema and in the popular psyche in India. Sadly, in real life, motherhood is a hazardous experience in many parts of the country.

"No Tally of the Anguish: Accountability in maternal healthcare in India", a recent report by Human Rights Watch (HRW), the New York-based international NGO, is the latest reminder of the paradox of being a mother in India. We deify motherhood but do not do enough to save mothers.

"For an emerging global economic power famous for its medical prowess, India continues to have unacceptably high maternal mortality levels. In 2005, the last year for which international data is available, India's maternal mortality ratio (MMR) was 16 times that of Russia, 10 times that of China, and four times higher than in Brazil," the 150-page report observes.

Some more damning figures: Of every 70 Indian girls who reach reproductive age, one will eventually die because of pregnancy, childbirth or unsafe abortion, compared to one in 7,300 in the developed world. More will suffer from preventable injuries, infections and disabilities, often serious and lasting a lifetime, due to failures in maternal care. Indeed, India contributes a little under a fourth of the world's maternal mortality.

Given all these disturbing numbers, why do not we hear more about maternal deaths? The short answer: because the magnitude of the problem is not recognised and the life stories of the dead women remain untold. Deaths due to conflicts, disasters or terrorism instantly grab public attention, become talking points, pressuring politicians and policymakers towards action. Most maternal deaths, in contrast, are deaths due to neglect, and remain ill-monitored. Medical records typically capture the immediate, biological causes of maternal deaths.

 

What gets left out are the personal, familial, socio-cultural and environmental factors contributing to these deaths. The key underlying reason behind a maternal death in India is not always lack of money. The brutal truth, as the HRW report notes, is that generally speaking, maternal mortality is high where women's overall status is low, and public health systems are poor. It is the low status of women which leads to the low priority accorded to her health. Early marriage, women's neglect of their reproductive health, inability to decide when and where to seek medical help, widespread malnutrition, lack of education, awareness, domestic violence and poor access to quality healthcare, including emergency obstetric services are some of the all too familiar factors which contribute to tens of thousands of maternal deaths.

A telling indicator: In rural India, even the desperately poor spend months planning every detail of a family wedding. The birth of a child, in stark contrast, is considered a routine affair, requiring minimal preparation and expenditure. Neglect during pregnancy and childbirth claims the lives of around 100,000 women across the country every year. Most such deaths can be averted but for the "three delays" — delay in decision to seek care, delay in reaching the appropriate health facility and delay in receiving care once inside a hospital.
Within India, there are also huge disparities. National averages camouflage sharp in-country variations in maternal mortality and morbidity. Northern India, made up of the so-called eight "Empowered Action Group" states, along with Assam, have the highest maternal mortality rates in the country. At 440 maternal deaths per 1,00,000 live births, Uttar Pradesh reports the second highest MMR (maternal mortality ratio) in the country.

This is about 1.7 times the estimated national MMR and more than three times that of states like Tamil Nadu in south India.

Many of the insights in the HRW report are familiar to Indians working in public health. India's flagship National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) seeks to address the twin challenges of maternal and child survival. Since its launch in 2005, the NRHM has pumped in huge sums of money to improve public health systems and reduce maternal and infant mortality. Recent data suggests that it has made some difference in parts of the country. All-India figures show a decline in maternal deaths between 2003 to 2006.

However, the initiatives will not produce the intended outcomes unless there is strict monitoring and healthcare system accountability, as the HRW report correctly stresses. We also need timely investigations into maternal deaths.

Unicef, for example, has piloted a verbal autopsy tool called Maternal and Perinatal Death Inquiry and Response, which involves communities. Two years ago, while visiting districts across the country where this was being implemented, I saw promising signs. Trained health and community workers and NGO field staff visited families where a maternal death has taken place with a structured questionnaire. The questionnaire is a tool to facilitate a process of raising awareness, of getting people concerned and involved about issues impacting a mother's health and make them more knowledgeable about how they can do something about them.

 

In several instances, communities had come forward with local solutions to critical issues like referral transport during obstetric emergencies. Saving mothers is not rocket science, and certainly within the capacity of a country whose lunar programme just celebrated its triumphant discovery of water at the moon. What is needed is a determined focus on the specific cracks through which so many women fall. In the Indian context, this means paying attention to not only the disparities between different states and regions but also the significant differences in utilisation of maternal health care within states, districts and cities.

Rural women, the urban poor, and women in geographically-remote areas report poorer utilisation of maternal healthcare services than the middle class in urban areas. Pregnant women belonging to dalit and tribal communities use maternal health services less than women belonging to upper castes. Maternal deaths continue in India because the women who die are not those we socialise with and their rights are not given the same value as our rights. India has the resources, tools and technical expertise to save its mothers and its children. It should do so not only because of what Human Rights Watch or any other organisation says, but because it is the right thing to do. It will be a critical step in making the idea of India more attractive.

 

Patralekha Chatterjee writes on contemporary development issues, and can be contacted at patralekha.chatterjee@gmail.com

 

***************************************

DECCAN CHRONICAL

OPED

DECADENT JEWELS

BY IRFAN HUSAIN

 

One of the great delights of visiting London is the number of excellent exhibitions in the city's many museums and galleries. Last week, I went to see the current show at the Victoria and Albert museum that has been billed as a major display of India's past. Called "Maharaja: The Splendour of India's Royal Courts", the exhibition leads viewers through a magnificent array of relics and heirlooms from various Indian courts.
The exhibition starts with the early 18th century, the period of Mughal decline. This era was the beginning of the end of the great dynasty established by Babar in 1526. Challenged by rising regional powers, the empire dwindled rapidly, and the hollowness of its claim to rule India was exposed when the Iranian monarch Nadir Shah sacked Delhi in 1739.

In this period of shifting power, many old kingdoms surfaced, and regional governors appointed by the Mughal emperor declared virtual autonomy. These self-declared nawabs and rajas acquired all the pomp of independent rulers. They were encouraged by the East India Company, the rising power in India. Seeking to erode the power of the Mughals, the British granted this new ruling elite legitimacy, while posting political agents to their courts to ensure that they would further the Company's interests.

Wielding little power excepting the authority to squeeze their subjects, these princes and potentates used their wealth to lead decadent lives. Aping the British, many of them tried to adopt the lifestyle of their overlords, provoking snide comments and barely-concealed contempt from the officials appointed by the East India Company. Simultaneously, those who resisted the British encroachment were crushed, and their properties distributed to sycophants willing to toe the line. This policy was continued later in the area now known as Pakistan. The British Crown, having replaced the East India Company, elevated many families willing to cooperate with the government in maintaining law and order. These families form the so-called aristocracy in India and Pakistan, and were crucial to the British in putting down the mutiny.

This master-slave relationship is revealed in many of the artworks on display at the V&A exhibition. In one painting, a British officer in uniform, hat rakishly and insultingly in place, lounges at the dinner table while a prince in full regalia stares pointedly ahead. Various members of the princely retinue are decked up in Western attire. By the 19th century, this system of pomp and patronage was well-established. Princes rode elephants in ceremonial processions, clad in regal kit.

Later in the Raj period, the hedonism of the Indian princes reaches new levels of decadence. Magnificent necklaces in diamonds and emeralds are commissioned with Van Cleef and Arpel's. Photographs of some of these symbolic rulers in immaculate Western dinner jackets, with their wives in stunning dresses, show them at their worst.

Later, I concluded that my anger was caused by the sycophancy and lack of resistance to British rule evident in the exhibition. Above all, it was the contrast between the opulence of the rulers and the poverty of their subjects that made my blood boil. But when I calmed down, I thought of the beauty of so many objects on display: despite their uselessness and decadence, these nawabs had left behind some wonderful buildings and works of art. Pyramids, mosques, churches and palaces were all built to impress the masses with the pomp and power of the ruling elites. While those who carried the stone blocks and erected these monuments may have been slaves and poorly paid workers, the ones who erected these opulent structures had no qualms about extracting taxes to pay for their follies.

From the Taj Mahal to Louis XIV's palace at Versailles, it has been an unending story of exploitation and egomania. Nevertheless, the question to ask is whether we are better off for these magnificent buildings or not. Had they not been built, those who suffered during their construction might not have been as heavily taxed. But mankind would have been poorer without the amazing buildings that our forefathers have left behind. Ultimately, it is surplus labour and taxes that pay for most things of lasting value. If the state were to redistribute all revenues equally, there would be no surplus to foot the cost of research, or indeed, the social and physical infrastructure. Creating and commissioning buildings and works of art for posterity are pastimes of the rich and the idle. These aristocrats created a huge stir when they visited Europe, spending vast amounts on their hotels, cars and retinues. One of the objects on display at the V&A was a Rolls-Royce Roadster, one of a fleet ordered to special specifications by a prince. Although I enjoyed the exhibition as a visual treat, I still have mixed feelings about it. It's almost as though these long-dead princes continue to amuse the descendants of their masters long after their departure from the scene.

 

By arrangement with Dawn

 

 ***************************************

DECCAN CHRONICAL

OPED

TOXIC RELATIONS

BY RICHARD A. FRIEDMAN

 

You can divorce an abusive spouse. You can call it quits if your lover mistreats you. But what can you do if the source of your misery is your own parent?

Granted, no parent is perfect. And whining about parental failure, real or not, is practically an American pastime that keeps the therapeutic community dutifully employed.

But just as there are ordinary, good-enough parents who mysteriously produce a difficult child, there are some decent people who have the misfortune of having a truly toxic parent.

A patient of mine, a lovely woman in her 60s whom I treated for depression, recently asked my advice about how to deal with her aging mother. "She's always been extremely abusive of me and my siblings", she said, as I recall. "Once, on my birthday, she left me a message wishing that I get a disease. Can you believe it"?
Over the years, she had tried to have a relationship with her mother, but the encounters were always painful and upsetting; her mother remained harshly critical and demeaning. Whether her mother was mentally ill, just plain mean or both was unclear, but there was no question that my patient had decided long ago that the only way to deal with her mother was to avoid her at all costs. Now that her mother was approaching death, she was torn about yet another effort at reconciliation. "I feel I should try", my patient told me". Should she visit and perhaps forgive her mother, or protect herself and live with a sense of guilt, however unjustified? Tough call, and clearly not mine to make. But it did make me wonder about how therapists deal with adult patients who have toxic parents.
The topic gets little, if any, attention in standard textbooks or in the psychiatric literature, perhaps reflecting the common and mistaken notion that adults, unlike children and the elderly, are not vulnerable to such emotional abuse.

All too often, I think, therapists have a bias to salvage relationships, even those that might be harmful to a patient. Instead, it is crucial to be open-minded and to consider whether maintaining the relationship is really healthy and desirable.

Likewise, the assumption that parents are predisposed to love their children unconditionally and protect them from harm is not universally true. I remember one patient, a man in his mid-20s, who came to me for depression and rock-bottom self-esteem. It didn't take long to find out why. He had recently come out as gay to his devoutly religious parents, who responded by disowning him. It gets worse: At a subsequent family dinner, his father took him aside and told him it would have been better if he, rather than his younger brother, had died in a car accident several years earlier.

Though terribly hurt and angry, this young man still hoped he could get his parents to accept his sexuality and asked me to meet with the three of them. The parents insisted that his "lifestyle" was a grave sin, incompatible with their deeply held religious beliefs. When I tried to explain that the scientific consensus was that he had no more choice about his sexual orientation than the colour of his eyes, they were unmoved. They simply could not accept him as he was.

I was stunned by their implacable hostility and convinced that they were a psychological menace to my patient. At the next session I suggested that for his psychological well-being he might consider, at least for now, forgoing a relationship with his parents. I felt this was a drastic measure, akin to amputating a gangrenous limb to save a patient's life. My patient could not escape all the negative feelings and thoughts about himself that he had internalised from his parents. But at least I could protect him from even more psychological harm. Easier said than done. He accepted my suggestion with sad resignation, though he did make a few efforts to contact them over the next year. They never responded.

Of course, relationships are rarely all good or bad; even the most abusive parents can sometimes be loving, which is why severing a bond should be a tough decision. Dr Judith Lewis Herman, a trauma expert who is a clinical professor of psychiatry at Harvard Medical School, said she tried to empower patients to take action to protect themselves without giving direct advice.

"Sometimes we consider a paradoxical intervention and say to a patient, 'I really admire your loyalty to your parents — even at the expense of failing to protect yourself in any way from harm'," Herman told me in an interview.

The hope is that patients come to see the psychological cost of a harmful relationship and act to change it. Eventually, my patient made a full recovery from his depression and started dating, though his parents' absence in his life was never far from his thoughts.

No wonder. Research on early attachment, both in humans and in non-human primates, shows that we are hard-wired for bonding — even to those who aren't very nice to us.

We also know that although prolonged childhood trauma can be toxic to the brain, adults retain the ability later in life to rewire their brains by new experience, including psychotropic medication.

For example, prolonged stress can kill cells in the hippocampus, a brain area critical for memory. The good news is that adults are able to grow new neurons in this area in the course of normal development. Also, anti-depressants encourage the development of new cells in the hippocampus. It is no stretch, then, to say that having a toxic parent may be harmful to a child's brain, let alone his feelings. But that damage need not be written in stone.

Of course, we cannot undo history with therapy. But we can help mend brains and minds by removing or reducing stress. Sometimes, as drastic as it sounds, that means letting go of a toxic parent.

 

 Dr Richard A. Friedman is a professor of psychiatry at Weill Cornell Medical CollegeBy arrangement with the
New York Times

***************************************

  

            

******************************************************************************************

THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

841 WENT DOWN

DO WE REALLY CARE?

ENDLESS would be the argument over whether the Indian police are more sinned against than sinning. The tag of "criminals in uniform" has not been shaken off because of continuing high-handedness, corruption, inefficiency, third-degree methods and so on. Yet it would be an insensitive and ungrateful people who would fail to recognise that the killing of 841 policemen over a 12-month period raises a range of uncomfortable questions that have conveniently, and consistently, been swept under the carpet. As is customary the observance of Commemoration Day meant little to those not outfitted in khaki, a photograph and brief mention of the annual parade getting a little media play. But had it not been for that event the entry of so many more names in the martyrs' register might not have attracted even a modicum of attention. And given aam aadmi's indifference (and the shameful reality that life comes cheap in these parts) few would care to note that in addition to tackling criminals and taking on terrorists, police personnel are heavily committed to fighting Maoist insurgents, operating in tandem with the army against militants in the North-east and Jammu & Kashmir. Worse, even though comparisons of this nature are undesirable, the "compensation" police receive testifies to the tragic "gap" between olive green and khaki.

It is true that over the past 11 months or so there has been much talk, some action too it must be accepted, about police reform but most of that has been in relation to raising additional forces to counter insurgencies, re-equipping commando units, establishing hubs of the National Security Guard etc. Unfortunately near-silence persists on reducing the workload of the men and women on what are passed off as routine duties, enhancing their creature-comforts, and so boosting welfare schemes that they enjoy a little confidence that their families will not be neglected. Sure much of that brand of reform falls with the ambit of the state governments but it remains New Delhi's duty to show the way. The entire social structure relies heavily on an effective law enforcing machinery, a system that is respected rather than feared. And the cop on the beat remains its basic building block ~ we ignore that at our collective peril.

 

***************************************

THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

FRAUD ON THE PEOPLE

KARZAI EVENTUALLY AGREES TO A RUN-OFF

BY belatedly agreeing to a run-off election on 7 November, Hamid Karzai has in a way acknowledged the fraud on the people of Afghanistan two months ago. This has now been reinforced by the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon's bold decision to replace the 200 election monitors who have been implicated in the fraud. The report of the UN-backed watchdog organisation that as many as 1.3 million fake votes were cast in the presidential election in August at once reduces the President's tally to less than the 50 per cent benchmark. In terms of simple arithmetic, one-third of the ballots were fraudulent. The documents published by the Electoral Complaints Commission (ECC) mention 210 polling stations where ballots were forged. Karzai could scarcely claim that he had won an outright victory. Equally, as the head of a country that is as fractious as it is volatile could he be impervious to the mounting international demand that he face a run-off with his rival, Abdullah Abdullah. It is a crucial run-off that has to be conducted before the bleak winter sets in, making elections impossible. Karzai was acutely aware that to defer the run-off on the plea of the harsh weather ahead would only have intensified the friction and deepened the uncertainty. A hugely manipulated election has been exposed by the watchdog body, and Karzai can no longer ignore the pressure of the comity of nations.
The findings were disclosed a day after President Obama's Chief of Staff, Rahm Emanuel, gave a broad hint that the western forces were operating in an unconvincing political set-up. "It would be reckless to make a decision on US troop levels. The election had to provide a legitimate and credible government." There is now almost a collective sigh of relief in the West with President Obama thanking Karzai with the hope that the run-off would be a step towards the formation of a credible government. Indeed, the world at large is looking forward to a credible constitutional mandate in Afghanistan.

 

***************************************

THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

HERITAGE AT RISK

THE ENCROACHMENTS ON HISTORICAL SITES

THE constitution of two committees in course of a week to spruce up the National Library and the National Archives of India are a testament to the culture ministry's anxiety to enhance the treasures of the flagship heritage institutions. While the ministry can rest assured that the distinguished academics will fulfil the task assigned, it may face a forbidding challenge with the country's 249 heritage sites and historic monuments that have over time become home to squatters ~ from the cave temples of Ellora to the tomb of Sher Shah in Bihar's Sasaram, from the Lamayuru monastery in Leh to the pre-historic rock carvings at Bhimbetka in Madhya Pradesh and Samudragupta's fort in Allahabad. The list can be longer. Well may the culture ministry plead that the Archaeological Survey of India has been empowered to clear the encroachments; so too perhaps is the police. Both entities have failed. In the net, the ministry, now under a remarkably perceptive secretary, appears to be pretty much helpless in the face of an almost insurmountable intrusion into the country's Centrally Protected Monuments (CPM). That rarefied status has been trivialised and with it the country's ancient and medieval history that is etched in stone and marble. Altogether, the culture ministry and the ASI have been reduced to mute witnesses.

The governments, whether at the Centre or the states, have never had the nerve to attempt an eviction. Aside from entry regulations, there is little or no protection from the virtually permanent trespass. It must be an alarming state of affairs if the CPMs in no fewer than 22 of the 24 ASI circles are reportedly plagued by encroachments, including a political party office in the 18th century tomb of Bahu Begum in Faizabad. To blame it on burgeoning poverty, increasing homelessness, the pressure on land and rapid urbanisation is only to take recourse to a stereotyped diagnosis. Noticeable, particularly in Maharashtra, is the political factor in erecting these monuments to history. The kerfuffle over a memorial to Shivaji runs parallel to the illegal occupation of the Maratha king's forts in Sholapur, Sindhudurg and Raigad. It is a tragedy that history and archaeology have almost ceased to be a visually invigorating experience.

 

***************************************

THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

WOMB TRANSPLANTS 'WITHIN TWO YEARS' PRESS TRUST OF INDIA

PRESS TRUST OF INDIA

London, 22 OCT: British scientists have inched closer to carrying out the world's first successful womb transplant, a breakthrough giving hope to thousands of women who are unable to have children for medical reasons.
London-based surgeons and vets, working with medical teams in New York and Budapest, have proved for the first time that it is possible successfully to transplant a womb with a reliable blood supply which lasts long enough to bear children, The Times newspaper said today.

Dr Richard Smith, a consultant gynaecological surgeon at Hammersmith Hospital, West London, said that his team had solved a key problem of how to maintain a regular blood supply to a womb transplanted from a donor rabbit into another, allowing it to survive long enough to carry a successful pregnancy.

 

 ***************************************

THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

THE NECESSITY OF A BALANCED TRADE REGIME

BY DIPAK BASU

THE proposal of the recently revived World Trade Organisation's Doha round of negotiations suggests that developing countries will have to cut their agricultural targets by 36 per cent. Even the most important products of poor farmers would face around 19 per cent cuts. The proposal does not imply real cuts in huge farm subsidies in the US and EU. Both pretend to effect 70 per cent and 80 per cent cuts in subsidies. Actually, however, there are no real reductions. The current US subsidy is around $7 billion, while a 70 per cent cut would cap its subsidies at $14.5 billion. Similarly, according to estimates, EU subsidies would be around 12 billion euros by 2014 while the 80 per cent cut would cap its subsidies at 22 billion euros. 
At the WTO's Cancun conference in 2003, it was expected that developing countries would be forced to accept a deal, whereby in return for minor reductions in import tariffs and subsidies in the developed countries, they would be forced to accept a regime of the free flow of investments. The Cancun conference failed mainly because of the combined efforts of India, Brazil and South Africa to stand up against the protectionist developed countries.

TRADE LIBERALIZATION

THE WTO has promised that trade liberalisation will bring benefits to all countries. In reality, the rich countries took full advantage of the opening of markets in the developing ones. Yet they failed to open their own markets. This is particularly clear in agriculture, where subsidies to farmers in the US, Europe and Japan have risen to almost $1 billion a day. Together with other measures such as tariffs and quotas, these subsidies make it difficult for developing countries to compete in the markets of the rich. Even more damaging, they allow agricultural exports from rich countries to drive small farmers out of business even in their home countries. This threatens domestic food security and undermines the export potential.

Developing countries had wanted this failure to be addressed before agreeing to another round of negotiations.

 

However, their appeals were ignored.

Patent rights, by granting temporary monopolies to drug manufacturers, keep drug prices and company profits up. In 1994, the WHO agreement on "trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights" (TRIPS) mandated that member countries must bring their laws in accord with restrictive standards that maximize the rights of patent holders. Developing countries have proposed a clear declaration from the WHO meeting that "nothing in the TRIPS agreement shall prevent members from taking measures to protect public health". America, Switzerland and other rich countries have opposed this statement. They are not in favour of any significant change.

In the US, the average tariff rate for imports of industrial goods is 4.9 per cent but the range of variation is between 0 and 350 per cent. In Japan, the average rate is 4.3 per cent (1998), but the range of variation is 0 to 60 per cent. In the EU, the tariff rate is 4.8 per cent with the range of variation being 0 to 89 per cent. The range of variations is due to specific tariffs on a range of products, which can hide the real degree of protection in the rich countries. Commodities subjected to high tariffs in the developed countries are those products in which the poor countries have a comparative advantage.

The high tariff against the exports of industrial goods from the poor countries cover 63 per cent of all export items. High tariff rates against the export of agricultural products from the poor countries constitute 97.7 per cent of all agricultural export items. That is not all. Tariff rates escalate along with the processing of a natural product. Thus, the idea that the developed countries have already reduced their tariff rates is a myth.

Flow of investments

Developed countries have started a strong campaign to include free flow of investments as a condition for members of the World Trade Organisation. It demands that all countries must allow complete freedom to the multinational companies to withdraw investment and to remit profits across the border. The member countries cannot have any form of exchange control and any control over money or capital flows. Foreign companies would be treated at par with the domestic companies. Subsidies for socially useful industries or sectors in the home economy will not be allowed as these subsidies are against competition. The host governments will not be allowed to discriminate against foreign companies in the matter of government purchase or contracts. The implication is that foreign investors can in this situation control eventually all natural resources including agricultural land. It will not allow the home government to direct investments to the socially desirable sectors or to the economically backward regions.

The WTO cannot satisfy all countries all the time; the economic interests of different countries are different. A multinational trade negotiation is bound to fail because of the divergence of interests of the participating nations. Thus, for the developing countries, it is better to have a trade management system whereby each country, not only the developed ones, can pay for its imports in terms of its own currency. In that case, a developed exporter country would have the obligation to buy from the country to which it is exporting. This will not result in a massive surplus for one country or deficit for another. It will help bring about a balanced trade regime, which will benefit everyone.

The WTO, instead of being an arbitrator and promoter of 'free trade', should be an advisory council to plan the foreign trade system so as to protect the interests of all.

The writer is a Professor in International Economics, Nagasaki University, Japan

 

***************************************

******************************************************************************************

THE TELEGRAPH

EDITORIAL

LOSING IT

 

Brave hopes and braver words have both failed the Bharatiya Janata Party. The three states that went to the polls on October 13 have all returned the Congress, by itself or in partnership, as the winner. For the Congress, these assembly elections were important as a test at the state level after the victory of the United Progressive Alliance in the Lok Sabha. Perceptions at the state level are dependent on too many different things for victory or defeat to be attributed entirely to the top leadership of a party. Doubtless, Sonia Gandhi is being seen as a more effective leader than L.K. Advani, and some of the UPA's policies seem helpful to ordinary people. But the state administration is needed to implement these policies successfully. Evidently, the BJP has not been able to convince the people that it can do better on this front than the UPA. In both Maharashtra and Haryana, opposition to the Congress was divided, suggesting a confusion about goals in contrast to the Congress's more focused image. In Maharashtra, Raj Thackeray's Maharashtra Navnirman Sena again administered a death-blow to the BJP-Shiv Sena combine, for it has hijacked much of the Marathi identity sentiment. But that alone cannot explain why the BJP and its partner could not unseat the incumbents of 10 years. Squabbles among the party's leadership are being denied, the manipulation of electronic voting machines being blamed in passing, but the impression the BJP's defeat leaves is of a party in disarray. The large number of rebel candidates from the Congress shows that not all is sweetness and light in the Congress either. Yet, in spite of its lower percentage of votes, it has put even its partner, the Nationalist Congress Party, in the shade.

 

The BJP has reason to cry louder over the spilt milk in Haryana. It broke off its alliance with the Indian National Lok Dal, which has done unexpectedly well, while there was also the Haryana Janhit Congress to divide the anti-Congress vote further. Besides, the Congress itself has done far worse than it expected, although the party was aware of the dangers of the anti-Jat vote ever since the chief minister, Bhupinder Singh Hooda, made the state party take on a Jat colouring. The BJP's failure here suggests that the loss of direction at the top is affecting the less coherent state units. Only efficient administration at the state level can redeem that, as Gujarat demonstrates.

 

***************************************

 

THE TELEGRAPH

EDITORIAL

STAYING ON

 

Two things remain unchanged in Arunachal Pradesh — the Congress rule and the people's loyalty to India. Neither was in any doubt, but the heightened Chinese propaganda over the northeastern state made the elections there somewhat different this time. Incidentally, the Chinese objection to the visit of the prime minister, Manmohan Singh, to the state came on the day the polls took place there. By overwhelmingly taking part in the elections, the people there rebuffed the Chinese claim and reposed their faith in India yet again. Of course, the Chinese will not see the poll results as having any bearing on their position on the 'disputed' territory. But the polls can legitimately be seen as a reflection of the popular will on the issue. In a way, the massive turnout in the polls is also a happy augury for the Dalai Lama's visit to the state next month. It also shows how the people view Beijing's opposition to the visit. True, the Chinese whispers were neither an issue in the elections nor did they unduly agitate the voters about the fate of the territory. But the timing of the Chinese statement made the polls a sort of referendum on the territorial question.

 

However, there never was any uncertainty about the Congress's chance of continuing its regime in the state. In India's fractious electoral politics, it is rare for a candidate to win an assembly poll uncontested. That three Congress nominees were elected unopposed this time gave a clear enough hint of what to expect of the polls. Except for one term, the state had always had a Congress government. But the long reign of the party has not seen major changes in the state's economic horizon. Unlike in the other parts of India, funds are the least of the problems for economic development in the Northeast. The state has plenty of such funds under the prime minister's special package worth Rs 24,000 crore. If development is still slow, corruption and lack of transparency are the main reasons. The opposition in Arunachal Pradesh may be too weak to change the political landscape, but its charges of misuse of funds by ministers and officials are largely valid. The people have chosen the Congress yet again. But that is more for the absence of a real alternative than for any other reason. The party owes it to the people to give them a more efficient and less corrupt government

           

 ***************************************

THE TELEGRAPH

EDITORIAL

THE PHANTOM ENEMY

THE MAOISTS ARE LAYING THEIR BET ON THE UNION HOME MINISTER

CUTTING CORNERS - ASHOK MITRA

 

In their own manner, Indian Maoists have worked out the rationale of what they are doing. The grisly serial murders they are indulging in are, in the first instance, intended to warn god-fearing men and women in the areas they are entrenched in to behave and not act as police informers. Should their instructions be infringed, retribution would be swift and merciless. The brutal killings, specifically of CPI(M) cadre and sympathizers, have a collateral objective: the Maoists want no competition in the tribal belt.

 

These are, however, minor details in the matrix of the overall Maoist strategy. The Maoists believe revolution to be a feasible proposition in India in the present conjuncture. They have planned, in great secrecy and with some meticulousness, in the course of the past decades. They have targeted the adivasi population of around 100 million, dispersed all over the country, with a slightly heavier concentration in states in the heartland. adivasis have been deprived and dispossessed through the centuries, and are waiting for a miracle, which refuses to happen. The Dalits were fortunate to be gifted a cult figure in Bhimrao Ambedkar. He worked within the system from the Gandhi-Irwin Pact days to ensure a substantial say for his people in the nation's affairs. He was the main architect of free India's Constitution too, and availed himself of that opportunity to guard Dalit interests jealously. He still had some grouses and parted company with the powers that be before his death. The left-over discontent of Babasaheb was capital stock on which Kanshi Ram, and later Mayavati, built their aggressive platform. But whatever the intensity of the confrontation they planned, at no stage did the Dalit movement ever breach the contours of the national mainstream. Even today, the controversy over statuary is, at best, the assertion of a mood, at worst, banality. Behenji and her friends have taken the system as given and are trying to milk it as much as they can on behalf of their constituency.

 

Descendants of India's original inhabitants have failed to produce an Ambedkar from within their midst. They have been squeezed and squeezed for aeons on end by the superior classes, uprooted from their land, thrown out of their homestead, denied sources of food and water, whiplashed as bonded labour, their women were free goods to satisfy the sensual urges of the gentry, their poultry and pigs were confiscated to cater to the culinary requirements of the same set. Environmentalists and wildlife buffs have worried over matters concerning the preservation of the flora and the fauna; they had little time for the sufferings of the tribal people.

 

What is now Jharkhand is quintessential adivasi tract. The Tatas built their steel-based empire in the region and have lorded over it for more than a century. There has been no impact of this presence, though, on the life and living of the tribals whose land the Tatas had appropriated; people from elsewhere have come and vastly improved their own lot, while the local tribes have been left out in the cold. The story is repeated, over and over again, in Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Haryana and Uttarakhand. No statistician has even thought of developing a separate time series of gross domestic product for the country's tribal population. Were such a series constructed, the per capita tribal income growth would conceivably be seen to be barely 0.5 per cent per annum over the entire post-Independence period. And the testimony of a Human Development Index would be even more frightening.

 

Maoists seem to have done their homework. They have built an organizational network, silently and surreptitiously, across eight or nine states with a significant concentration of tribal stock. They think the revolution they have been itching for is well-nigh near. The foot soldiers of that revolution will be the suppressed and oppressed adivasis now ready for a glorious uprising against the tyrannies of State power. This may sound a pipe dream to most others, but not to the Maoists, for it is their belief that they have pushed India's State power into a Prisoner's Dilemma trap.

 

Of late, the Maoists have increased the tempo of their acts of mayhem. Going on rampage in state after state, they have killed people, disrupted railway tracts, attacked police stations and burnt down power transmission centres. They are, quite explicitly, inviting the authorities to large-scale open warfare. Such warfare, as they have thought it out, will involve heavy deployment in the Maoist-infested areas of State forces of all descriptions: police, paramilitary, military and perhaps the air force as well. And this is where, the Maoists are confident, their opportunity lies.

 

In search of the phantom enemy, government forces will raid village after village, comb tenement after tenement and shed after shed, look under each cot in each hut, peep into every bush, climb mound after mound and hillock after hillock. They will try to drag out information on the whereabouts of Maoists from simple, honest tribal men and women. It will often be felt necessary to have recourse to selective terrorization. Intimidation will lead to some torture, torture will occasion mass desertion of villages.

 

Maoists will, here and there, attempt to ambush the forces representing State power. Shooting and counter-shooting will cause more deaths, including of many villagers caught in the crossfire. Reports of killings and acts of torture will spread like wildfire from village to village and region to region. The first flush of panic created by the massive offensive in the countryside will duly abate, but what will take its place is anger and hatred against State power. In case there is strafing from air, so much the better, the number of casualties is bound to rise, huts will get destroyed, fields will catch fire, shops and market will close, it will be a picture of chaos and devastation.

 

Maoists keep reading hoary tracts on guerrilla warfare in China, Vietnam and possibly Cuba and Bolivia too. They have also heard stories of how aggravated repression by State authorities had swelled the ranks of the revolutionaries in these countries. What happened over there, they are sure, will happen here too; once the State launches a massive punitive operation, death and destruction will take place on a mammoth scale. Since those at the receiving end will be overwhelmingly adivasi men, women and children, tribal rage will transform itself into a ferocious, steely will to take revenge, they will mobilize in their thousands; the revolution will be on.

 

The authorities in New Delhi are not unaware of the Marxist syllogism, and are caught in two minds. If the total offensive is kept in abeyance, Maoists will indulge in provocative acts of even greater savagery, which is likely to cause public outrage at the passivity of the government. On the other hand, in case the government gathers all its forces and launches a full-scale attack on what are suspected to be Maoist citadels, hundreds of innocent tribal men and women will get killed and many villages lie in ruins. The Maoist cause will thereby get an extra boost. Sentiments that sway the conscience of sections of the urban middle-class may also get stirred.

 

In this situation, the Maoists are laying their bet on the Union home minister. Were he to succeed in persuading his cabinet colleagues and party bosses that enough was enough and it was time to declare total war on the Maoists, the latter will be delighted beyond measure. They will love the civil war that will ensue, a war where the country's army will battle against some of their own compatriots who happen to be mostly adivasis. It may even appear to the world as an ethnic war where the usurpers of power are trying to liquidate the remnants of the country's original inhabitants.

 

The Union home minister, the Maoists presumably hope, will be the answer to their prayer.

 

 *************************************** 

 

THE TELEGRAPH

EDITORIAL

TALK FOR THE SAKE OF PEACE

BONA FIDE - MALVIKA SINGH

 

Television is rightfully obsessed with frequent news and discussions on the growing assaults by Maoists on the State, and these incidents have brought an utterly neglected and ugly reality into sharp focus in the minds of the Indian public. Abject neglect and exploitation of the tribal community have stirred great anger against a State that has not been able to deliver the basics to a vast number of people whose voices have gone unheard and whose grievances remain unaddressed. The policies are faulty, and have been hugely politicized by the various political parties in the Union of India. Every dispensation has been responsible in some way, and should share the blame for the raging violence.

 

Everyone is in agreement as to why things have turned out to be this bad in terms of the exploitation of the people by corrupt governance and of the armed and mindless assaults by the Maoists. Hence, it is imperative that the political parties, activists, human rights institutions and the Maoist leaders and their representatives engage in a dialogue, declare peace and announce their commitment towards change and development. It is not difficult to do this, and there is no other way forward.

 

The intelligentsia have a number of highly skilled individuals — attractive in demeanour and deft in debating convincingly with an eye on scoring brownie points. To watch them in action is unnerving, as they continue to harp on past horrors such as substandard and exclusive governance. Instead of trying to look forward by thinking out-of- the-box and compelling the administration to adopt fresh and radical positions to alleviate the sufferings that we see around us, these privileged activists seem to be stuck in a time warp of their own.

 

Some are calling for the State to announce a ceasefire, although not a bilateral one. In other words, they support the violence and killings as 'revenge' for the failures of the past. There is no attempt on their part to bridge the gap between the government and those who consider themselves to be enemies of the State, nor are they volunteering to lead the dialogue process and disseminate information for the public domain. This is one way to begin building a national, constitutional consensus on contentious issues that plague our polity.

 

Fresh ideas

This is not the way to correct errors; nor is this the way to uplift the poor and build an egalitarian society. Times have changed since the early days of the Naxal movement in the 1960s, and so have the responses of another generation of Indians whose beliefs, views and aspirations seem to have become different. They have the time and the energy for setting fresh parameters, thereby changing the mechanisms of governance. But they are unwilling to accept violence or the disruption of everyday life and living, whatever may be the cause. They would rather work to alter the faulty processes and mechanisms, instead of assaulting the State in retaliation to what they believe it has done to them.

 

Ordinary people are sick of violence and political blackmail. They want the basic dignities of living and working to be accessible to them. Successive governments have failed to deliver these amenities, but militancy does not, and cannot, deliver the goods either. That is the plain truth. Therefore, creative and radical ideas are the need of the hour. If all the stakeholders work towards building consensus, issuing a mandate and then putting in place the mechanisms to ensure delivery, things are bound to improve. If there is a collective will, it shall happen. If not, exploitation will continue unabated by another set of players. History has shown that one set of exploiters is replaced by another with the promise of freedom and equality. But they often put their people behind the rigid bars of a doctrine that is followed by the State.

**************************************

******************************************************************************************

DECCAN HERALD

EDITORIAL

GET THE BEST

"ROLE OF COAC-HING FOR IIT ENTRY SHOULD BE REDUCED."

 

Union human resources development minister Kapil Sibal has taken a step backwards on his announced plan to reform the IIT entrance system with a clarification that there was no move to allow only students who score 80-85 per cent marks in their Class XII examinations to take the entrance examinations. The minister went back on his previous day's announcement perhaps under pressure. Leaders of states where the coaching classes are a thriving industry had openly come out against the proposal for a higher cut-off percentage. Sibal has now stated that it is for the IITs to decide the cut-off percentage. A committee of IIT directors has been tasked to work out a revised system of admission and the cut-off marks issue will be part of its brief.

The minister was right in proposing a system where the students' performance in the Class XII board exam would get greater weightage. At present the cut-off percentage is 60 per cent. Those who can afford coaching for IIT JEE for years have an unfair advantage in the present system. Rigorous and sustained coaching also deadens many faculties other than those strictly necessary to pass the entrance examination. Many students with better intelligence and creativity fail to get through the test. If the standards in the IITs have fallen, one reason is that the students who secure admission through coaching find themselves unable to cope with the stiff challenges on the campus. A higher cut-off percentage will broaden the catchment area of talent, ensure that the competition is on level ground and help the IITs to get students who have more intelligence and imagination than skills to solve the same old problems in the same old manner, acquired at coaching centres. The benchmark of 80-85 per cent is not sacrosanct. But it should be sufficiently high to make students give importance to their school work.

The new system should aim at reducing the role of coaching institutions in admissions. It should be flexible and can even change from year to year, so that it does not become too predictable. There is another committee also under Atomic Energy Commission chairman Anil Kakodkar which has been set up to suggest measures to bring in more excellence in the IITs. Though IITs are the country's best technical education institutions, they do not have its best students. The new admission system should be designed to attract the best.

 

 ***************************************

DECCAN HERALD

EDITORIAL

AN SOS

"THREAT FROM CLIMATE CHANGE IS REAL FOR MALDIVES."

 

The Maldives government's decision to hold an underwater Cabinet meeting is an SOS from a country that will be among the first to go under water as a result of climate change and rising sea levels. The underwater meeting was dramatic, no doubt. Some have dismissed it as a stunt. Stunt or not, it was aimed at drawing world attention to a very real threat that countries like the Maldives are confronted. It is aimed at pushing world leaders to reach agreement on combating climate change ahead of the crucial United Nations summit in Copenhagen due in December. A heated debate is on over key polluters and carbon emission cuts, over the extent to which rich countries should subsidise clean energy infrastructure in the developing world, and so on. While the world quibbles over numbers and dates, for Maldivians and others living in low-lying regions of the world, time is running out. The outcome of the summit is a matter of survival, a life and death issue. Hence the urgent cry for help from under the sea to the world to stop dragging its feet.

With an average ground level of 1.5 meters, the Maldives is the lowest country in the world. If global warming goes unchecked, rising water levels could devour this Indian Ocean archipelago within the next hundred years. The process of submergence could begin soon. Its leaders have repeatedly called on the international community to act on the issue of climate change. President Nausheed has promised to make the country carbon-neutral in a decade. He has initiated steps to purchase land in India, Sri Lanka and Australia so that his 3,30,000 people will not become climate refugees living in tents for decades. The underwater cabinet meeting is the latest of his steps to draw the world's attention to his country's struggle for survival.

 The fate of the Maldives, Tuvalu, Marshall Islands and other low-lying lands is in the hands of the rest of the world. But two months before the start of the Copenhagen summit, the world appears to be failing these countries. It does seem that the most that can be expected of the summit is an interim agreement, leaving tricky details for later talks. At a recent UN summit Nausheed told his fellow presidents: You are not really listening. A failure at Copenhagen will prove he was right.

 

***************************************

DECCAN HERALD

EDITORIAL

APPLES FOR PICKING

MILITANCY IS ALMOST OVER, ALL SECTIONS OF KASHMIRIS, INCL-UDING HURRIYAT, ARE READY FOR A DIALOGUE WITH NEW DELHI AND RETURN TO PEACE.

BY KULDIP NAYAR

 

It is unbelievable, but true. Srinagar has changed beyond recognition in the past four years since I was there last. Right from new swanky airport to the hotel, a distance of about 10 km, there is modern construction. It looks as if another Noida, near Delhi, is coming up. However, trees have been cut mercilessly and familiar pavements have been dug out to accommodate fancy thoroughfares.

Shops are well stocked and full of customers. Too much money is flowing and the guess is that it is from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and India in that order. The number of cars on the road is many times more than before. There are traffic jams and one has to keep the snarls in mind when one plans a trip. People move freely and I saw many women on the road without burqa or headwear.

The militancy is by and large over. Some terrorists strike once in a while. They attacked the police at the Lal Chowk a few days ago. But I get the feeling that media magnifies stray incidents to sensationalise. But when attacks were a regular feature, there was curfew after sunset. Now people are on the road even at 11 pm.
I did not see a single policeman on the road from the airport. Bunkers are mostly gone. I found one at Lal Chowk where some policemen stand with their fingers at the trigger of automatic weapons. The interrogation centres have been closed. But the capricious detentions still take place. The biggest worry is the occasional disappearance of the youth.

The anti-India feeling is there beneath the surface, and people are not afraid of saying so. However, the pro-Pakistan sentiments have practically disappeared, more because of Kashmiris' perception of the mess in which the country is. Even Azadi is mentioned less and less because of increasing realisation that a landlocked area could not think of being independent.

I found the Hurriyat leaders sober. One leader told me that they had vibes from Delhi that something positive would emerge. They are looking forward to the talks with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh expected to visit Srinagar at the end of the month. Mirwaiz, the Hurriyat chief, is reportedly in favour of it. Chief minister Omar Abdullah also wants New Delhi to talk to all political parties, including the Hurriyat.

It was an interesting talk which I heard when I was sitting with the Hurriyat leaders. A young American Pakistani told them that what had surprised him after the span of three years since his last visit was that Kashmir was being assimilated by India quickly. They were embarrassed but did not want to reply to him in my presence. Mirwaiz said that they would talk to him at some other place over a cup of tea. Born in Kashmir, this young man is a member of a think-tank at Washington. He told them that free state elections, watched by a large number of Americans on televisions, had made great impression on them. They, he said, were beginning to believe that the problem was more or less over.

Former chief minister Farooq Abdullah is more candid than his son, Omar, who is losing his popularity fast. Farooq says there are paid lobbies in the state to keep the problem alive. He accuses security forces, politicians and bureaucrats of having a vested interest in the Kashmir crisis. He has a point when he says that New Delhi has failed to make headway in resolving the problem.

DEMILITARISATION
There is a suggestion that both parts of Kashmirs should be demilitarised. But this is dependent on India and Pakistan reaching a settlement, supported by the Kashmiris. The problem of Jammu and Ladakh has become, indeed, ticklish. They do not want to stay with the valley. Jammu wants to join India and Ladakh wants a Union Territory status. True, the Hurriyat has never tried to woo Jammu and has seldom cared for the Kashmiri Pandits languishing there. Still both Jammu and Ladakh can be brought around if they were to be given an autonomous status by the valley within the state.

I have no doubt that the Kashmir problem will be solved sooner or later. But too much has happened in the state in the past that makes it difficult for the old Kashmir to come back to life. Familiar symbols are dying. Sufism has been replaced by assertive Islamic teachings. Kashmiri music is on its last legs because most of the society has been forced to acquire an Islamic edge.

The re-meshing of Muslims and the Pandits, destroyed during the insurgency, looks difficult. The Islamic identity has taken shape, reportedly more in the countryside. And the Kashmiriyat, a secular ethos, is beyond repair. The animosity among the three regions Kashmir, Jammu and Ladakh, may dilute but will not go. It may still remain a state of Jammu and Kashmir. But the soul would be missing. Hindus believe that the soul is indestructible. I pray that the Kashmir gets its soul back.

 

***************************************

DECCAN HERALD

EDITORIAL

HOPES FADE FOR CLIMATE TREATY

EUROPEAN OFFICIALS ARE PRESSING HARD FOR SOME FORM OF BINDING TREATY MODELLED ON THE KYOTO PROTOCOL.

BY JOHN M BRODER:THE NEW YORK TIMES:

 

With the clock running out and deep differences unresolved, it now appears there is little chance that international climate change negotiations in Copenhagen in December will produce a comprehensive and binding new treaty on global warming.

The United States and many other major emitting countries have concluded that it is more useful to take incremental but important steps toward a global agreement rather than to try to jam through a treaty that is either too weak to address the problem or too onerous to be ratified and enforced.

Instead, representatives at the Copenhagen meeting are likely to announce a number of interim steps and agree to keep talking next year.

"There isn't sufficient time to get the whole thing done," Yvo De Boer, who heads the UN climate secretariat and serves as the de facto overseer of the negotiations, said. "But I hope it will go well beyond simply a declaration of principles. The form I would like it to take is the groundwork for a ratifiable agreement next year."

Negotiators have accepted as all but inevitable that representatives of the 192 nations in the talks will not resolve the outstanding issues in the brief time remaining before the Copenhagen conference opens in December. The gulf between rich and poor nations, and even among the wealthiest nations, is just too wide.

Helping poor countries

Representatives of the 16 largest emitting countries plus the European Union, who concluded a meeting in London on Monday, said they had made progress on the level of aid needed to help poor countries adapt to climate change and adopt less-polluting energy technology.

They also said they had settled some questions on the 'architecture' of any agreement reached in Copenhagen, while acknowledging that it would fall short of a binding treaty.

Yet expectations remain high for a meeting that carries important weight not just for the environment but for a broad range of international issues, including trade, security, economic development, energy production, technology sharing and the very survival of some vulnerable island nations.

So officials are now narrowing expectations and defining the areas where there is agreement, such as the need to halt and then reverse the growth of greenhouse gas emissions, although how and by whom remains the subject of intense dispute. Negotiators are also discussing what form any declaration that emerges from Copenhagen might take and how to ensure that any promises made there are kept.

Among the chief barriers to a comprehensive deal in Copenhagen is US Congress' inability to enact climate and energy legislation that sets binding targets on greenhouse gases. Without such a commitment, other nations are loath to make their own pledges.

 

The chief American climate negotiator, Todd Stern, said he will not go beyond what Congress is willing to endorse. His deputy, Jonathan Pershing, affirmed this at a negotiators' meeting in Bangkok. "We are not going to be part of an agreement we cannot meet," he said.

Administration officials and congressional leaders have said that final legislative action on a climate bill will not occur before the first half of next year.

 

European officials have been pressing hardest for some form of binding treaty modelled on the Kyoto protocol of 1997, which the US refused to ratify because it imposed emissions limits on developed nations while demanding nothing of rapidly growing economies like China and India.

American officials have said that no agreement at Copenhagen is better than a bad deal that cannot be ratified or enforced. They note that it took four years after the initial negotiation of the Kyoto accord to complete it.

There is general agreement among international negotiators and observers that the parties to the Copenhagen talks, held under the auspices of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, will agree to continue discussions next year, and perhaps set a deadline for reaching a final agreement by mid-year or December 2010.
The rest of the outcome, even the form it may take, remains uncertain. The world's biggest economies agreed at a meeting last summer in D'Aquila, Italy, on a goal of limiting global temperature increases to 2 degrees Fahrenheit above current levels, though they did not agree on the means to get there or on how to enforce it. Such a goal is expected to be part of any declaration from Copenhagen.

Also likely to be included is a statement that wealthy nations should cut their emissions below certain benchmarks and that emerging economies should reduce their rate of emissions growth below a business-as-usual curve. No numbers were attached to either of these pledges and that remains the stickiest of issues.

 

***************************************

DECCAN HERALD

EDITORIAL

DARING A GLARE

WHY SHOULD A SIMPLE ACT OF BUYING A PAAN AT ROADSIDE BE SO DIFFICULT FOR WOMEN?

BY ASHA KRISHNASWAMY

 

Fascination can emanate from, of all things, a bucket of water, dirty in appearance, and dark betel leaves and sundry substances kept in small tins. When I see paan vendors at work on the roadside I must stop, gaze and then move on, with a tinge of regret.

My fascination for sweet paan goes back to school days. When I was in school and even after I entered college, my mom never stopped me from eating a 'beeda' because it was a rarity and she herself never bought one for me. A great attraction of eating at a hotel and or at marriage functions then used to be 'beedas.' Sadly, 'beedas' are off the menu in most hotels and present-day weddings.

The roadside paanwala, however, still flourishes. I watch spell-bound as he takes out a betel leaf from a not-so-clean water bucket, wipes it on a wet red cloth, equally dirty-looking, and de-veins it. He nips off the edges and goes on to add ingredients of all colours and flavours, folds it into a triangle and secures the folds with a clove. He hands the finished product to the customer with a flourish, with or without a smile. My budget never crosses Rs 5 or 6 for a beeda.

The regrettable part is that buying a beeda on the roadside is tough for me or, to be frank, just impossible. I have never seen a woman walking up to a paanwala on her own to buy a beeda. In Bangalore or elsewhere, paan shops are men's domain, wherever they are located. Any woman daring enough to approach a paan shop should brace herself for an x-ray like scrutiny from men's eyes.

Recently, I did buy a paan beeda from a street-side vendor as I had the company of my sister-in-law and niece. After the outstanding feat, I told my sister-in-law, "Gandhi had said India can celebrate its Independence only when women can walk on the streets at midnight. I feel that we can celebrate Independence Day when a woman can buy a beeda on the roadside without attracting glares." My niece immediately nodded her head, as she is also a beeda lover, while her doctor-mother offered no comments.

 

*************************************** 

******************************************************************************************

THE JERUSALEM POST

EDITORIAL

MILES FROM MAIN STREET

 

The decision by Israel's ambassador to Washington, Michael Oren, to decline an invitation to J Street's first policy conference next week has drawn criticism from the organization's senior adviser Colette Avital, a former Knesset deputy speaker. In an op-ed published Thursday in The Jerusalem Post, Avital argued that J Street is a positive force because it provides a constructive framework for Jews uncomfortable with Israeli policies.

 

Certainly, for Jews or Israelis who, confronted with Iran's pursuit of atomic weapons oppose setting "artificial deadlines" and "harsher sanctions," J Street can be a comfortable political home.

 

J Street's stance on a two-state solution is, on the face of it, in harmony with the Israeli consensus. On closer examination, however, the group argues that "unmediated negotiations," meaning face-to-face talks between the parties, ought to give way to "strong and active American leadership" - inside-the-Beltway talk for imposing a solution on the parties.

 

That sort of thinking grossly overestimates Washington's ability to fundamentally alter the political values of Palestinian society, which remain unreconciled either to the legitimacy of a Jewish state or our civilizational origins in this region. Under these circumstances, imposing peace on Palestinians and Israelis would leave the former no more ready for coexistence.

 

To compensate for coercing Israel into concessions no Israeli government would willingly accede to, we can imagine Washington finding it necessary to become a guarantor of Palestinian compliance to an imposed peace. Yet consider the example of Haiti, located 1,000 km. off Florida's coast. Despite military interventions, decades of diplomacy and millions in aid, Washington has been unable to "fix" that tiny, broken polity.

 

As the US struggles to extricate itself from Iraq and come up with a plan for Afghanistan, J Street is indeed the address for anyone who wants Washington to provide "strong and active American leadership" on the Palestinian-Israeli front.

 

J STREET says it firmly supports Israel's right to self-defense. Yet it can supply no scenario in which a military response that is "disproportionate" and "escalatory" makes good sense.

 

But as an October 19 analysis by New York TimesJerusalem bureau chief Ethan Bronner pointed out, for all Israel's many diplomatic headaches, the IDF's tough approach to West Bank suicide bombers during the second intifada, and to aggression from Hizbullah-dominated Lebanon in 2006, as well as Hamas-controlled Gaza in late 2008, has made the country safer and quieter than ever.

 

Israeli parents pray for the day when their children can go directly from high school to university without spending years in the army. Still, for friends of Israel who think our security dilemmas mirror those of the Benelux countries, J Street is the right address.

 

NO ONE owns the patent on what it means to be "pro-Israel." And Diaspora criticism of this country dates back to Nahum Goldmann's disapproval of David Ben-Gurion and Golda Meir in the 1950s and '60s. In the '70s, the Breira group was founded in Goldmann's image. In the '80s, it was succeeded by the New Jewish Agenda. In time, Americans for Peace Now and the Israel Policy Forum emerged.

 

What primarily distinguishes J Street from these groups is that it can legally raise money and give it away to candidates who share its idea of pro-Israelism. Thus a politician seeking a House seat who opposes our partial blockade of Gaza, opposes sanctions on Iran, demands an Israeli withdrawal to the 1949 Armistice Lines, won't insist Palestinians recognize Israel as a Jewish state and won't demand they renounce the "right of return" could be eligible for some of the $600,000 in J Street PAC money.

 

J Street has been criticized for taking contributions from Arab sources. In fact, these monies are a fraction of its known budget. Nevertheless, would it not make more sense for Jewish doves to encourage Arab donors to promote a viable peace movement among the Palestinians?

 

Maybe, instead of staying away from the J Street event - though we do not criticize him for doing so - Oren could have exploited a golden opportunity to detail the extent of the chasm between J Street and Main Street. He might have challenged the organization to embrace Zionism as its ethos, and reassured those uncomfortable with Israeli policies that "stifling" constructive Diaspora criticism has been passé since the days of Nahum Goldmann.

 

*************************************** 

******************************************************************************************

HAARETZ

EDITORIAL

PREMIERSHIP AS THEATER

BY HAARETZ EDITORIAL

 

After seven months on the job, the traits that have characterized the second term of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu are starting to take on an air of permanence: complete paralysis in anything having to do with the peace process; systematic razing of the foreign relations of the country through a policy of "playing angry" every week against another friendly country; and chaos in the running of the Prime Minister's Bureau caused by infighting and strife.

All these do not appear to prevent the prime minister from making time, at every opportunity, to deal with what is considered to be his greatest talent, and perhaps what he sees as his main mission in this job: To "put on a show" through a refined and polished speech - part sermon, part debate society-esque exchange.

It was this sort of speech that he gave this week at the President's Conference in Jerusalem. After doing his customary review and analysis of the roots of our existence - Jewish history and our right to this land - the prime minister moved on to the peace process.

He called on Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas to "lead your people to peace. Tell your people that it is time to end this conflict once and for all. Tell your people that it is time for both our peoples to live side-by-side in peace and security. I ask nothing of you that I have not demanded of myself ... Now it is time for you to tell your people the truth about peace ... I gave my speech at Bar-Ilan University. You can give yours at any of your universities or any institution you choose."

It is redundant to point out how hollow this theatrical call to Abbas is. As one who considers the "speech" to be the be-all and end-all, Netanyahu perceives the peace process as a rhetorical duel in which the exchange of statements over podiums constitutes an alternative to a serious and substantive diplomatic process.

Much more void of substance is his patronizing call for "leadership and courage on both sides," at a time when he himself has so far not revealed this quality, certainly not in the intellectually paralyzed coalition he has formed.

For this Netanyahu should be told to first correct his own failings.

Later, Netanyahu spoke of his vision for "eliminating the world's dependence on ... oil." He did not offer any details on how this will be achieved, but in a vague way - even more than that of Yaakov Meridor, who spoke in the 1980s of inventing a new energy to light Ramat Gan with a single bulb - added that "sometimes all it takes are one or two inventions to make a breakthrough and change the world."

He declared that he will establish a "national commission" that will bring about "a practical plan for efficient development in technologies and engineering to replace fossil fuels within the decade."

This promise has about as much chance of success as the one he made before the U.S. Congress during his previous term of office, in which he announced that Israel would willingly do away with American economic aid.

During his first term Netanyahu was accused of living and working in a "virtual reality," in which words, sermons and "public relations" replaced actions in a real world. Now it seems that these characteristics are reappearing.

It is ironic that the person who ridiculed Shimon Peres for his vision of a "new Middle East" has now adopted himself the lofty visions and haughty rhetoric, with an ambition to apply them to the entire world - by evading the need to back them up with actions.

 

***************************************

HAARETZ

EDITORIAL

LIKE SHOOTING HEROIN INTO THE VEINS

BY NEHEMIA SHTRASLER

 

It is amazing to see, time after time, just how the lust for quick profits can drive people crazy, to what extent the dream of getting rich quickly without actually working can turn their heads. For the sad story of Moni Fanan is not new. From time to time there are reports of "financial geniuses" who promised their investors profits of 5 percent per month and even managed to provide that for a certain period, until they crashed.

The collapse takes on different forms. Some people admit to the fraud and end their lives in jail, like Bernard Madoff who conducted the biggest pyramid scheme in history. Some admit themselves into a private psychiatric hospital, like the British broker Nick Levene. And some have such a bad conscience that they commit suicide, like Moni Fanan.

One thing is clear: All these stories end badly. Because anyone who promises a fixed return in advance (and it makes no difference if it is 2 percent or 5 percent a month), must collapse sooner or later. No business in this volatile world in which we live can provide profits of that kind. It is true that one can play the gray market, or bet on exchange rates, or buy risky shares; these are acts that can yield good profits for a certain period, but the moment will always come when the market changes direction and everything you have invested will be wiped out in one fell swoop.

There is also no human being who, after he gets a 5 percent profit in one month, will say, "I have earned enough, now I'll move on to something safer, like government bonds that provide a 3 percent annual return."

Because the abnormal profits are like a drug, like shooting heroin into one's veins. In the beginning, the feeling is great but the next morning you suffer from a horrible hangover and withdrawal symptoms that force you to increase the dosage until you collapse.

Fanan conducted his business with a great deal of finesse. On the one hand, he did not accept payment for serving as the manager of the Maccabi Tel Aviv basketball team (and in this way assured his continued employment), but on the other hand this was precisely the kind of activity that made it possible for him to set up a private bank, a bank whose profits were many tens of times higher than any salary he could have received from the club.

Basketball players, coaches and referees deposited huge sums in his bank, without guarantees and without documents, because they believed in Fanan, the devoted manager, the hardworking man who looked after his players as a parent would. They believed he would take care of their money like he took care of Maccabi. And because these are wealthy people, Fanan's bank grew bigger and bigger until he had hundreds of clients and tens of millions of dollars.

Since not only people from Maccabi invested with him but also players from other teams as well as basketball referees, the question that has to be asked is whether the profits Fanan provided them had an effect on the quality of the refereeing, or the desire to win, in games against Maccabi.

They would hand over cash-filled envelopes to him and he would say to them, "It will be okay, honey." Then he would transfer the cash to the gray market (which is in actual fact an illegal black market with murderous interest rates that is controlled by the underworld) as well as to dangerous investments all over the world, transactions that he carried out via Nick Levene. Most of the time, it was "black" money on which no tax had been paid and therefore the owners were afraid to invest it in a recognized establishment.

But no one is invulnerable forever. In June 2008, the turning point came. Fanan was dismissed from the position of manager at Maccabi and thus his tresses were trimmed. His charm waned and the investors began withdrawing their money. The final blow came with the collapse of Levene, who owed Fanan $20 million. So when some of the players approached him last week to demand that he return their money, he didn't have the wherewithal.

Fanan was not alone. From time to time there are reports about similar crashes in the illusions market, like the story of Uriel Amar, an ultra-Orthodox man who was born in France and came to Israel in 2004. Amar held well-attended meetings in Petah Tikva in which he promised hundreds of people a monthly yield of 5 percent. He told them he was one of the world's biggest mediators in the commodities field, the manager of two technological incubators, and had 83 businesses in Israel and another 100 worldwide, including a French firm that builds 200 planes a year.

Amar operated mainly among religious circles and most of his money was obtained from the evacuees from Gush Katif, eager to quickly double the compensation they had received from the state. A few months ago, he fled to France where he is continuing to spend his time in luxury hotels, even though the Jerusalem District Court has issued an order for him to declare bankruptcy. That is how con men operate - they sting and then disappear.

Anyone who thinks that the bitter fate of Fanan and the investors' loss of money will teach the general public a lesson is mistaken. The lust for profit is part of human nature, and there will always be charismatic con men who will continue to promise a monthly yield of 5 percent. And it makes no difference how impossible that is.

 

*************************************** 

 HAARETZ

EDITORIAL

ABOLISH THE DISGRACE OF 'RACIAL PURITY'

BY SHULAMIT ALONI

 

The manifestations of formal racism in Israel have become reminiscent of the black days of the expulsion of the Jews from Spain, when the authorities decided that only a Catholic could be a Spaniard.

The descendants of the Jews expelled from Spain later reestablished an independent state in which the rabbis have become the inquisitors with regard to anything involving those who do not have a Jewish mother, as well as conversion. Now those zealots who insist on racial purity have issued a call to expel from the "Jewish democratic" state (is it indeed democratic?) children who were born here and have assimilated into Israeli society. This racist campaign is being led by the Shas party, headed by Interior Minister Eli Yishai.

Since these self-righteous people, along with their rabbi, are familiar with the wisdom of Israel over the generations, there is no choice but to assume that they have chosen to ignore what is inconvenient for them. For example, that it's stated in the Tractate Kiddushin that those who have become assimilated are assimilated, and one does not make inquiries about them.

There is no doubt immigrants from the former Soviet Union who were born to a non-Jewish mother assimilate here - they speak Hebrew, receive an Israeli education, serve in the Israel Defense Forces and so forth. There is no need to torture them with sadistic conversion processes so that they can get the rights they deserve - from a country that invited them to come here and has the pretensions of being democratic.

If this is true for the Russian immigrants, shouldn't it be true to an even greater extent for the children of foreign workers who were born here, grew up here, for whom this is their country and Hebrew is their language, and who have no connection to any other country. To expel them is disgraceful - it is this disgrace that we must expel.

In the face of these demands, those who observe what happens within the ultra-Orthodox parties - the money they receive, the release of yeshiva students from the obligation to work and serve in the army - cannot fail to recall the line from Deuteronomy: "But Yeshurun grew fat and kicked."

Our present prime minister has granted them a great deal of fat; apparently his Judaism has made him crazy. It is not sufficient for him to be Israeli - even though in all the prayers one finds expressions only about the people of Israel, the God of Israel, the Torah of Israel, while the word "Jew" is never mentioned. The simple reason for this is that "Jews" are a religious ethnic group born in the Diaspora, and whose place is in the Diaspora, while we are a sovereign country where a Hebrew community existed and where today citizens of the State of Israel reside. However, during our time, the students of Jabotinsky have decided that Israel is not a democracy but in fact an ethnocracy. We have become a state subject to the authority of religious priests who despise progress, science and civil rights, and oppose granting full equality to women citizens.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has fallen in love with the Judaism of Rabbi Ovadia Yosef and other holy men around him, and despises the principles embodied in the founding document of the state - the "declaration of independence" that ensures the country will be developed "for the benefit of all its residents," that there will be "complete equality of rights for all citizens regardless of origin, race, religion or gender," as well as "freedom of religion and conscience." It seems our premier is convinced that democracy means elections when they need to be held and the existence of competing parties. As everyone knows, this is what they have in Iran, too.

Nevertheless, all hope is not yet lost that Netanyahu might have a sudden revelation, that he will remember the history of the people of Israel and understand that expelling workers and their children will be a stain that cannot be washed out.

If there is anyone who feels I've been too harsh in my criticism of the system - which is supposed to "keep the nation clean" according to the Orthodox version - let him examine the draft laws that have been brought before this Knesset since its election: to oblige every member of the government to swear allegiance "to the State of Israel as a Jewish, Zionist and democratic state, to its symbols and values"; to swear allegiance to the state "as a Jewish and Zionist state, and to its flag and national anthem" as a condition for receiving an ID card, even in reference to children; and to ban mentioning the Arabs' disaster and the destruction of their villages during the War of Independence. All of these policies are aimed at getting non-Jewish citizens to leave the country.

If one of the democratic countries in which Jews live were to adopt ethnocentric laws like these while enforcing a religious and nationalistic outlook, along with Christian values and symbols - as is being done here with Judaism and Jewish symbols - then all those who earn a living from accusing Gentiles of anti-Semitism would be having a ball. However, in all other democratic countries Jews are citizens with equal rights, without having to take vows or declare loyalty. They also have the right to decide what kind of Jews they want to be and how they want to get married. But here we live under religious coercion, there is no civil marriage, and the law forces us to be subject to the Orthodox rabbinate while other streams of Judaism are treated with contempt. Now they wish to tie us to "the values and symbols" of the Judaism that emanates from the study halls of Shas and the ultra-Orthodox.

It's strange that the prime minister has yet to promise to provide a living next year for 80,000 parasites called yeshiva students, instead of the 50,000 we have this year. Everyone is aware that no "mountain movers" will emerge from among them, but rather kashrut observers and rioters against the general public which works and fights, builds and creates culture. We will enjoy a great many of these members of society, according to the "values and symbols" of the Judaism zealously protecting the purity of the Jewish race.

 

***************************************

 HAARETZ

EDITORIAL

NEITHER YOUR HONEY NOR YOUR STING

BY YOSSI SARID

 

Four years ago I was invited to participate in a conference of researchers and intellectuals to commemorate the 90th anniversary of the Armenian genocide. Armenia is an unfortunate nation whose diaspora outnumbers its population, while Yerevan, its capital, is hardly glorious. The Soviet Union left behind scorched earth in the Caucasus - after the deluge.

I accepted the invitation because of my prolonged and frustrating involvement in the disgraceful Israeli attitude toward other holocausts, along with my strong desire to see Mount Ararat; it was here that the human race was saved from extinction - and it's not certain it will be saved again, when not only flood waters threaten to drown it, but also heavy water.

I could see the mountain opposite me. The main part of it lies in Turkish territory, the border is closed, and Armenia is isolated and asphyxiated, in need of an outlet to the world, to the sea. Only the large and hostile neighbor is capable of resuscitating the small one.

For lack of choice, Armenia signed an agreement this month with Turkey, normalizing relations between the two nations. Such an agreement is hard to accept, as it ignores crimes against humanity. It's hard for me to digest, too: An important moral issue is being pushed into a corner of history.

In fact, the Armenians and their allies - primarily in France and the United States - tried to prevent the agreement from being signed. The Armenian president even encountered demonstrators who called him a "traitor," and the Parisian police were called in to protect him. "There is no alternative to forming relations with Turkey," he said in his defense, "the time and the conditions dictate it."

It's easy to be heroic and principled from afar. The Armenian despair looks simpler from Paris and New York. But it's unfair to be more Armenian than an Armenian in Armenia.

 

Nor is it fair to be more Palestinian than a Palestinian in Palestine. How pleasant it is to sit in Damascus or Beirut, in Tehran or South Waziristan, and add fuel to the fire. The hell of Gaza is paradise to all the warmongers in the Arab and Muslim world; they are not being burned by the fire.

And it is not fair to be more Israeli than an Israeli in Israel. From a distance, from a bird's-eye view, even the local despair looks different. A lobby like AIPAC therefore has no right to be more destructively patriotic than many of the actual citizens in our country. What do Diaspora wheeler-dealers care if we live by the sword forever, if we get screwed forever - we and not they?

Two days from now, in Washington, another Israel lobby by the name of J Street is convening. It was founded two years ago and has gained strength following the election of U.S. President Barack Obama. Will the new lobby be able to serve as a counterweight to the veteran group? Will it be able to take away from AIPAC the representative monopoly granted to it on behalf of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Defense Minister Ehud Barak, Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, the settlers, and on behalf of only a minority of American Jewry? The ambassador of the Israeli government to the United States, it seems, will boycott the J Street council - which is only proof that it is on the right path, and that it has power.

When one lobby neutralizes its colleague-rival; when our distant-close friends leave us to our destiny and do not play with our fire; when we will be able to do without either of them - we need neither your honey nor your sting; perhaps then the blood will subside, and the ark will rest on the mountains of Ararat.

 

***************************************

 HAARETZ

EDITORIAL

DOVISH JEWS? EXCOMMUNICATE THEM

BY BRADLEY BURSTON

We don't need them. They'll never see things our way, no matter what. Let them go.

It's a new Israeli approach which borrows from the very worst of our aging instincts. It says: We're moral, our enemies are out to exterminate us along with our state, that's all you need to know. No modifications necessary. Stay the course. Concede nothing. Ease no siege. Give no ground. Ever.

It is a radical redefinition of postmodern Zionism, this time from the right. Over the past weeks, it's been test-run in our relationship with Turkey, with the Goldstone Commission, with Mahmoud Abbas - and with consistent results.

Now it's about to be tested out on North American Jewry, some 6 million strong, a community at a critical crossroads, and one that will have lasting and - if mishandled - dangerous consequences for Israel.

The former chairman of the governing board of the World Jewish Congress, Isi Leibler, fired the opening shot this month when he declared it "our obligation to confront the enemy within - renegade Jews - including Israelis who stand at the vanguard of global efforts to demonize and delegitimize the Jewish state."

"Such odious Jews can be traced back to apostates during the Middle Ages who fabricated blood libels and vile distortions of Jewish religious practice for Christian anti-Semites to incite hatred which culminated in massacres," Leibler wrote in The Jerusalem Post. "It was in response to these renegades that the herem [excommunication] was introduced."

Citing the example of Jewish communists who applauded Stalinist executions of fellow Jews on trumped-up charges, Leibler added, "Like their contemporary counterparts, some of them attempted to depict themselves as devoted Jews championing 'world peace'."

Among these counterparts, it develops, is J Street, the new dovish lobbying organization which describes itself as pro-Israel and pro-peace. Writing ahead of J Street's first national conference, which begins on Sunday in Washington, Leibler argued that although J Street and other American Jewish groups critical of Israel may describe themselves as Zionist, "their prime objective is to pressure the U.S. government to use 'tough love' against Israel - a euphemism for demanding that the Jewish state make further unilateral concessions to neighbors pledged to its annihilation."

Israel's official response to J Street, which though it's been around for less than two years has been described as a counterweight to AIPAC, has been measured but far from welcoming. The embassy has decided to send an "observer" to the J Street conference, instead of Ambassador Michael Oren to speaking there.

Last week, with the invitation still unanswered, Israeli Embassy spokesman Yoni Peled was quoted as expressing concern over J Street positions at odds with those of the government in Jerusalem.

"While recognizing the need for a free and open debate on these issues, it is important to stress concern over certain policies [of J Street] that could impair Israel's interests," Peled said, an apparent reference to such J Street stances as backing President Barack Obama's call for an absolute freeze on settlements, as well as opposition to immediate sanctions on Iran.

Soon after, the group renewed its request that Oren speak at the conference, noting research which has shown younger Jews increasingly alienated from the Jewish community and from Israel, and increasingly questioning many of Israel's right-wing policies, public statements and actions.

The erudite, often outspoken Oren has been uncharacteristically mum in response to the request, despite, or perhaps because of, the long list of some 150 U.S. senators and members of Congress which J Street has published as honorary hosts of a gala dinner to be held during the conference. The list has apparently dismayed both AIPAC and conservative commentators.

The ambassador should accept the invitation. He should speak forthrightly on the ways Israel's government views the future differently from J Street and the other dovish groups co-sponsoring the gathering. Together, they represent a growing segment of the future of American Jewry, a community with which Israel cannot afford to lose touch.

To slight the conference is to dismiss the deep love of Israel felt by many of its critics abroad. To send a low-level diplomat in place of the ambassador sends a message which, in some respects, can only please Isi Leibler and the subtext of his message: These doves, they're not really pro-Israel. They can't be. They're doves. And they're not really Jews, either. How could they be? Not only are they doves, most of them aren't even Orthodox.

Leibler, meanwhile, has another plan. Because Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is "currently riding a wave after his superb United Nations address," Leibler writes, he should convene a global solidarity conference of Jewish leaders, opinion makers, philanthropists and activists "in order to demonstrate the unity of the Jewish people."

And what of J Street and the spectrum of Jewish leftists and peace advocates? The world unity conference would deal with them as well. According to Leibler, "in addition to encouraging millions of Jews in the Diaspora who remain committed to Israel to become more actively engaged in our struggle, such a gathering would also provide an opportunity to exorcise the renegades from our midst."

 

**************************************

HAARETZ

EDITORIAL

AN END TO DIASPORA MORALITY

BY YEHEZKEL DROR

 

The establishment of the State of Israel constituted a rupture in Jewish history. After being in exile 2000 years and successfully adjusting to statelessness, the Jews experienced a near-miracle: The age-old dream of reestablishing a state in their land was realized. Six decades later, however, it is clear that the Jewish people has not yet made the difficult adjustment to the radical change in reality.

Adjusting to the existence of a Jewish state will take at least two or three more generations. Thus, the very meaning of being a "Jewish, democratic state" in the 21st century and beyond is subject to a slow learning curve that cannot be accelerated by a priori reasoning. But there is some learning that cannot wait, for the very survival of the state depends on it. This is the case with the morality of statecraft befitting a Jewish state.

The image that many Jews have of "Jewish values," especially in the United States, is one of liberalism, humanitarianism and equitable treatment of "the other." Whether or not it correctly reflects the essence of Jewish tradition, this image shapes Jewish opinions and other peoples' expectations of Israeli policies. But this is a dangerous application of Exile values to a new reality.

I am not speaking about the appropriateness of a two-state solution or the right of an organization such as J Street to attempt to influence U.S. policies. My concern is on a deeper level, namely the values by which Israel's actions should be determined and judged.

To put it bluntly, however politically incorrect: Statehood in the world as it really is often requires compromising on important values in order to meet realpolitik needs that serve higher values. Some of the compromises involve "getting one's hands dirty," while others involve letting go, however reluctantly, of ideological aspirations and what some see as transcendental commandments.

Thus, the expansion of Jewish settlements in Judea and Samaria to fulfill divine command reflects an Exile mentality, dangerously transplanted to Israel. This is all the more perilous because such dogmatic thinking often leads to a distorted view of reality. One example is Philip II of Spain's defiance of his advisors' warnings of bad weather when he sent the Armada against England; the king said he trusted in Jesus to protect a fleet that was battling heretics.

"Dirty hands" statecraft includes the need to hit enemies hard even when it may endanger many civilians. Condemning such actions because they contravene modern laws of war that are inadequate to the realities of confrontations with savage enemies is also a reflection of Exilic morality rather than appropriate values of statehood.

The real issue is not whether or not to be "moral," but rather which moral norms should have priority. For a state-in-the-making facing implacable enemies, a state morality that is very different from individual morality is needed. To those who still think in Exile terms and are unaccustomed to having a Jewish state, this state morality can easily appear to be amoral or even immoral.

Israel faces some enemies that regard war as a way of life and who want to eliminate it and would not hesitate to engage in genocide against it if they had the means to do so. The moral justification of Israel's actions as a whole in Operation Cast Lead - as distinct from incidents that were what Clausewitz called unavoidable "friction," but which still must be condemned - escaped the legal minds of Justice Richard Goldstone and his colleagues. And many other Jews failed to realize the unpleasant but unavoidable truth that to obtain security, states must behave in ways that suit the nature of their enemies rather than following reality-ignoring criteria such as "proportionality."

Not long ago, at a meeting of distinguished intellectuals, the following thesis was proposed and widely supported: "Only moral states survive." This, I am sorry to say, is just not true, as even a cursory study of history demonstrates. We all should strive to change global realities, in line with the commandment of tikkun olam - "mending the world." But until then, Israel's moral duty is to do whatever is necessary to maintain its existence, whether or not the specific actions are themselves moral in a humanitarian sense or conform to outdated norms of international law. All this is subject to realpolitik cost-benefit calculations, such as potential damage to Israel's image - but I am dealing here with the moral calculus, which comes first.

Harsh measures that are essential even as they hurt uninvolved civilians, however morally justified under the circumstances, must be accompanied by regret and soul-searching. But, still, given the exigencies of Israel, they are often morally justified. Jews everywhere must adjust their Exile values to this requisite of assuring the long-term existence of Israel, which in turn is essential for the future of the Jewish people. Once peace is achieved, Israel should strive to become a "light unto the nations." But until then, Israel's realities justify a state morality that includes "dirty hands" (as is the case with many countries facing enemies, as expressed in the concept of raison d'etat), however hard it may be for those still captive to Exile morality to accept.

Yehezkel Dror was founding president of the Jewish People Policy Planning Institute and is professor emeritus of political science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

 

***************************************

HAARETZ

EDITORIAL

HAMAS IS NOT THE REAL PROBLEM

BY HENRY SIEGMAN

 

Haaretz has courageously and repeatedly exposed the deceitfulness of this and previous Israeli governments' pretense that their goal is to find a viable Palestinian peace partner. It is therefore important to guard against the implication of the question - whether Israel should engage Hamas in peace talks - posed by the paper, namely that Israeli governments have had an interest in holding peace talks if only they could find a willing partner. Time and again, when presented with a choice between peace and continuing Israel's expropriation of Palestinian land, Israeli governments have chosen land over peace. Indeed, an American president who shows the slightest signs of taking peacemaking seriously is immediately suspected - not only by Israeli governments but by Israel's public - of anti-Israel, if not anti-Semitic, motivations.

Israeli governments have avoided dealing with Hamas not because they fear that engaging the organization might not produce a peace agreement, but because they know they could not manipulate Hamas the way they have been able to manipulate Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas - namely, by using content-less peace talks as a fig leaf for the continued expansion of the settlement enterprise. Israeli governments have latched onto Abbas as their peace partner of choice not because of his "moderation" - his conditions for a peace agreement are not much different from those of Hamas (after all, Hamas has agreed to allow Abbas to conduct peace talks on behalf of a unity government) - but because negotiations with Abbas shield them from the need to deal with Hamas while at the same time enabling them to claim that he is incapable of delivering popular support for the compromises he needs to make. It is a classic case of having your cake and eating it too.

If an Israeli government were truly interested in reaching a peace accord that would end the occupation and establish a viable Palestinian state, it could do so only with a government that includes both major Palestinian political parties, Hamas and Fatah. It is precisely because Israeli governments know this that they have consistently incited Fatah to engage in fratricidal conflict with Hamas, and threatened to cut off the perks extended to Abbas and his colleagues should he even think of joining it in a unity government.

Undoubtedly, this view of Israel's various governments, and particularly of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government, may be dismissed by some as overly harsh. After all, didn't Ariel Sharon seek to reverse his earlier rejectionism by turning Gaza back to the Palestinians, and did not Hamas repay his good intentions with rocket assaults on Israel's civilian population?

The answer to both of these questions is "No." No, Sharon did not intend the removal of the Gaza settlements to reverse Israel's settlement enterprise in the West Bank. Its purpose was the exact opposite: to obtain president George W. Bush's consent for the deepening and widening of Israel's hold on the West Bank. And no, Hamas did not send rockets into Sderot - a war crime no matter what their purpose - in order to repay Sharon for his generosity, but in response to the prime minister's strangling of Gaza, also a war crime.

The man in Israel best qualified to know exactly what Sharon had in mind is Dov Weisglass. He was not only Sharon's closest confidant, political advisor, personal lawyer, and chief of the Prime Minister's Bureau, but also the one who negotiated the deal with the United States over the removal of the Gaza settlements on behalf of Sharon. Here is how Weisglass described that deal, in an interview in Haaretz:

"What I effectively agreed to with the Americans was that part of the settlements [i.e., the major settlement blocs in the West Bank] would not be dealt with at all, and the rest will not be dealt with until the Palestinians turn into Finns.... The significance [of the agreement with the United States] is the freezing of the political process. And when you freeze that process you prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state and you prevent a discussion about the refugees, the borders and Jerusalem. Effectively, this whole package that is called the Palestinian state, with all that it entails, has been removed from our agenda indefinitely. And all this with [President Bush's] authority and permission... and the ratification of both houses of Congress."

That is why the first question should not be, "Should Israel talk to Hamas?" but rather, "Should Israel be allowed by the United States and the international community to continue its settlement enterprise to the point of irreversibility?" Netanyahu has already broken his promise to President Barack Obama regarding a limited moratorium on construction outside the settlement blocs. Construction in those settlements continues stealthily. An appropriate response to this continuing deceit would be an American engagement with Hamas, conditioned on Hamas' implementation of its promise to allow Abbas to negotiate a peace agreement on behalf of a unity government. This would be a clear indication by the United States and the international community that the answer to that first question is "No."

Henry Siegman is director of the U.S./Middle East Project and a former national director of the American Jewish Congress and of the Synagogue Council of America.

 

***************************************

HAARETZ

EDITORIAL

THE PALESTINIANS' SPOILER

BY DAVID MAKOVSKY

Advocates for engaging Hamas often argue that if the group is given a stake in the creation of an independent Palestine by being included in peace negotiations, it will moderate its positions. This co-optation argument is based on the misguided assumption that Hamas is a pragmatic nationalistic movement, motivated primarily by calculations of how to gain power.

However, Hamas is ideologically motivated, and misunderstanding its worldview is damaging. The growing Islamification of Gaza is only one example of Hamas' persistent allegiance to its ideological underpinnings, which it has shown no signs of abandoning. Hamas' ideology is rooted in the philosophy of its parent movement, the Muslim Brotherhood.

Hamas' actions must be understood in the proper context. Its lauded cease-fires with Israel are not a sign of political moderation, but rather calculated moves of self-interest. It has been deterred since the Gaza conflict. As recently as April 2008, Hamas' top official, Khaled Meshal, articulated Hamas' approach when he expressed his opinion about a temporary truce, or tahadiyeh, saying, "Hamas and the other resistance factions will use the tahadiyeh to grow stronger both in terms of weapons and training, and so the people will recover and prepare for the next round of resistance."

Moreover, Hamas feigns compromise on peace while maintaining its ideological consistency. Hamas has been given a great deal of credit - by former U.S. president Jimmy Carter, among others - for its promises to accept a final-status decision as long as the Palestinian people express support in a referendum. After meeting with Hamas leaders, including Meshal, in Damascus last year, Carter returned to Jerusalem touting a breakthrough. Meshal, however, publicly contradicted Carter within a few hours - making clear that a referendum on peace must include all Palestinians in the world, not just those living in the West Bank and Gaza. This unworkable proposition was coupled with his other condition that he knows Israel cannot accept - all Palestinians worldwide will retain their "full right of return" to Israel. Palestinian Authority Foreign Minister Riad Malki summed up the situation saying, "Hamas offered nothing to President Carter."

Moreover, Hamas has persistently refused to accede to the consistent demand of Egyptian intelligence head Gen. Omar Suleiman that it adhere to past Israeli-Palestinian agreements.

Clearly, Hamas' ideological rigidity greatly outweighs its pragmatism and political flexibility. If Hamas is included without committing, however grudgingly, to the cause of coexistence, it is unlikely to make the subsequent hard choices required by negotiations. In short, Hamas is poised to play the role of spoiler from the inside and not just from the outside.

This is not just due to its positions on peace and institution-building, but also its contemptuous attitude toward unity with Fatah. Hamas views Fatah's progress with disdain and wants to undermine U.S.-led efforts to train and equip the Palestinian Security Services. The U.S. has aided the Palestinian Authority (PA) in professionalizing its security force. Along with Israel, the PA has brought calm to Palestinian cities marred by chaos and drastically reduced the number of Israelis killed in attacks originating in the West Bank, from 410 several years ago to one this year. Hamas has vowed to remove the current PA government, which international bodies estimate is achieving 7 percent economic growth. In short, the steep price of internal Palestinian political cohesion is likely to be the crippling of nascent Palestinian institutions, as well as those boldly proposed by PA Prime Minister Salam Fayyad.

Furthermore, unconditional engagement with Hamas bears a key risk. If Hamas is engaged without having modified its program, Palestinians who stuck out their necks for a two-state solution would be branded as quislings. Hamas would be rewarded, and Abbas would be crushed. Bringing in Hamas will not give peace a chance; it will likely undo and discredit peacemaking and set a dangerous precedent for the entire region.

Yet keeping Hamas outside of negotiations requires a serious attempt to provide an alternative. This can be best accomplished by ensuring that its more moderate competitors actually do deliver. To build hope and a sense of possibility - which is the antidote to the frustration and hopelessness that Hamas exploits - there must be a peace process that has real promise. Moreover, there must be a day-to-day reality that reflects concrete positive changes. There is presently some evidence of this change, as Hamas is steadily losing public support. Even the slight spike in support for Hamas after the Gaza war has proved ephemeral. Rather, Hamas' decline has been unmistakable. Surveys conducted by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research, led by Khalil Shikaki, found that current Palestinian support for Hamas stands at 28 percent, compared to 44 percent for Fatah. In fact, Hamas has not polled better than Fatah since June 2006.

Ultimately, successful engagement must be predicated upon common interests and goals. Therefore, empowering the PA - and not engaging Hamas - should remain at the heart of a U.S.-led Israeli-Palestinian strategy.

David Makovsky is the Washington Institute for Near East Policy's Ziegler Distinguished Fellow and Director of the Project on the Middle East Peace Process. He is co-author, with Dennis Ross, of the recently released book "Myths, Illusions, and Peace" (Viking/Penguin).

 

***************************************

HAARETZ

EDITORIAL

THE 'GUARDIANS' OF ISRAELI ACADEMIA

BY BENJAMIN POGRUND

 

Israeli academics are being watched. Vigilantes check what they say or write - and, if they are judged "anti-Israel," incite donors to the universities and colleges where they teach to act against them. Students are encouraged to spy on their teachers and to report what they say.

Academics on the left are the targets. They are vilified as "Israel's academic fifth column" and "our inner scourge." They are called "traitors" and are accused of "treasonous betrayal" and of wanting "to suck up to and be accepted by the enemy."

One vigilante group is Israel Academia Monitor (IAM) started five years ago by the American-born Dana Barnett. Another is IsraCampus, which does not reveal who its organizers are although many of its articles are written by Seth J. Frantzman, also from the United States.

Prof. David Newman, of the department of politics and government at the Ben-Gurion University of the Negev (BGU), who has been a target for attack, warns: "The academic McCarthyism of the right endangers Israeli democracy and society. It threatens the very basis of freedom of speech."

Newman, who has spent the past three years working informally on behalf of Israel's universities against the academic boycott attempts in Europe, sees these so-called watchdog groups as causing as much harm to Israel's academic community and reputation as the Israel boycotters themselves.

Both IAM and IsraCampus say they are modeled after Campus Watch in the United States, which is controversial for its monitoring of Middle East studies at American universities and of academics who are critical of Israel.

Barnett sends out near-daily e-mails fingering and quoting named academics, and decides when protest and dissent are "anti-Israel." Every e-mail ends by asking the recipient: "Are you a donor to Israeli universities? Learn about what is happening on Israeli campuses." She urges donors to know "what is being done with your gifts and generosity" and to "speak about anti-Israel Israeli academics when you are in touch with university officials." She does not say who funds her work. She has acknowledged in a newspaper interview that "most of them are from abroad," and claims they are "Zionists with a love of Israel."

The vigilantes totally attack any boycotts from abroad of Israel. But they want to use boycotts against the Israeli academics they condemn. They do not seem aware of the obvious contradiction in their stance.

Inevitably, Dr. Neve Gordon, the BGU political science lecturer who has been in the headlines for urging a boycott of Israel, is a particular target for them: IAM has for weeks now been soliciting signatures for a petition urging that he be dismissed as chair of the politics and government department and from any university committee, that all his courses be made electives rather than required, and that he be denied travel and research funding.

The response from international academic networks has not been long in coming. Respected academics throughout the world are said to have written letters to BGU President Rivka Carmi and to the Israel Academy of Sciences, protesting this attempt to infringe on the freedom of speech.

The vigilantes have also gone after Israeli academics who expressed support for Gordon.

Their net of condemnation is cast wide, and includes: Iaroslav Youssim, of the School of Social Work of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, who was listed after circulating an invitation to a weekly "Stand Up for Jerusalem" march against Israel's occupation policies in the city. Dr. Kobi Snitz, professor of mathematics at the Technion - Israel Institute of Technology in Haifa, is listed for having served 20 days' in jail for trying to prevent soldiers from demolishing a house in a Palestinian village as well as other activities, such as "support[ing] Palestinian struggle against Israel." Also Dr. David Shulman, of the Hebrew University department of comparative religions, was named after writing about a court case in which colleagues were acquitted on charges of disorderly behavior during a protest. Former foreign minister Shlomo Ben-Ami, a former head of Tel Aviv University's history department, is listed for his review, in Foreign Affairs magazine, of Benny Morris' history of the 1948 war.

IAM got itself into a knot, however, over the call by Tova Rosen, of BGU's Hebrew literature department, and many others for civil disobedience against three antidemocratic Knesset bills. IAM acknowledged that civil disobedience was a "time-honored expression of protest in democracies." But in classic McCarthyite style it added a dark warning that the "Communist Party" was involved in this particular case - even though it said it did not know what role, if any, the party played.

IsraCampus has what it calls a "Rogues Gallery," with scores of names. Who are these dangerous people? They include many of Israel's most distinguished intellectuals: Amoz Oz ("and his ilk") features, as does historian and Haaretz journalist Tom Segev ("anti-Israel Israeli"), plus educator and feminist Dr. Alice Shalvi and Prof. Mordechai Kremnitzer, of the Hebrew University's Faculty of Law.

No doubt the vigilantes view themselves as super-patriots serving Israel's interests. The opposite is true. They are dangerous cranks. The crude censorship they use to shut up academics runs counter to the most cherished beliefs about freedom of speech in Western democracies. They undermine Israel's status as a democracy.

Benjamin Pogrund is a South African-born journalist who learned about academic freedom as a student, fighting against the imposition of apartheid on universities.

 

*************************************** 

******************************************************************************************

THE NEW YORK TIMES

COUNTING BACKWARD

 

America's top diplomat in Iraq, Christopher Hill, and America's top commander there, Gen. Ray Odierno, have been wrangling for months over how much United States officials should get involved in Iraqi politics.

 

Mr. Hill, it is said, wants to give the Iraqis more of a chance to find their own way. General Odierno — with his eye on the troop drawdown clock — has been arguing for a more hands-on approach. The stalemate over Iraq's election law should settle that debate once and for all.

 

Iraq's political leaders need a strong shove ahead if there is to be any hope of withdrawing American troops on time and ensuring that the country they leave behind doesn't once again unravel.

 

Iraq's Constitution says national elections must be held before Jan. 31. When President Obama pledged to pull out all combat troops by the end of August, it was with the understanding that there would be a new government solidly in place.

 

Every week of delay makes that harder. Without a law, there can be no vote, no new government and no real progress on the issues that continue to roil Iraq's divided society, including a long-delayed law to equitably share oil revenues and a decision about who — Kurds or Arabs — will control the disputed city of Kirkuk.

 

After Saddam Hussein's brutal dictatorship and the recent years of near civil war, it is a relief to see Iraq's Shiite, Sunni and Kurdish communities fighting things out in Parliament, not in the streets. But the situation is still highly fragile, and the forces eager to reignite the killing have not given up. The elections and the political reforms must move forward.

 

The dispute over the election law centers first on the question of whether voters can cast their ballots for parties or individuals. Voting for individuals is preferable because it offers a more direct connection between politicians and their constituents and helps weaken ethnically based parties.

 

The second, even more difficult issue, is who should be eligible to vote in Kirkuk. Mr. Hussein drove Kurds out of the region; Arabs now charge that the Kurdish regional government is flooding the city with Kurds to bolster its territorial claims.

 

The broader Kirkuk problem could take years to resolve. The way to break the election logjam would be to use the current voter list — no legitimate voters would be disenfranchised — with an understanding that it will not prejudice the decision on Kirkuk's future.

 

The election law's deadline was Oct. 15, and planners say it will take several months to get a vote organized. Iraqi politicians need to get serious about making a deal. American officials, all the way up to President Obama, need to marshal all of their resources to pressure and cajole them into coming up with one.

 

We are mystified as to why Prime Minister Nouri Kamal al-Maliki chose to be in Washington for an investment conference this week. Iraq desperately needs foreign investment; but without elections and the hope of some stability, nobody is going to invest.

 

The White House needed a lot of high-level arm-twisting to get President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan to accede to a runoff election this week. American diplomats in Baghdad are pushing for a deal on an election law, but there has been no sign of the same down-to-the-wire, all-hands-on-deck attention.

 

When he outlined his Iraq strategy in February, Mr. Obama promised that even as America prepared to leave, it would be an "honest broker in pursuit of fair and durable agreements on issues that have divided Iraq's leaders." Iraq is at a critical moment. It clearly needs an honest broker — and a good deal more.

 

***************************************

THE NEW YORK TIMES

EDITORIAL

A LEVEL FIELD

 

Many people think of agriculture as a tradition-bound occupation. It is far more like information technology, as high-tech companies genetically engineer seeds and a few powerful companies strive to dominate the market. Following a decade of unchecked consolidation, it is time for the Justice Department to take a hard look at potentially anticompetitive behavior.

 

A good place to start is with Monsanto, which is trying to block DuPont from adding its own genetic traits to Monsanto's Roundup Ready technology to produce soybeans that would be resistant to multiple pesticides. Seeds carrying Monsanto's genes can resist Roundup, the ubiquitous weedkiller. They are the dominant standard in American fields — present in 97 percent of the soybean crops and 79 percent of the corn, akin to Microsoft Windows on computers.

 

Earlier this year, Monsanto sued DuPont for patent infringement. In response, DuPont accused Monsanto of hindering innovation through restrictive licensing agreements. It also charges that Monsanto is pre-empting competition from generic makers by threatening to revoke seed companies' licenses if they don't switch to a new version before Monsanto's patent expires in 2014.

 

Monsanto denies the allegations. It says that it regularly allows other companies to stack their genetic traits onto its own and that DuPont could have signed such a license. It also says that farmers are switching to the new anti-Roundup technology because it improves yields.

 

We don't know who is right, but we do know that these charges need to be fully investigated.

 

Monsanto has never been shy about going to court to defend its dominant position. Regulators are certainly concerned. In 2007, when Monsanto bought a cotton-seed maker, Delta and Pineland, the Justice Department's antitrust division required it to remove license provisions forbidding rivals from stacking Monsanto with non-Monsanto traits.

 

The antitrust division will not say if it is investigating Monsanto. But in recent months, it has asked Monsanto and its competitors for information to determine whether Monsanto is breaching antitrust laws.

 

Agriculture is at the frontier of technological progress. Its innovations will determine, to a large extent, whether and at what cost this country and the world will be able to feed its growing populations. No company should dominate such an essential business.

 

***************************************

THE NEW YORK TIMES

EDITORIAL

CREDIT CARD CHICANERY

 

Congress blundered badly when it gave the credit card industry as long as 15 months to phase out the deceptive and predatory practices that were outlawed in a new law enacted in May.

 

Instead of backing away from exploitation, credit card companies have intensified it. For starters, they have driven up already outrageous interest rates by an industrywide average of about 20 percent, according to a report scheduled to be released next week from the Pew Charitable Trusts' Safe Credit Cards Project. The companies also have used sleight of hand to more than double rates on customers who spent prudently and paid their bills on time.

 

The Credit Card Accountability, Responsibility and Disclosure Act would end a great many odious practices. The companies, for example, could no longer deluge broke and unemployed teenagers with credit cards, driving them deeply into debt that they have no way of paying off. Credit card companies will have to verify the young person's ability to pay or get a signature from a responsible adult before credit is issued.

 

The law prohibits arbitrary rate increases, penalties for customers who are late paying an unrelated bill — known as universal default — and the all-too-common scams in which companies charge cardholders new interest on debts that they have paid a month or two earlier and rig due dates so that payments are late by definition and subject to a hefty penalty.

 

The Federal Reserve chairman, Ben Bernanke, acknowledged recently that moving up the effective date to Dec. 1 would allow consumers to get benefits and protections sooner. But he also expressed misgivings that the move might be difficult for companies that need to create new billing and accounting systems, along with other changes.

 

Mr. Bernanke's opinion will hold less sway in the House than in the Senate, where lawmakers are notoriously deferential to regulators and to the banks and credit card companies whose biddings those regulators so often do. But pressure for action in this matter is clearly building in the House and among the voters, who have grown weary of being gouged, especially at a time when many of them are having trouble feeding and housing their families.

 

In any case, it is time that Congress looked out less for the credit card companies and more for American consumers. That means passing bills in Congress that would move up the effective date of the credit card law.

 

***************************************

THE NEW YORK TIMES

OPED

COMPASSION DEFICIT

 

It's far more than a local shame that a Pennsylvania pastor had to go to court to uphold the Bible's mandate to comfort the homeless and needy. The minister, the Rev. Jack Wisor, won as the town of Brookville agreed to pay $100,000 and let him reopen the Just for Jesus shelter after inspectors had broken into the church in a harebrained attempt to prove it had violated zoning laws. The shame grows far beyond Brookville as more and more local governments respond to the recession's hard times with similar variations on criminalizing homelessness.

 

New laws prohibiting loitering have increased 11 percent and bans on public camping are up 7 percent, according to a survey of more than 200 cities and towns by the National Coalition for the Homeless. Grass-roots meanness is too often on display. In Tampa, Fla., the Hillsborough County Commission backed away from a Catholic Charities plan for a fenced camp for the down and out. Politicians' self-preservation trumped community charity when alarmed residents protested they were arming themselves in fear of homeless criminals.

 

Vox pop need not be so shabby. In Daytona Beach, Fla., the government works with charities to provide constructive shelter services in which the homeless help clean the city. In Cleveland, instead of the anti-begging and anti-loitering route being taken elsewhere, the city government coordinates with homeless advocates to make shelter and food programs more efficient.

 

The need for localities and states to opt for charity over enmity only grows as the recession swells the homeless ranks. The flow now includes a sizable cohort of innocent renters locked out by foreclosed landlords. Charity can only begin at home and must be extended through hometown government. "That's what this country has been founded on," one of the Hillsborough commissioners initially observed — before fearful residents had him switch his vote and disinvite the homeless.

 

***************************************

THE NEW YORK TIMES

OPED

THE QUIET REVOLUTION

BY DAVID BROOKS

 

A few weeks ago, "Saturday Night Live" teased President Obama for delivering great speeches but not actually bringing change. There's at least one area where that jibe is unfair: education.

 

When Obama and Education Secretary Arne Duncan came to office, they created a $4.3 billion Race to the Top fund. The idea was to use money to leverage change. The administration would put a pile of federal money on the table and award it to a few states that most aggressively embraced reform.

 

Their ideas were good, and their speeches were beautiful. But that was never the problem. The real challenge was going to be standing up to the teachers' unions and the other groups that have undermined nearly every other reform effort.

 

The real questions were these: Would the administration water down their reform criteria in the face of political pressure? Would the Race to the Top money end up getting doled out like any other federal spending program, and thus end up subsidizing the status quo? Would the administration hold the line and demand real reform in exchange for the money?

 

There were many reasons to be skeptical. At the behest of the teachers' unions, the Democrats had just shut down a successful District of Columbia voucher program. Moreover, state legislatures around the country were moving backward. They were passing laws prohibiting schools from using student performance as a criterion in setting teacher pay.

 

But, so far, those fears are unjustified. The news is good. In fact, it's very good. Over the past few days I've spoken to people ranging from Bill Gates to Jeb Bush and various education reformers. They are all impressed by how gritty and effective the Obama administration has been in holding the line and inciting real education reform.

 

Over the summer, the Department of Education indicated that most states would not qualify for Race to the Top money. Now states across the country are changing their laws: California, Illinois, Ohio, Wisconsin and Tennessee, among others.

 

It's not only the promise of money that is motivating change. There seems to be some sort of status contest as states compete to prove they, too, can meet the criteria. Governors who have been bragging about how great their schools are don't want to be left off the list.

 

These changes mean that states are raising their caps on the number of charter schools. When charters got going, there was a "let a thousand flowers bloom" mentality that sometimes led to bad schools. Now reformers know more about how to build charters and the research is showing solid results. Caroline Hoxby of Stanford University recently concluded a rigorous study of New York's charter schools and found that they substantially narrowed the achievement gap between suburban and inner-city students.

 

The changes also will mean student performance will increasingly be a factor in how much teachers get paid and whether they keep their jobs. There is no consensus on exactly how to do this, but there is clear evidence that good teachers produce consistently better student test scores, and that teachers who do not need to be identified and counseled. Cracking the barrier that has been erected between student outcomes and teacher pay would be a huge gain.

 

Duncan even seems to have made some progress in persuading the unions that they can't just stonewall, they have to get involved in the reform process. The American Federation of Teachers recently announced innovation grants for performance pay ideas. The New Haven school district has just completed a new teacher contract, with union support, that includes many of the best reform ideas.

 

There are still many places, like Washington, where the unions are dogmatically trying to keep bad teachers in the classrooms. But if implemented well, the New Haven contract could be a sign of perestroika even within the education establishment.

 

"I've been deeply disturbed by a lot that's going on in Washington," Jeb Bush said on Thursday, "but this is not one of them. President Obama has been supporting a reform secretary, and this is deserving of Republican support." Bush's sentiment is echoed across the spectrum, from Newt Gingrich to Al Sharpton.

 

Over the next months, there will be more efforts to water down reform. Some groups are offering to get behind health care reform in exchange for gutting education reform. Politicians from both parties are going to lobby fiercely to ensure that their state gets money, regardless of the merits. So will governors who figure they're going to lose out in the award process.

 

But President Obama understood from the start that this would only work if the awards remain fiercely competitive. He has not wavered. We're not close to reaching the educational Promised Land, but we may be at the start of what Rahm Emanuel calls The Quiet Revolution.

 

***************************************

THE NEW YORK TIMES

OPED

THE CHINESE DISCONNECT

BY PAUL KRUGMAN

 

Senior monetary officials usually talk in code. So when Ben Bernanke, the Federal Reserve chairman, spoke recently about Asia, international imbalances and the financial crisis, he didn't specifically criticize China's outrageous currency policy.

 

But he didn't have to: everyone got the subtext. China's bad behavior is posing a growing threat to the rest of the world economy. The only question now is what the world — and, in particular, the United States — will do about it.

 

Some background: The value of China's currency, unlike, say, the value of the British pound, isn't determined by supply and demand. Instead, Chinese authorities enforced that target by buying or selling their currency in the foreign exchange market — a policy made possible by restrictions on the ability of private investors to move their money either into or out of the country.

 

There's nothing necessarily wrong with such a policy, especially in a still poor country whose financial system might all too easily be destabilized by volatile flows of hot money. In fact, the system served China well during the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s. The crucial question, however, is whether the target value of the yuan is reasonable.

 

Until around 2001, you could argue that it was: China's overall trade position wasn't too far out of balance. From then onward, however, the policy of keeping the yuan-dollar rate fixed came to look increasingly bizarre. First of all, the dollar slid in value, especially against the euro, so that by keeping the yuan/dollar rate fixed, Chinese officials were, in effect, devaluing their currency against everyone else's. Meanwhile, productivity in China's export industries soared; combined with the de facto devaluation, this made Chinese goods extremely cheap on world markets.

 

The result was a huge Chinese trade surplus. If supply and demand had been allowed to prevail, the value of China's currency would have risen sharply. But Chinese authorities didn't let it rise. They kept it down by selling vast quantities of the currency, acquiring in return an enormous hoard of foreign assets, mostly in dollars, currently worth about $2.1 trillion.

 

Many economists, myself included, believe that China's asset-buying spree helped inflate the housing bubble, setting the stage for the global financial crisis. But China's insistence on keeping the yuan/dollar rate fixed, even when the dollar declines, may be doing even more harm now.

 

Although there has been a lot of doomsaying about the falling dollar, that decline is actually both natural and desirable. America needs a weaker dollar to help reduce its trade deficit, and it's getting that weaker dollar as nervous investors, who flocked into the presumed safety of U.S. debt at the peak of the crisis, have started putting their money to work elsewhere.

 

But China has been keeping its currency pegged to the dollar — which means that a country with a huge trade surplus and a rapidly recovering economy, a country whose currency should be rising in value, is in effect engineering a large devaluation instead.

 

And that's a particularly bad thing to do at a time when the world economy remains deeply depressed due to inadequate overall demand. By pursuing a weak-currency policy, China is siphoning some of that inadequate demand away from other nations, which is hurting growth almost everywhere. The biggest victims, by the way, are probably workers in other poor countries. In normal times, I'd be among the first to reject claims that China is stealing other peoples' jobs, but right now it's the simple truth.

 

So what are we going to do?

 

U.S. officials have been extremely cautious about confronting the China problem, to such an extent that last week the Treasury Department, while expressing "concerns," certified in a required report to Congress that China is not — repeat not — manipulating its currency. They're kidding, right?

 

The thing is, right now this caution makes little sense. Suppose the Chinese were to do what Wall Street and Washington seem to fear and start selling some of their dollar hoard. Under current conditions, this would actually help the U.S. economy by making our exports more competitive.

 

In fact, some countries, most notably Switzerland, have been trying to support their economies by selling their own currencies on the foreign exchange market. The United States, mainly for diplomatic reasons, can't do this; but if the Chinese decide to do it on our behalf, we should send them a thank-you note.

 

The point is that with the world economy still in a precarious state, beggar-thy-neighbor policies by major players can't be tolerated. Something must be done about China's currency.

 

***************************************

THE NEW YORK TIMES

OPED

EVERYMAN'S FINANCIAL MELTDOWN

BY RON CHERNOW

 

FOR connoisseurs of financial mayhem, the stock market crash of October 1929, which started 80 years ago this week, still holds pride of place. Like a tautly directed drama, it unfolded with graphic horror at the corner of Broad and Wall Streets, captured in grainy black-and-white newsreels. It capped a stylish era in which well-tailored men and chic flappers set a racy tone for stock investing. To the delight of historians, it possessed clear-cut villains, a riveting story line and plenty of palpable abuses for reformers to correct.

 

In retrospect, the evils of the 1920s seem almost quaint in their simplicity. Finance today is far more esoteric, marked by complex securities sure to baffle reformers as they seek solutions to the problems exposed by last year's crash.

 

Before the '20s, common stocks were deemed unsuitable for ordinary investors. That stigma began to fade during World War I, when Liberty Loan drives encouraged Americans to own government bonds, feeding a taste for securities that persisted into the '20s. To capitalize on this trend, commercial banks on Wall Street created securities affiliates and hired thousands of young stockbrokers who were untroubled by memories of past panics. Charles Mitchell, the head of National City Bank, prodded his recruits with pep talks and office contests to sell stocks with razzmatazz. The stock market quickly grew fashionable, with brokerage offices installed even on trans-Atlantic liners.

 

It is tempting to deride the bull market of the '20s as a case study in mass delusion. There was a widespread belief that history had turned a corner, that a New Era of permanent prosperity had dawned. Long an importer of capital from Europe, the United States had emerged from World War I as the world's leading creditor, and governments from around the globe flocked to Wall Street for loans.

 

The stock market of the 1920s was dazzled by the technological innovations of its day. As in every boom, irrational exuberance was merely rational exuberance run amok. Charles Lindbergh's solo flight to Paris fostered a perfect mania for aircraft stocks, while the invention of "talkies" spurred film company shares to new heights. The decade witnessed an explosion in sales of cars and radios, refrigerators and washing machines, all made affordable by installment plans. Art Deco skyscrapers soared in Manhattan. The infectious excitement obscured the economy's dangerous lopsidedness, with oil, agriculture and other "sick sectors" undercutting the general prosperity. Long before the crash, community banks were failing at the rate of one per day.

 

Every stock market spree is sustained by soothing illusions. Investors in the '20s took comfort from the creation of the Federal Reserve System in 1913. Now buttressed by a central bank, Wall Street believed that the business cycle had been repealed, and the presumed safety net encouraged investors to buy the dips and ride out the most turbulent fluctuations. Three consecutive Republican presidents — Warren Harding, Calvin Coolidge and Herbert Hoover — cut taxes, weakened antitrust laws and promised not to meddle with Wall Street.

 

The stock exchange was a rigged market that made no claims to fairness. Speculators operated more than a hundred "pools" that openly manipulated individual stocks and sometimes bribed financial journalists. Their flamboyant managers — William Crapo Durant, Michael Meehan, Joseph P. Kennedy and Jesse Livermore — became folk heroes, their raffish exploits reported in gossip columns, giving Wall Street a louche glamour. Hot stock tips, circulated by waiters and bootblacks, made old-fashioned research superfluous. For many participants, a whiff of sin only enhanced the stock market's seduction. Small investors imagined that the large speculators who dominated the exchange could, if necessary, levitate the market and prevent unpleasant crack-ups.

 

Even as the stock boom captured the national imagination, most Americans sat safely on the sidelines. In a population of 125 million, fewer than two million took a flier in stocks, but their impact was magnified by half a million margin accounts. Under the lax standards in effect, investors could plunk down a small fraction of a stock's value and borrow the rest. Banks showered this brokers' loan market with funds, and many corporations channeled spare cash there as well. Since much of this money was raised on the stock exchange in the first place, it created a self-perpetuating speculative machine. Margin loans equivalent to one-fifth the value of listed stocks poised the market on a tall but shaky scaffolding.

 

Compounding the leverage problem was the vogue for mutual funds, known then as investment trusts. Their managers were supposed to shelter small investors from speculative swings, but these professionals proved as faddish as everyone else. Pumped up with borrowed money, they invested in other highly indebted trusts in a never-ending chain of speculation.

 

Those who questioned the New Era gospel were ostracized as knaves or fools. The most persistent spoilsport was the economist Roger Babson, whose gloomy forecasts were mocked even as the economy stagnated in the sweltering summer of 1929. On Sept. 5, 1929, Babson reiterated his doomsday cry: "Sooner or later a crash is coming, and it may be terrific." This time, instead of yawning, the market sold off sharply in what was dubbed the "Babson Break" — the first sign of market fragility. President Hoover turned to Thomas W. Lamont, the senior partner of J. P. Morgan & Co., for reassurance. Five days before Black Thursday, Lamont obliged him with this stunning bromide: "The future appears brilliant."

 

ON the morning of Thursday, Oct. 24, 1929, the stock market imploded from the sheer weight of its own excesses. Stocks suffered such precipitous drops that there were tearful scenes on the exchange floor and the visitors' gallery was cleared. Wall Street was thronged by distraught investors, who emitted a haunting moan as their life savings evaporated.

 

At noon, the crowd thrilled to the sight of Wall Street titans hurrying up the steps of the House of Morgan. Led by Lamont, the emergency meeting included Charles Mitchell and Albert Wiggin of Chase National Bank. Conspicuously missing were any government figures; it was a throwback to earlier panics, when financiers orchestrated their own rescues. The bankers pledged $240 million to stabilize the market. At 1:30, Dick Whitney, acting president of the stock exchange, strode ostentatiously to the United States Steel trading post and barked out a bid for 10,000 shares at a price several points higher than the previous trade. To cheers, he re-enacted this inspirational scene with other stocks. Such was the residual mystique of Wall Street bankers that the market rallied vigorously and closed only marginally lower. The next day, The Wall Street Journal ran a hopeful headline: "Bankers Halt Stock Debacle."

 

This first act of the 1929 crash suggested that the smart money was powerful enough to tame an unruly market. Heavy selling on Monday, however, convinced investors that Thursday's turbulence hadn't been a fluke, but the first tremor of an earthquake. At Tuesday's opening, tremendous waves of selling set off pandemonium on the trading floor. The overloaded ticker tape lagged two and a half hours behind trading as 16.5 million shares changed hands. When the final numbers were in, stocks had lost a quarter of their value in two days. The shock and pain were manifest in photos of ruined men standing on Wall Street. This time, the notion that somebody would save them — the bankers, the Fed, the big-time speculators — had proven a cruel mirage.

 

On farms and in small towns, the crash was greeted with puritanical glee: the city slickers had gotten their comeuppance. Exaggerated accounts of investors taking fancy dives from upper-story ledges underscored the urban nature of stock investing in the '20s. Unlike the 2009 crash, the 1929 debacle didn't topple major banks or corporations. It simply wiped out a generation of speculators.

 

In retrospect, the 1929 crash stands as the dark gateway to the Great Depression, though not its direct cause. In its aftermath, government moved with unwonted vigor to shore up the economy. George Harrison, head of the New York Fed, bought large amounts of government bonds and slashed the rediscount rate. President Hoover pleaded with business to preserve wage levels, and some major companies increased their dividends. In mid-November, a tremendous rally drove stocks up 25 percent in a few days. By February 1930, The New York Times editorialized that "the patient" was now headed for a complete recovery. The next month, Hoover predicted that the "worst effects of the crash" would soon be over, and by April the stock market had recouped almost half of its October losses.

 

The cheerleading proved premature. In the fall of 1930, cascading bank failures signaled a full-blown economic disaster. The stock market began to sink, not with huge selling bursts, but in an unrelenting slide that whittled stock prices daily, shaving almost 90 percent of the Dow's value from its September 1929 peak to the summer of 1932. Aside from those bankrupted by margin calls, the worst calamities occurred not among investors who sold in panic after the crash, but among bargain-hunters who swooped down afterward in what had seemed a once-in-a-lifetime buying opportunity.

 

Starting in 1933, a secret history of the crash was unearthed by Ferdinand Pecora, the chief counsel of the

Senate Banking Committee, who interrogated witnesses in sensational hearings. He revealed that Charles Mitchell and other National City executives had cushioned their stock losses by tapping interest-free loans from a special bank fund, while Albert Wiggin made millions selling short his own bank's shares. Such revelations dashed forever the notion that Wall Street could effectively police itself. With Pecora's help, the Roosevelt administration created a transparent regulatory framework that has shaped financial markets to the present day.

 

New Deal financial reformers were fortunate that the crash had followed the satisfying script of a morality play, with sin and repentance followed by redemption. The wicked ways of Wall Street in the '20s could be comfortably told in a fireside chat. Franklin Roosevelt had a bunch of rich rascals to chastise — unscrupulous individuals rather than irresponsible institutions, as in our own recent decline. The blatant stock market abuses were comprehensible to ordinary citizens, quite unlike the exotic credit derivatives and mortgage-backed securities that baffle us today. And the Great Depression that followed the 1929 crash fostered a climate for reform that has proven hard to replicate.

 

However severe, our current predicament seems mild compared to the calamitous unemployment of the early 1930s. Hence, average Americans, mystified by the complexities of finance today, still await a new season of financial reform.

 

Ron Chernow is the author of "The House of Morgan" and "Alexander Hamilton."

 

***************************************

******************************************************************************************

 I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

MOVING TARGETS

 

Brigadier Moin, murdered in Islamabad yesterday morning as he went to work, was the head of the Pakistan military contingent of the UN peacekeeping mission in Sudan. He had been home on leave and was due to return to his duties in Sudan today, Friday. He had in a previous posting been the deputy director general of operations which may be why he was targeted, in the assumption that he still was and had a hand in the management of the Waziristan operation now underway. Brigadier Moin was killed by men riding pillion motorcycles despite a ban, and anybody travelling the roads of Islamabad can see for themselves that the 'ban' is indifferently enforced if at all. He died mere yards from his house along with one of his security personnel, with the other wounded and his condition unknown at the time of writing. Later the same morning there were reports of shots being fired in the vicinity of F8 Markaz and the rumour quickly spread in the area that a wounded suicide bomber was on the loose – be the rumours true or false they ratcheted up the anxiety levels of anybody who lives, works and travels in the capital city.

The terrorists who murdered Brig Moin may have had flawed intelligence and killed him believing his duties were elsewhere, but we have lost another valuable and experienced officer to an enemy that has the capacity, at a variety of levels, to bring this country to a shuddering halt. The education system is 'on hold' with the expectation that most schools and colleges will re-open next week, 'sharpshooters' are to be deployed atop key buildings in the hope of stopping them being attacked, and a sense of insecurity and fear now envelops the entire population. In the midst of this we have an invisible and silent president who has done nothing to bolster the national morale, assorted ministers and spokespersons delivering assurances that all will be well on the morrow, and anybody capable of getting in front of a microphone blaming the rest of the world for our troubles. There is now a palpable sense of 'drift' in the ongoing security crisis. Our police and security services are unwilling or unable to enforce even straightforward attempts to protect the populace. The ordinary people of Pakistan going about their daily business can see for themselves at every turn of the road that the state is failing in its duty to protect them. We need to be hearing from our leaders what it is that they propose to do to remedy the situation. Rest in peace Brigadier Moin – another good man down.

 

***************************************

I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

A SENSE OF PANIC

 

The upward trend at the stock market noted a few months ago has been short-lived. This week, the KSE 100-Share Index has plunged by over 700 points, mainly as foreign investors in multinationals make a hasty exit. Their panic selling of shares has been triggered by the worsening security in the country and the operation in South Waziristan. Some local investors have followed the trend, with confidence badly shaken. The plunge at the KSE is the worst seen for some time and ends the small signs of economic recovery we had begun to see following what seemed like a successful conclusion of the Swat operation. The situation is of course a reminder of the inter-linkages between the various problems faced by Pakistan. Terrorist attacks in cities, for reasons that are obvious, immediately shatter what little has been built up in economic terms. Our leaders are never tired of Pakistan's needs to stand on its own feet. Investment is the key to the kind of recovery these leaders hope for, but it can never come about unless more concrete measures are taken. The undisputed fact is that economic growth is inextricably tied in to political stability.

The blasts in cities, the warnings to remain away from multinational chain restaurants, the threat to foreign nationals, the attacks on UN offices and the other acts of violence we see quite naturally mean people are reluctant to put their money in Pakistan. In part due to these factors, foreign reserves were reported in September. Money it seems is also being pulled out of the country as nervousness grows. This is a reminder of the urgent need to bring terrorism under control. Without this, there can be no economic upturn. Until this turnaround in the state of our economy comes, the factors that force people into the hands of extremist organizations will remain unchanged. There is then an urgent need to tackle terrorism, to strive for some sense of political stability and to work towards an overall solution to the crises that continue to wash like a tidal wave over our country.

 

***************************************

 

 

 

 

I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

PEOPLE AT PERIL

 

The UN's World Food Programme has been forced to close some 20 food distribution hubs, serving some two million people in northern areas of Pakistan. The distribution points served people from Swat, Dir, Buner and other areas who had been displaced by the conflict in these regions earlier this year. The WFP, which meets the food needs of people in many parts of the country, has been forced to take this measure in view of the worsening security situation in the country. A spokesman has expressed the hope that the closure will be temporary and that the hubs can re-open soon. But we do not yet know if this will happen. New acts of terrorism in Islamabad have only added to the apprehensions. Earlier this month, the WFP office had itself been hit by a suicide bombing in which five people tragically died. The security situation, for the present at least remains volatile. It is ironic that while on the one hand the humanitarian situation in the country continues to worsen, and more desperate IDPs pour out from Waziristan, the agencies that could offer them some relief are themselves being targeted. That this is happening is proof of the sheer evil that makes the Taliban what they are.

Over the past two years, humanitarian organizations have pulled out from across the NWFP and Balochistan. The prevailing security situation means international organizations will not have access to IDPs in Dera Ismail Khan and Tank. While agencies will continue to do what they can to help, working in some cases with local partners, their inability to reach affected people will have an impact on the assistance they receive. This is disturbing. Authorities must do more to create a secure environment for humanitarian groups working here.

 

***************************************

 

 

I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

A MAKE-OR-BREAK MOMENT FOR PAKISTAN

AYAZ AMIR

Kashmir 1947-48 was the only necessary war we fought. It gave us the parts of Kashmir now in our possession. The 1965 war was a delusional general's supreme folly. The 1971 war was a strategic black hole created by our political failures. Kargil should never have happened. If Pervez Musharraf deserves to be put in the stocks it is for that misconceived adventure.

The war our army is now engaged in is more full of meaning than anything attempted in the past. It is not about territory but the soul and meaning of Pakistan. Iqbal and Jinnah would have been unable to make any sense of bin Laden, Mullah Omar or Ayman Al-Zawahiri. How on earth did Pakistan allow itself to become a playground for characters out of mediaeval history? Our paladins -- mostly in uniform -- told us we were pursuing strategic depth. What we harvested was strategic disaster.

But what is past is past. We must now come to terms with the present. That is why this war is so important. Winning it reclaims the idea of Pakistan and creates space for a better future. Losing it leads to possibilities too horrible to contemplate: among them the erosion of national morale and the death of the notion that the army was the first line of national defence.

The stakes being so high, there is no choice but to win, and win decisively. Of course it is not going to be easy. South Waziristan's fighters, including the foreign elements, are amongst the most battle-hardened on the planet. They have been fighting for decades -- in Afghanistan, disputed Kashmir, now FATA. Add to this the nature of the Waziristani terrain and it is clear that the army has a job on its hands.

3-5,000 Hezbollah fighters defeated the Israeli army in Lebanon in 2006. At the height of the Kashmir uprising (starting from 1989) there could not have been more than 5-10,000 guerrilla fighters in the Valley. But they tied down close to half a million Indian troops, the bulk of which remain in Kashmir. At a conservative guess the Taliban in South Waziristan would be having 10-15,000 fighters, which makes them a formidable foe.

But there is no way out. This is not a war the Pakistan army has chosen to fight. This is a war forced upon us and there is no running away from it.

But the army can only fight, and fight successfully, if the entire nation is behind it, without ifs and buts. The Taliban have amply demonstrated that the only peace talks which suit them are those conducted on their terms. For now, war is the only continuation of politics which matters. There will be time enough for other things when our arms are victorious.

Previous operations in South Waziristan, undertaken when Musharraf was lord and master of the wreckage he helped create, were half-baked affairs -- ill-prepared units thrown hurriedly into battle. The army suffered grievous losses and the Taliban were emboldened. This operation is different in that some thought and preparation have gone into it. Which doesn't make it a cakewalk but at least there is a sense that this time the army knows where it is going.

Musharraf played to American susceptibilities -- with an eye more on Centcom requirements than our own. For that dishonesty -- and it was that -- the army had to pay a heavy price. But as the Swat operation has shown, the army has emerged from the Musharraf mould. It is now marching to a different tune.

Still, the imperative holds that if we are to emerge from this test successfully, nation and army must acquire the not-easy habit of thinking for themselves rather than looking at things through American eyes. While American friendship is something to be cherished, American guidance and tutelage are afflictions to be avoided like the plague. The US has started wars it is having a hard time finishing. It is not doing too good a job of managing Afghanistan. On the question of whether or not to send more troops to Afghanistan, Washington presents a picture of dithering and irresolution. Contrast this with the steady resolve our army has shown from Swat onwards.

Which only means that while our army can do with the right kind of help -- helicopters and precision-guided munitions above all -- advice and lectures can be kept on hold for later.

In fact, given America's counter-insurgency record -- Vietnam comes to mind -- acting on American advice in such matters is a recipe for disaster and a sure shot guarantee of alienating domestic opinion. So it might help if during these days while our army is engaged in Waziristan there were fewer American high-ups visiting Islamabad. The greater the number of American visitors the more suspicions in Pakistani minds about American intentions.

Just to show America's capacity for rubbing so-called friends the wrong way: as if the Kerry-Lugar Bill wasn't enough, two American congressman have hit upon the bright idea of adding another rider to this year's American defence budget whereby the secretaries of state and defence would have to certify that military aid for Pakistan was actually used for its intended purpose -- fighting the Taliban and Al Qaeda -- and that it would not affect "the balance of power in the region". We are up to our necks in the fight of our lives and our friends (friends?) in Washington still can't let go of their suspicions about us.

Anyway, the US Congress is entitled to do what it likes. We have our own problems and it is our soldiers and officers taking on a resolute enemy and putting their lives on the line in the killing fields of South Waziristan. In the first few days of fighting our casualties have been pretty high, a testimony both to the toughness of the Taliban and the courage of our soldiers. We have to think for ourselves.

But where is the sense of duty, and propriety, of President Zardari and Prime Minister Gilani -- both accidents of history? Shouldn't they be venturing out of their bunkers and visiting the troops on the frontline? If Wana is too risky they could visit the adjoining districts. After all, piquant thought though it is, Zardari is the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. It would be interesting to find out how many people actually think he looks like one.

But this is history in the making. We win and we will have reached the other shore. We lose and we could with profit study the history and geography of Sudan and Somalia. But there will be no point in defeating the Taliban if things remain the way they have always been in Pakistan. Victory would make sense only if we turn immediately thereafter to the reconstruction of Pakistani society.

The tide of fake religiosity which was Gen Zia's gift to the nation should gradually be rolled back, starting with the Hadood Ordinance which deserves to be swept for all time into the bin of discarded things. We are of the faith and were born into it. We never needed the services of self-appointed doctors of the faith and other charlatans to reconvert us to Islam.

Education has to be treated as our number one national problem. We must have a one-track system -- a uniform system of education for all: the same books, the same examinations for all students up to the intermediate level. Yes, our books can do with improvement as can our syllabi. But we won't learn how to swim unless we wade into the water.

Once the problem of English-medium and Urdu-medium is tackled, there must be a complete end, without equivocation, to madressah education. For the entire Pakistani nation -- from the northern mountains to the sea, from Waziristan to the eastern frontier --there must be one stream of education. For Islamic studies -- that is, for those who want to pursue them -- there must be centres of higher learning. But, please, no confusion for young and unformed minds.

For too long the rich have been pampered and protected in the Islamic Republic. There has to be a redistribution of resources by investing more in education, health and public transport. Population growth must be checked or we are doomed. And the army would be doing itself and the nation a favour by curbing the culture of commercialism and defence-society-plots which has done so much to ruin its image.

So the race won't end once Waziristan is over. It will have barely begun. Email: winlust@yahoo.com

 

***************************************

I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

THERE IS A WAY FORWARD

TASNEEM NOORANI

After the attack on Islamabad's Islamic University and the consequent closure of all academic institution, countrymen seem to be in a state of panic. Children are the easiest to blackmail a person through. The handlers of the kids who acted as human bombers in the Islamic University tragedy, must be gloating in their hideouts, at having brought the whole academic system of the country to a grinding halt, only by one blow.

Is closing the academic institutions the correct decision or a knee-jerk reaction?. For how long can we keep them closed? Do we handover victory to the extremist so easily? After all we can become a nation of illiterates inflicted by perpetual paranoia. We will have to find a solution to get out of this predicament. No easy solutions, but we have to keep our chin up, pull in our belly and will ourselves to move ahead with resolution. We can perhaps do the following:

Firstly, let our president, who is the de facto leader of the country, start leading from the front (a hope)--e.g., address the nation, especially the students--and boost their and their parents' morale. School administrations can be advised to form Vigilance Committees of students to boost security. Let additional guards be arranged by schools through local donations or volunteers in poorer areas. But keep our educational institutions open. Let us get on with our lives and not start to live in perpetual fear and give the pleasure of success to the extremist.

Secondly, I suspect the checking of madrasas and arrest of a few inmates in Islamabad, a day prior to the Islamabad Islamic University blast, may have had something to do with the tragedy. The tit for tat, if it develops between the two streams of education, can be catastrophic, to say the least. The negotiations with the office-bearers of Wifaq-ul-Madaris, who are mostly mainstream and law abiding Islamists, should be taken up again in earnest by the government. It is conceded by the Wifaq (I have heard it on the TV) that a large majority of madaris have been registered. Efforts should be renewed through a carrot-and-stick approach, to bring the others into the registration fold. Also the writ of the government on the registered ones should be established by the local police, who seem to have given up on this aspect of their job. Any government has a right to know what is going on in all educational institution of the country, to see if anything is being taught contrary to the approved objectives of the institution. If we have given up on this, then we might as well give up on the country. We have to take the bull by the horn. The leaders of these Wifaqs should also realise that if they continue to defy the writ of the state, they will themselves not remain safe from Islamist of sects, who are opposed to them. More than adequate government resources should be diverted to such institution, in an intelligent manner, to improve their quality and bring them into the mainstream.

Thirdly, there should be a movement to reactivate our non-political religious influentials, scholars and leaders to play an active role to bridge the gulf, which has developed between the Islamic extremists and the state.

Fourthly, there is no doubt in my mind, that we are in a state of war, at least until the South Waziristan operation is on, and the US occupation of Afghanistan continues. Perhaps it may be an idea worth considering, to mentally prepare the public to fight the "enemy" through nationalistic songs and appropriate patriotic fervour, generated by the electronic media. These incidents shock us more when the public starts feeling that we have overcome the problem, because of the excessively optimistic statements by the government ministers. It would be a preferred option to keep the public mentally prepared, to the effect that we are in a state of war, like we were in 1965 and 1971, then for ministers to beat their chest and claim victory after a few days of peace

Finally, the Kerry-Lugar Bill; the less said the better. We have been taking money from the world forever, and because of our addiction, go into a depression (of which the economic equivalent is recession) if we don't get aid. The KLB is meant to satisfying this craving. Whatever it says in the draft is also not untrue either, than where is the problem? The problem is the difference between me telling my wife not to spend beyond a certain budget and my neighbour telling my wife to do the same. I will bash the face of my neighbour for saying what I have wanted my wife to do.

The KLB has insulted the ordinary Pakistani by telling him what to do, even to the extent of telling them how to promote his army officers. Next, it could be the civil officers. The KLB is a big PR blunder of our government and an over eager and prone to lobbyist of the government of the US. Since the KLB is for five years and possibly ten, and likely to remain controversial throughout, it might prove counterproductive in the long run. If I was the GOP, I would refuse to accept it in this form. There will be a period of suspension of economic assistance, but since the Americans have self-interest in the region, they have no option but to come forth with aid through some other form or bill. Such an action will restore the self-respect of the Pakistanis in their own eyes and even in the eyes of the Americans. For the economic impact, apart from tightening our belts, let us appeal to our overseas Pakistani to divert a part of their funds they send home, from the informal to the formal channels. I am sure Mr Tarin will get his extra $1.5 billion.

 

Let the government start leading the country. Placing the whole responsibility on our valiant army and pinning hopes on them alone will nullify the justification for democracy in the country, and no one wants that.

The writer is a former federal secretary. Email: tasneem.noorani@tnassociates.net

 

***************************************

 

 

I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

WHAT CREATES THIS HATE?

DR MASOODA BANO

The rise in suicide attacks in the past three weeks have left the nation shocked. The GHQ as well as ordinary institutions such as the International Islamic University (IIU) have been attacked. These attacks are making the government commit to starting even heavy military operations in Waziristan. But this increased number of suicide attacks needs to also raise the question why have some Pakistanis come to hate the rest so much that they are willing to take such extreme measures.

In the immediate aftermath of September 11, one dominant outcry in the US was that "Why have they come to hate us so much?" The question was never fully answered as the Bush administration soon moved into a militarist mode finding and attacking targets overseas. However, Pakistan cannot afford such a luxury because it is having to face the consequences of such a militarist approach on its own soil. There is thus the critical need to understand why some Pakistanis could be driven to a level of hatred that can result in making deadly attacks on other ordinary Pakistanis, such as the innocent students of IIU who so unfortunately died in the recent attack.

Those who try to attribute religious indoctrination as the prime basis of these suicide attacks have to provide better evidence to support such simplistic claims. Academic research on suicide missions conducted in either secular or religious contexts does not support the claim that suicide missions are ever driven purely by an ideological impulse. In fact, the basis of such a violent expression are often very political in nature, a religious or secular ideology only help sustain the momentum of the recruits after they have joined the struggle due to a feeling a sense of gross political injustice. To say that the militants in Pakistan are driven by some religious indoctrination where people are taught to hate others is too simplistic a solution. It helps ignore the more complex and demanding question that why are so many Pakistanis is a state of mind where they are willing to gather around the radical rhetoric and give up their own lives as well as taking life of other innocent people.

The answer to this is complex but one factor that could lead people to such extreme hate is the element of revenge. Those who suffer from the unjust excesses of the state end up retaliating in extreme ways because they find that there are no legal mechanisms left to secure justice. Palestinians pitted against Israel have faced that problem for long. I have not been to Swat during the period of military confrontation, nor I have been to Waziristan but I was closely engaged in studying the Lal Masjid and Jamia Hafza when it was staging the resistance and when it was under siege by the military. The state in this case was definitely an unjust aggressor. There was simply no need for the military operation that resulted in death of at the least 100 students.

The resist was triggered by some legitimate concerns about Pakistani military operations in the tribal belts and other issues such as that of the 'missing people.' It started moving in other directions, such as securing public piety, and of course needed to be curtailed. However, it could have been curtailed through a dialogue and through giving some concessions rather than opting for a full military operation. If today some relatives of students who died in those military operations had become recruits for such suicide attacks that are taking place in Pakistan, one won't be surprised. Such gross level of injustice committed by a state is often not absorbed easily by those harmed by it.

What we have to remember if we want to find a solution to this problem that no one wants to give up his or her life for nothing. The promises of rewards in the other world could be tempting. To give up life in this world for promises of the rewards in the other is too extreme a measure, which is never just a product of search for heavenly rewards. After all, less costly measures, such as Haj, Hifz, fasting, khairat promise generous heavenly rewards too. There have to be actual political factors that are making people go to such extremes. Those who all along asked for making this "US-led war" our war now need to answer that what have we benefited from making it our war. If these are ordinary Pakistanis who are involved in these attacks, then we need to find out why they are doing this so that we are better placed to dissuade this from such actions. Cheering making an ever bigger and deadlier enemy out of them serves no purpose.

The writer is a research fellow at the Oxford University. Email: mb294@hotmail.com

 

***************************************

I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

MONEY TO THE CANTONMENT BOARDS

AHMAD RAFAY ALAM

The government of Punjab has reportedly agreed to give the Rawalpindi Cantonment Board money to repair over two dozen roads. Several questions regarding the important issue of urban management come directly into focus.

The importance of urban management cannot be underscored enough. It's estimated that over half of Pakistan's rapidly increasing population will live in its cities in the coming decades. With more than half the country set to live in urban areas, one can assume that Pakistan's problems – housing, sanitation, employment, etc., and even terrorism – will increasingly become urban problems.

Under the law, cantonment boards set up to run the cantonment administration have their own budgets and source of funds.

There's even a little-known Presidential Order of 1979--the little known but fierce Cantonments (Urban Immovable Property Tax and Entertainment Duty) Order, 1979. It "shall effect, notwithstanding anything contained in the Constitution or any other law for the time being in force," that changes the way cantonment boards across the country collect property tax.

Unlike local governments, which receive their share of property tax after it's been levied and collected by the province subject to a 15 percent retention fee, cantonment boards have the power to collect property tax and remit 15 percent to the government of the province in which they are situated.

The first question is, why, if cantonment boards can levy taxes and have their own incomes, is the province of Punjab handing over taxpayer's money to the Rawalpindi Cantonment Board? Similar overlaps in jurisdiction have occurred and occur today. For example, the Traffic Engineering and Planning Agency of the Lahore Development Authority recently undertook the remodelling of roads in the Lahore Cantonment and now the Water and Sanitation Agency of the Lahore Development Authority is trying to get the Defence Housing Scheme (situated in a cantonment area) to pay for the sewage has stretched some of its drains to capacity.

Under the Pakistan Environmental Protection Act, 1997 (PEPA), all projects likely to cause an adverse environmental affect must commission environment impact assessments (EIAs) of the project and submit them for approval before the federal or provincial Environment Protection Agencies (EPAs). The road works proposed are categorised by law a project requiring an EIA, and yet none has been submitted (and, for road works and so many other polluting projects, they never are).

Former mayor of New York Ed Koch coined the phrase "NIMBY" (Not In My Back Yard) in the late 1970s to describe the attitude so many people have to development projects. NIMBY has to do with people who otherwise don't mind neighbourhoods being torn down to make way for a much-needed overpass, as long as it's Not-In-My-Back-Yard! In other words, development works are great, as long as they don't occur in one's immediate vicinity. Too often, complaints like the one above – that the government or project proponent hasn't gotten environmental approval for a project – are dismissed as being of the NIMBY variety. This is not only wrong, it's unfair.

The regime created by PEPA means that an EIA is a revelatory document that contains an assessment of the environmental impacts of any project. All human activity, even down to the act of breathing, causes carbon emissions and is a form of pollution. An EIA recognises this and suggests ways human activity can be changed in order to minimise environmental degradation. For a road remodelling project, for example, an EIA may contain guidelines for road workers to minimise noise and dust pollution during the project construction period.

This is for the benefit of people who live in the vicinity of the project and has nothing to do, as is all too often assumed, with granting an NOC to the project. An NOC is a permission to continue and is a binary (you either get permission to continue or you don't), while an EIA is a direction on how to continue.

The EIA process also requires public participation. All EIAs submission to the EPAs must be brought before a public hearing. The public hearing of the EIA review is one of the unique features of Pakistan's jurisprudence as it gives the general public the opportunity to learn of the nature of development works and to participate in a discussion on how to minimise the environmental impacts of such works. This opportunity to the common man to interact with the system is the remarkably democratic characteristic of PEPA; sadly, it is misunderstood and never applied in spirit.

According to research conducted at the University of Bangalore in India, the bitumen mix used to spray on top of road-surfaces can be replaced by another made using plastic bags. The technology has been tried out in Bangalore and, as I understand it, in parts of Delhi. Using polythene bags in the slightly more expensive than regular bitumen but, for one, the adhesiveness one achieves with plastic is better, translating to longer-lasting roadworks and, second, the process consumes about three-four tonnes of plastic bags per kilometre of road carpeted. In other words, the new process takes a huge chunk out of the solid waste produced by plastic bags, a well-known pollutant.

The problem with people who label voices raised for the enforcement of PEPA as NIMBYs is that, each time a public hearing of a road works EIA is skipped or other legal requirements are not complied with, another opportunity to introduce in a meaningful way an improvement in the road-construction technology.

Urban mismanagement of this type is endemic. In Lahore, the Lahore Development Authority, the most powerful urban authority in the city, has not yet begun the task, prescribed by its Land Use (Classification, Reclassification and Redevelopment) Rules, 2009, of classifying the city into residential, commercial, industrial, peri-urban, environmentally sensitive and historically important. This was supposed to be done within six months of the making of the rules, and this statutory time limit is not being complied with. Instead, the LDA is forcing through a "temporary" commercialisation policy that will have long-lasting affects on the future development of the city. Even more questionable is the fact that the LDA hasn't submitted its budget for this year. According to the law, the LDA is supposed to present a budget every year. So far, we're nearly four months into the new financial year. Someone's got to wonder where the people at the LDA are getting their salaries from?

In other news, earlier this week, I was stopped and frisked by security guards as I dropped my daughter to school in the morning. I empathised with the school administration but objected to the fact that, in their mind, two men with metal detectors could make a difference in the event of a terror attack. Later in the day, news of the incident at the Islamic University came in and, in the evening, we were informed that the government had directed all educational institutions shut for the indefinite future.

So now where are we: We've got more troops along our eastern border than we have fighting part of America's War on Terror. Our police are busy protecting VIPs, guarding government buildings and the homes of the "security elite" and manning ubiquitous check posts.

And now we're told, because of the security situation, our children are better off at home because the state can't protect them. I understand the security situation we're facing, but isn't the first duty of a state to protect the life and property of its people?

 

The writer is an advocate of the high court and a member of the adjunct faculty at LUMS. He has an interest in urban planning. Email: ralam@nexlinx.net.pk

 

***************************************

I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

IMPLICATIONS OF THE WAZIRISTAN OPERATION

SHAFQAT MAHMOOD

The mother of all battles it may not be, but success of the Waziristan operation is critical to the fight against militancy in Pakistan. It is the last frontier, an un-policed border land, a black hole in sovereign territory that has become a centre of terror. Without taking control of it, victory in Pakistan's terror war is impossible.

The fighting is tough as was to be expected but in the end, superior force will prevail. Pakistani armed forces will eventually control South Waziristan physically.

This will not be a small achievement because it is the hardest place to fight. Through the ages, every invader of the subcontinent from the north felt its heat and the super power of the 19th century, the British, also were terribly bogged down. If successful, the Pakistan Army will achieve what others were unable too.

While it is true that in this kind of war, occupation of physical space is only a small part of the equation. It is also possible that most of the militants may filter out to Afghanistan or other parts of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). Yet, South Waziristan is one place where taking control of territory is important.

Its space is being used as a sanctuary by Al Qaeda and other foreign militants, particularly Uzbeks. It has training schools for planning and execution of terror attacks. It is used for fabrication of terror material and for the production of suicide bombers. It is also a refuge for radical groups from Punjab and criminals of all kinds. Losing this area will be a setback to militancy.

Militants will regroup and strike in other places. No one has any illusions that this is a short war. But, bit by bit, the freedom for terrorists to operate has to be reduced. It was done in Swat and other parts of Malakand and though incidents continue to happen, the terrorists are on the run there and their ability to strike is reduced.

Hopefully, this will be the result too after the success of the Waziristan operation. The terrorist will have to find new places to regroup and it will not be easy. The only problem is that the American angle has become murky at least in the media.

On the day that American generals, Patreaus and McChrystal arrived in Islamabad, there were stories in all the papers that American forces have removed their check posts on Afghan side of the border. The implications of this are quite alarming. If true, not only would this allow the South Waziristan militants to flee to Afghanistan, it would also potentially make it easier for the Afghan Taliban to join the fight against Pakistan Army.

This story died as quickly as it surfaced but it raised intriguing possibilities. What were the Americans up to? The general assumption is that the South Waziristan operation has been coordinated with NATO/American forces in Afghanistan to the extent that they would play their role on the Afghan side to interdict any cross-border movement of militants from this side. Is this not the case?

This and some other ambiguities could get clarified, as the operation in South Waziristan proceeds. It is obvious that a great deal of preparatory work has been done to neutralise militant leaders Maulvi Nazir and Gul Bahadur in North Waziristan. These two are closely aligned to the Haqqani faction of the Afghan Taliban; who are a dominant force in the adjoining Afghan province.

This would suggest that at least this faction of the Afghan Taliban has no interest in fighting the Pakistan Army and it may have advised its local acolytes not to do so. If this is indeed the case, it is unlikely that Afghan Taliban in the region, which is the Haqqani group, would join the South Waziristan militants in the fight.

If it does pan out in this way, a wedge that is already visible between the Mehsud/South Waziristan militants and at least a faction of the Afghan Taliban will be further widened. It also means that their partners including Al Qaeda elements, fighters from foreign countries, Punjab-based militants, insurgents in Swat and other parts of the NWFP, will all have a reason to be alienated from at least the Haqqani faction of the Afghan Taliban.

The Haqqani group is a significant presence among the Afghan Taliban. Does this mean that stories implying Mullah Omar and the Afghan Taliban are not opposed to Pakistan and have no interest in supporting the Pakistani militancy, are true? And if so, is this the reason that the Americans are cheesed off?

Alternately, if at some stage Gul Bahadur and Nazir do change their stance or, the Afghan Taliban join the fight against the Pakistan Army, will this create an unbridgeable gulf between the two and lead to a greater impetus in hunting down Taliban leadership in Pakistan?

The Americans seem to be willing this to happen. The repeated drone attacks in North Waziristan in the past greatly angered the Gul Bahadur/Nazir faction. This did create a wedge between them and the Pakistani Army and led to an unexpected attack in the North some weeks ago that inflicted heavy casualties. Pakistan army leadership displayed a great deal of patience and no retaliatory attacks were launched. This has paid off in the truce that is visible now.

The future of Pak American cooperation on the military side depends on the decision made by President Obama regarding Afghanistan. If there is a huge surge and an all-out assault is launched on the Afghan Taliban, there is bound to be tension between the Pakistani military and American/NATO forces in Afghanistan.

This will be for two reasons. One, the Americans will continue to accuse Pakistani military of providing sanctuary to Afghan Taliban leadership in Quetta. Since the war in Afghanistan is not easy and a surge will not bring victory, the scapegoat will be Pakistan providing sanctuary to the Taliban.

Secondly, and hopefully it would not come to that, there would be pressure in the US to attack so called Taliban sanctuaries in Pakistan, from the air and even on ground. This will have truly horrendous consequences and lead to so much anger in Pakistan, that it will make any Pak-American cooperation in the war on terror very difficult, if not impossible.

If on the other hand, Obama decides to indentify Al Qaeda as the real enemy and open negotiations with the Afghan Taliban, it will change the scenario completely. It is an outcome that Pakistani strategist have been advocating and will allow both countries to focus their effort in removing Al Qaeda and its partners from this region.

It will also allow for a more focused broad based fight against militancy in Pakistan, where American assistance both military and non-military would be very effective. The Pakistani federal cabinet has, as predicted, accepted the fig leaf offered by the explanatory statement to the Kerry-Lugar Bill. The aid can start flowing. But, its future depends on how the situation unfolds on the military front both in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Email: shafqatmd@gmail.com

***************************************

I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

SIDE-EFFECT

HARRIS KHALIQUE

You hate her. You love her. But you can't be indifferent about her. Approaching 70, she still has her vigour and vivacity intact. Kishwar Naheed grows on you. In 'Buri Aurat Ki Katha' (A Bad Woman's Story), she has let her wounds remain opened and unhealed. The wounds inflicted by the world around her for being born a woman in the middle of the twentieth century, a liberal woman in an orthodox religious society and a sensitive woman who decides to side with those who fight with tyranny and political oppression in the chequered political history of her country. OUP Pakistan has just recently published a translation of the book.

At times, the open wounds jar the literary expression. Persecution has to be internalised and pain has to be transcended to make art sublime. But there are occasions when an amalgam of artistic sincerity and social responsibility imposes upon you to be direct, incisive and forthcoming. This is how Kishwar Naheed comes across in her narrative of a young girl raging to be free, a mature woman struggling to be equal and a seasoned writer relating her bitter-sweet experiences of life. The book presents a slice of our social history and records what has happened to us as South Asians in general, the subjugation our women have gone through in particular, and the changes, good or bad, that have gradually taken place in our value system over the past six decades.

The story of Kishwar Naheed is unique in some parts because every individual is unique, specially an artist like her. But it is quite universal for most part because this is the story of a sensitive, emancipated woman from any society. However, the open wounds of Naheed do not let the book become a sheer lamentation of how women have suffered and continue to suffer or how every individual man has to be blamed for all that has gone wrong in history. Naheed has a much deeper understanding of human suffering than just reducing it to a battle of sexes. Any sensitive soul would suffer, whether a woman or a man, at the hands of an insensitive being, whether a woman or a man. She understands it well.

Naheed rejoices in the change that has already taken place from the times of her own mother and herself to that of her daughters-in-law and granddaughters. She describes the lifestyles they pursue, aspirations they cherish and convey, and possibilities that are available to them as the newer generations of women around the world. There is a sense of achievement for the struggle put up by her predecessors and her own generation. In this struggle, there are moments to be cherished in the form of small pleasures of life, whether with family and friends or the time spent in the vibrant literary circles of Lahore when she lived there. A small collection of her photographs and those of friends, family and literary colleagues enrich the book.

Durdana Soomro, who besides being a litterateur is also introduced as an avid golfer on the back flap of 'A Bad Woman's Story', has done in translation what Tiger Woods is doing in her favourite sport. She has imbibed both the content and the idiom of the book in Urdu before relating it in simple and refined English. Translation from other languages and that of our literature into English needs to be institutionalised. There is so much the world has to offer and quite a lot that we can share with them.

The writer is an Islamabad-based poet and rights campaigner. Email: harris@spopk. org

 

***************************************

******************************************************************************************

PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

TAKE IT UP WITH INDIA AT HIGHEST LEVEL

 

THOUGH it was never a secret but Interior Minister Rehman Malik has once again confirmed that India was behind terrorist acts in Pakistan. Talking to newsmen in Islamabad on Wednesday, he categorically stated that India was involved in fanning violence in Balochistan and asked New Delhi to stop interfering in the internal affairs of Pakistan.

There is credible evidence that India was sponsoring acts of terrorism in different parts of the country especially Balochistan where Farari camps were known to be aided and funded by New Delhi. There are also reports that Indian consulates in Afghanistan were doing nothing but using Afghan soil for anti-Pakistani activities. The situation has become so critical that even commander of the American forces in Afghanistan has warned that Indian presence in that country is aimed at damaging Pakistan's interests and, therefore, counterproductive to the war on terror. Similarly, Indian agents and arms and ammunition have also been spotted in Swat, Malakand and FATA where Pakistani security forces are battling militants. It is, however, intriguing that Pakistani leadership has never taken up this serious issue with their Indian counterparts or the world community in a manner that it deserves. It is understood that mere issuance of press statements would not deter India from pursuing the dangerous path of destabilizing Pakistan and the region. It is not digestible why Pakistani leaders are shy of taking the issue when Pakistan itself is under tremendous pressure because of allegations even by our own friends and 'brothers'. One such example is that of Iran whose President talked telephonically to President Asif Ali Zardari following terrorist attack in Sistan-Balochistan. We believe that Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari and Prime Minister Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani should also talk to their Indian counterparts and convey Pakistan's strongest protest over continued Indian meddling in purely internal affairs of the country. Foreign Office should also provide necessary background to the Pakistani missions abroad so that they could sensitize the public opinion in the host countries about real designs of India, which stakes a claim on a Security Council berth. A country that has no regard for sovereignty, rights and security of its neighbours and the region doesn't deserve to become permanent member of the prestigious and powerful organ of the United Nations.

 

 

 

 

***************************************

PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

TREACHEROUS ACT OF PENTAGON

 

PENTAGON has confirmed a news item published in this newspaper that soon after launching of the military operation "Rah-e-Nijat", the US and NATO forces took a number of steps in Afghanistan that are in direct conflict with the objective of the operation and considered intriguing by defence analysts and strategists. One of such measures included vacation of check pots on the Afghan side of the border, giving free hand to Taliban for a two-way movement.

 

American Defence Department has not only acknowledged closure of three border posts but also claimed that the ISAF and NATO forces were gradually repositioning their troops as part of the counter-insurgency strategy of protecting the population. This explanation is not plausible and amounts to complicating things for Pakistan Armed Forces at a time when they were engaged in a decisive operation in South Waziristan. There are reports that closure of these posts, the number of which is stated to be six by independent sources, has not only cleared the way for the Afghan Taliban to enter into Waziristan but also provided a safe exit to those who could flee in the face of mounting pressure by Pakistani forces. Under these circumstances, this act of the United States would surely be misunderstood especially when it has been taken without consultation with the Pakistan Army. Islamabad has also been urging the United States not to go for the so-called troops' surge as it could drive more militants towards Pakistan but Washington is sending confusing signals about this as well. It is really surprising that the United States was taking unilateral decisions in a war endangering interests of its partners and allies despite the fact that there is formal mechanism for coordination of the strategy.

 

***************************************

PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

BRIBERY CHARGES AGAINST LATIF  KHOSA

 

THE Supreme Court of Pakistan is seized with the case pertaining to corruption charges against former Attorney-General Sardar Latif Khosa. During hearing of the case on Wednesday, he was a bit harsh against Chief Justice of Pakistan Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry, which has not been taken well by the legal circles as well as people of Pakistan.

As the complainant has approached the apex court and the bench has asked Mr Khosa to respond to allegations against him, it would be clear at the conclusion of the case about veracity of the charges or otherwise. In our view, Mr Khosa has every right to explain his position and protest against, what he believes, biased attitude of media but while doing so he should remain within the bounds of decency. Prime Minister Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani did well by removing him from the slot of the AG, as the Government can ill afford to keep in place a person with tainted reputation. We believe that Mr Khosa himself should have resigned and now too he must demonstrate moral courage by quitting his new position of Advisor to the Prime Minister on Legal Affairs, which is also a prestigious slot. Leaving aside one individual, we would say that the overall image of the Government is not that of the clean administration as majority of its members are linked to one sort of scandal or the other. The rampant corruption has discouraged investors from coming to Pakistan and the country's image has been tarnished in the comity of nations. Therefore, it is in the interest of the Government to take timely action against all those who are bringing bad name to the regime.

 

 

 

 

***************************************

 

 

PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

USE EDUCATION TO FIGHT TERROR

M D NALAPAT

Although much of the human resources and physical infrastructure of Germany and Japan were destroyed in the 1939-45 world war, within a decade both countries had bounced back to economic health. While Germany became — and remains — the economic powerhouse of Europe, in the 1960s Japan as an important manufacturing platform, exporting a variety of products to markets across the world. The main reason for this recovery was education: the high standards of school and university teaching in both countries. In each country where a modern education system exists, prosperity follows.

Despite such a reality, it is a matter for shame that South Asia neglects education in contrast to SE and East Asia. One facet of this is the allergy that many politicians in the region have for the English language. In India, those who downgrade the importance of English as an instrument of social and economic change include the Communist Party (Marxist), the Samajwadi Party of Uttar Pradesh, the BJP in the states that it rules , the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in Tamil Nadu and even the Congress Party in some states. The result is that in India,the poor ( who are forced to send their children to government schools) get denied the many chances for advancement ( within the Knowledge Industry,for instance) that come only with a knowledge of English, while the middle class sends its children to private schools,almost all of whom use English as the medium of

Instruction. Language is merely an instrument, and not an attribute of culture. This columnist has met with several Indian Americans in the US,whose daughters know classical dance and music, and whose families preserve the traditions of their country. Reality must be faced,and this is that because of the ravages of colonialism, no language in South Asia can provide the key to knowledge that English can. Hence it is important that efforts be made to teach it to as many children as possible, even while ensuring the development of local languages,and the improvement of education in them. The choice of language that a parent wants for the child should be left to him or her,and not be forced on both by the absence of alternative education outlets.

Religion is an important component of human existence,and religious schools have their place. However, they cannot replace conventional education. Students should attend religious schools (or religion classes in conventional schools) only to the extent that they do not thereby get denied an all-round education. For only such learning can equip them to succeed in the job market. Sadly,in many parts of Pakistan,India and Bangla Desh,the absence of conventional schools is forcing parents to give an exclusively religious education to their children. Because such individuals are frequently unable to compete with others more comprehensively taught,they often become prey to teachers who seek to subvert the love for peace,the mercy,the compassion,that is at the core of the Islamic faith with a mix of hatreds and resentments.

Although Hinduism is at the core moderate, an anti-modernisation wave has resulted in a steady growth of fringe elements that are following in the Taliban's path. Take as an example the Sri Ram Sene (Sri Ram Army) in Karnataka, headed by Pramod Mutalik. This individual's view of society is identical to that of Mullah Omar. Both want women to be cloaked from head to toe and not get access to modern education.Both regard facets of a tolerant lifestyle such as alchohol and dancing tobe crimes that need to be severely curbed. Both have a hatred for the "Other".In the case of Mullah Omar,for those not Wahabbi. In the case of Mutalik,for those not Hindu. By actions such as destroying small churches, dragging girls in jeans by their hair from restaurants and spewing hatred against all, units such as the Sri Ram Sene have badly damaged the image of India as a tolerant country, the way a handful of fanatics have damaged the good name of Pakistan. The only way to reverse the growth of what was termed by me in 2001 as the "mental infrastructure of Terror" is to ensure access to modern education - and the English language to whoever wants to study it – to the poor. And India,Pakistan and Bangla Desh are not alone in this danger,that millions of youth will turn to extremism because of lack of access to modern education. Central Asia is another such danger zone The collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s led to the crumbling of the Russified educational infrastructure of many of the countries of Central Asia. Because rich countries such as the US and its NATO partners are clueless about the chemistry of the societies they work with (although expert in such mechanical details as local languages), they have not paid the needed attention to the vacuum in the school education system in Central Asia that has been caused by the atrophy of the Russified model. This vacuum is getting filled with religious schools, exactly the way the lack of conventional schools in Pakistan during the Zia-ul-Haq years led to a mushrooming of religious schools. And because successive governments have been as neglectful of the need for the poor to get access to modern education, today several million youths in Pakistan are unable to compete in the modern economy,and therefore flirt with extremism. A similar situation may develop in Central Asia,unless there is a rapid expansion in conventional school facilities. Should the US and other NATO countries shift a bit of their money from more guns and aircraft to school buildings, Indian and Pakistani teachers can be sent to Central Asia to teach English-language education to the young.

The young are a "tabula rasa", a blank slate that soon gets filled. If governments in the region do not ensure the spread of modern education,these minds will get filled with alternative systems that handicap an individual from competing in the job market. Pakistan is paying a heavy price for its neglect of modern education, as is - to a smaller extent — India. Should Central Asia go their way,the spread of the Taliban from Afghanistan to the noorth may get facilitated. The way to win against the terrorists is to properly educate the young.

 

***************************************

PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

RAW: A ROGUE AGENCY

FATIMA SYED

The Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of India was created in 1950 with a mission to use and exploit political dissent, ethnic divisions, economic backwardness and criminal elements within targeted states to foment subversion, terrorism and sabotage. RAW is continuing its malicious activities in Pakistan for the last sixty years. It is encouraging militancy and separatism in different provinces of Pakistan such as North West Frontier Province (NWFP) and Balochistan. It runs thousands of agents and spends millions of rupees in its operations against Pakistan. The attack on GHQ on 10 October was a work of RAW according to Army's preliminary investigation. The attackers were very well equipped and immaculately trained. These attacks had resemblance with the attacks on Sri Lankan cricket team in Lahore which were linked to the Tamil Tigers working in Sri Lanka under the guidance of RAW. Pakistan helped the Sri Lankan government in countering the LTTE terrorist activities and this act was not liked by the Indian government. In reaction, the RAW agents in collaboration with the extremists working in Swat planned an attack on the Sri Lankan Team to create misunderstandings between Pakistan and Sri Lanka. The capture of Aqeel alias Dr. Usman, who had been on the wanted list for his role in planning and masterminding the attack on the Sri Lankan Cricket team, in GHQ attack has unearthed the truth that RAW is behind both these attacks.

On 9 October 2009 at least 50 people have been killed and many injured when a vehicle laden with explosives had been detonated and destroyed near Peshawar's Khyber Bazaar. This blast was planned and executed under the direct supervision of RAW. In this bombing, VBIED (Vehicle Borne Improvised Explosive Device) has been detonated which is the specialty of Indian Intelligence agency. The inquiry of Sanjhota Express proved that RAW's agent Lt. Col. Prohit was an expert of preparing such type of devices and vehicles for killing of minorities. Similarly, earlier on 5 October 2009 RAW trained terrorist blasted himself outside the UN's World Food Programme office in Islamabad. The explosion left two Pakistani women and a foreigner killed and eight others injured. Since 9/11, Indian influence has increased tremendously in Afghanistan. Raw has established consulates and trade missions along the Pak-Afghan border to destabilize Baluchistan and North West Frontier Province (NWFP). Several agents of RAW captured in FATA, Waziristan and other southern eastern areas provided that Indians had managed to penetrate deeply in collaboration with Indian allies in the region. An Indian senior official named as Malkit Chand supposedly working as third secretary of education & director of Indian cultural centre is found engaged in human trafficking of Pakistani Baloch students from Afghanistan to India for their special training. Balochi students particularly the children of Baloch nomads are being offered a sum of about us$200-300 per month when they are inducted to proceed to India. Chandra Mohan Mishra a third secretary at Indian embassy in Kabul and a person named J. Baby working as an attaché (technical) had held several meetings with Baloch militants during mid-2008. These Indian intelligence officials are also engaged in financing Pakistani youths and sending them from tribal areas to several other central Asian states.

India had invested over a billion dollars in Afghanistan so that it could build a base of operations against Pakistan. More than 10,000 Indian troops were stationed in Afghanistan under the garb of supervising the construction of Jalalabad-Chahbahar road project which was completed. Many mercantile shops run by Indians have an intelligence officer in the rear. RAW is providing them money, training, sophisticated weapons and satellite communication system. According to sources Indian intelligence officials working in the disguise of diplomats in embassy and consulates in Afghanistan have set up a vast covert operation network to destabilize FATA, northern areas and Baluchistan engaging dozens of Afghan, Indians, the drug dealers and the Afghan warlords.

In case of Baluchistan Indian role is not new. It is as old as the revolt itself. India is repeating the history and trying to separate Baluchistan just like East Pakistan. Pakistan has stockpiles of evidence against Indian consulates in Afghanistan that are being used to fund terrorism in Pakistan through TTP as well as Brahamdagh Bugti and his Baluchistan Liberation Army (BLA). A dossier containing proof of Indian involvement in "subversive activities" in Pakistan was handed over by Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani to his Indian counterpart Manmohan Singh during their meeting at Sharm-el-Sheikh. The dossier revealed details of Indian contacts with those involved in attacks on the Sri Lankan cricket team and the Manawan police station. Operatives of RAW who remained in touch with the perpetrators of the attacks have been identified and proof of their interaction has been attached in the dossier. A description of the Indian arms and explosives used in the attack on the Sri Lankan team has been made part of the dossier, besides which the name and particulars of the perpetrators, who illegally entered Pakistan from India and joined their accomplices who had reached Lahore from Waziristan, have been mentioned in the dossier.

It also said to list the safe houses being run by RAW in Afghanistan where terrorists are trained and launched for missions in Pakistan. The dossier also deals with the Baluchistan insurgency and Indian linkages with the insurgents, particularly Brahamdagh Bugti, Burhan and Sher Khan. Photographs of their meetings with Indian operatives are part of the evidence, which also describes Bugti's visit to India and the meetings he had with Indian secret service personnel. The dossier mentions an India-funded training camp at Kandahar where Baloch insurgents particularly from Bugti clan were being trained and provided arms and ammunition for sabotage activities in the Pakistani province. Similarly, Talal Bugti said that 300 Baloch nationalists are getting training at RAW's training center in Afghanistan.

The Baluchistan Chief Minister said that RAW was running terrorist training camps in Iran and Afghanistan. It has now set up 30 to 40 such camps in Baluchistan, each with training facility for 30 people who are paid 10,000 monthly. Christine Fair of RAND Corporation also unearthed some facts about the Indian consulates in Afghanistan and Iran. She said, "I think it would be a mistake to completely disregard Pakistan's regional perceptions due to doubts about Indian competence in executing covert operations. That misses the point entirely. And I think it's unfair to dismiss the notion that Pakistan's apprehensions about Afghanistan stem in part from its security competition with India. Having visited the Indian mission in Zahedan, Iran, I can assure you that they are not issuing Visas as the main activity! Moreover, India has run operations from its missions in Mazar and is like doing so from the other consulates it has reopened in Jalalabad and Qandahar along the border. Indian officials have told me privately that they are pumping money into Baluchistan". Similarly, the leading Newspaper of Sri Lanka, Daily Mirror, in its editorial has criticized the role of Indian intelligence agency RAW. It said, among its (RAW's) most ambitious operations that are currently underway, is the move to separate Baluchistan province from Pakistan by supporting (the) Baluchistan Liberation Army".

It is also revealed that India has given forty billion rupees special fund to its intelligence agency (RAW) for creating instability in Pakistan, China, Afghanistan and Bangladesh to achieve the target of becoming a decisive power in the region. Moreover, not only RAW but several other Indian agencies have also been given important assignments to carry out subversive activities in Pakistan. There is a need that international community should check the activities of RAW as it operates in a Mafia style, each time overstepping the limits of Intelligence operations. Interestingly, RAW is not a regular organ of the state rather it is an unnatural organ hence it is not accountable before Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha of India.

To the contrary, RAW enjoys the power to supervise all levels throughout India. RAW creates huge pressure in framing India's external policies, especially relating to its neighbouring countries. The Indian Ministry of External Affairs does nothing more than implementing the policies worked out by RAW so in a way RAW makes the foreign policy of India. The absolute power enjoyed by RAW makes her more fearsome agency than its superior KGB, CIA, Mi-6, and the Mossad. For the peace of South Asia, it is very essential that India must put a bridle on this rouge agency otherwise its activities could be hazardous for the region.

 

***************************************

PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

HOLY PROPHET'S (PBUH) CALL TO RELIGION

HARUN YAHYA

The Prophet (PBUH) spent all his life, once the Holy Qur'an had been revealed to him, calling people to the religion and guiding them to the true path. In one verse, Allah tells the Prophet (PBUH) how he should address people: Say: "This is my way. I call to Allah with inner sight, I and all who follow me. Glory be to Allah! I am not one of those who associate others with Him." (Surah Yusuf: 108). The Prophet (PBUH) encountered a number of difficulties when warning people and teaching them about the Holy Qur'an and true morality.

Since not everyone was on the true path, people made life difficult for the Prophet (PBUH), out of jealousy, hatred and envy. Some were slow to understand his words and dragged their feet when they did so, some behaved hypocritically, saying that they believed his words when they really did not. The Prophet (PBUH) continued to explain the religion with great determination, paying no heed to all those obstacles. Such people's attitudes are revealed in a verse: … You believe in all the Books. When they meet you, they say, "We believe." But when they leave they bite their fingers out of rage against you. Say, "Die in your rage." Allah knows what your hearts contain. (Surah Al 'Imran: 119). Another verse discusses the Prophet (PBUH)'s determination in the face of those who opposed him: Those to whom We gave the Book rejoice at what has been sent down to you but some of the parties refuse to acknowledge part of it. Say: "I have only been ordered to worship Allah and not to associate anything with Him. I summon to Him and to Him I will return." (Surat ar-Ra'd: 36) The Prophet (PBUH) continued to warn those who would not believe, and to use the most effective way of talking about the religion, in the hope they would find faith and abandon their hatred of him and his religion. Allah describes the attitude displayed by those people in the face of what he had to say in Surat an-Nisa': Do you not see those who claim that they believe in what has been sent down to you and what was sent down before you, still desiring to turn to a satanic source for judgement in spite of being ordered to reject it?

Satan wants to misguide them far away. When they are told, "Come to what Allah has sent down and to the Messenger," you see the hypocrites turning away from you completely. (Surat an-Nisa': 60-61) Despite the two-faced behavior of those who opposed him, the Prophet (PBUH) spoke to them in terms that would enable them to see the truth and which would work on their consciences. One verse reads: Allah knows what is in such people's hearts so turn away from them and warn them and speak to them with words that take effect. (Surat an-Nisa': 63) It was of course a heavy responsibility to give advice to his enemies, to show them the error of their ways and to call them to the true path. Yet, for someone who, like the Prophet (PBUH), has put his trust in Allah, who knows that faith is a gift from Him, and fears Allah alone, and not anyone else, Allah will provide assistance and support. In several verses of the Holy Qur'an, Allah reveals that He has sent messengers in order to turn those who have strayed back to the true path, to purify them, and to teach them the holy verses. As we have seen above, throughout his life, the Prophet (PBUH) persevered in the responsibility that Allah had laid on him with great patience, fortitude and determination. Even in the final sermon that he gave, very shortly before dying, he continued to teach and instruct Muslims. Allah sets out these beautiful responsibilities in a number of verses: For this We sent a Messenger to you from among you to recite Our Signs to you and purify you and teach you the Book and Wisdom and teach you things you did not know before. (Surat al-Baqara: 151) Allah showed great kindness to the believers when He sent a Messenger to them from among themselves to recite His Signs to them and purify them and teach them the Book and Wisdom, even though before that they were clearly misguided. (Surah Al 'Imran: 164). In one verse, Allah describes the Prophet (PBUH)'s advice and warnings as "things that will bring one to life": You who believe! Respond to Allah and to the Messenger when He calls you to what will bring you to life! Know that Allah intervenes between a man and his heart and that you will be gathered to Him. (Surat al-Anfal: 24)

That is why the Prophet (PBUH)'s advice and exhortations are unlike those of anyone else. Abiding by these warnings is a means of salvation in this world and the next. Each of the Prophet (PBUH)'s exhortations are founded on wisdom that will save people from evil, cruelty, pessimism and suffering. Since all his advice is inspired and assured by Allah, a sincere Muslim will surrender himself to them and find faith.

O Muadh, I give you instruction: Fear Allah while passing by each stone, tree, and heaps of earth. Make repentance anew after committing any sin. Repent secretly for secret sin and openly for open sin." That is how the Prophet (PBUH) educated those close to him and Muslims, and called on them to have good character.

 

***************************************

PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

ARE PAK NUKES NEXT TERROR TARGETS?

SULTAN M HALI

The brazen attacks on GHQ, Police training centers in Lahore and the Islamic University of Islamabad would lend credence to the thought that Pakistan's nukes could be the next terror targets. Pakistan Observer Editor-in-Chief, Zahid Malik, in his special editorial on October 19, 2009 titled: 'Attack on a nuclear establishment' has raised the specter of such a scenario. He rightly cautions, "While the foreign trained, foreign funded and foreign armed terrorists have started launching multiple orchestrated attacks on different cities of Pakistan, a critical sabotage in one of the country's nuclear establishments now appears to be on the agenda of perpetrators of terror in Pakistan and their master-minds abroad."

It would be naïve, nay suicidal to brush off such a warning and advice coming from the sagacious octogenarian senior journalist. Pakistan's nuclear weapons program has been the thorn in the side of its adversaries as well as detractors far too long. Doomsday scenarios were built of Pakistan's nuclear weapons falling in the hands of religious fanatics. The security of Pakistan's nukes coming under close scrutiny by US intelligence agencies has led to a disclosure of war gaming by Pentagon to seize Pakistani nuclear assets before rogue elements gain control of them. The crescendo appeared to have reached a peak with Frederick Kagan, a former West Point military historian, who devised the Bush administration's Iraq troop surge, calling for the White House to consider various options for an unstable Pakistan, including the US to consider sending elite troops to Pakistan to seize its nuclear weapons if the country descends into chaos. Kagan admits that "Pakistan's officer corps and ruling elites remain largely moderate.

But then again, Americans felt similarly about the Shah's regime and look what happened in 1979," he says, referring to Iran. The Washington Post carried a detailed report on the exercises to take out Pakistan's nukes, pointing out that the all such games came to the same conclusion: Pakistan's cooperation—particularly that of its military—was crucial. Earlier this year, Bruce Riedel, a former CIA officer, who is a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, has been a senior advisor to three US presidents on Middle East and South Asian issues and chaired President Obama's strategic review of policy toward Afghanistan and Pakistan which concluded in March 2009 and is under revision again, took up the cudgels for attacking Pakistan's nuclear weapons security.

In his article in "The Wall Street Journal", titled: 'Pakistan and the bomb', Mr. Riedel's "scholarly masterpiece" was based on half truths, conjectures and apparent twisting of facts in pursuit of an agenda. His article came in the wake of the Swat operations (Rah-e-Rast), which he predicted to fail in view of the retaliatory suicide bomb attacks in Lahore and Peshawar. Thank God Mr. Riedel was proved wrong. Not be deterred, Mr. Riedel took up the tirade once again, when a bus conveying workers from the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission was attacked in Rawalpindi. Bruce Riedel's inference this time was that it was a daring "attack on Pakistan's nuclear facility". He consoled himself thus: "The fighting has cast a spotlight on the shaky security of Pakistan's growing nuclear arsenal …" And then self-contradicted himself in the very next paragraph, "Today the arsenal is under the control of its military leaders; it is well protected, concealed and dispersed. But if the country fell into the wrong hands—those of the militant Islamic jihadists and al-Qaeda—so would the arsenal."

With the security forces of Pakistan having routed the militants in Swat and wrested the control of the region and establishing the writ of the government, such a threat was blocked. Not to be daunted, the enemies of Pakistan, whose real intent appears to be the nuclear weapons which Pakistan has developed and deployed, fresh machinations were put in place. Baitullah Mehsud, who was perhaps deemed not brutal enough, was eliminated and replaced by a young, merciless and ruthless leader like Hakimullah Mehsud. His first attack was the brazen assault on the bastion and apparently impregnable citadel of Pakistan Army, the General Headquarters (GHQ).

Breaching it brought cheer to the militants and their sponsors. The US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton condemned the attack on GHQ and in the same breath stated that "Pakistan's nuclear assets are safe". Her words are reassuring as well as ominous. An attack on GHQ leads to the strain of thought regarding the possibility of terrorists getting through the security parameters of Pakistan's nuclear weapons. Mr. Zahid Malik's concerns regarding a possible attack on our nuclear establishment and maintaining a high vigil by all and sundry are valid suggestions. It is no longer enough to cajole ourselves with the thought that if the Indian and western intelligence agencies have not been able to find any clue about the location of Pakistan's nuclear arsenal; how would a rag-tag militia do so?

One advantage that accrued out of the GHQ attack was that one of the miscreants' group leaders was captured alive and he is singing like a canary. However lowly placed he may have been in the army dispensation, he does raise apprehensions. Brigadier Feroz Hassan Khan, in his article 'Nuclear Security in Pakistan: Separating Myth from Reality' alludes to under the caption "Insider-Outsider Collusion" that insiders in the program could be motivated by religious, monetary, revenge, grudges, jealousies, psychiatric disorders, to act against the state and become a tool of the enemy.

Fears for the safety of Pakistani nuclear assets can be allayed by the factor of astute planning. Pakistan's Nuclear Command Authority through its Strategic Plans Division, undertakes measures for the safety and security of strategic assets including: development of a strategic C4I2SR; over watch and regulate the movement of its scientific manpower through Personnel Reliability and Human Reliability Programmes; weekly, monthly and quarterly intelligence reports; sensitive material control and accounting; transportation security and specialist vehicles; two man rule, codes and Permissive Action Links (PALs). These steps preclude any security concerns for Pakistan's nukes, but total vigilance is a must as indeed our nukes are a viable target for terrorists and their sponsors.

 

 

***************************************

PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

LOSING OUR DEAD PARTS..!

ROBERT CLEMENTS

It was many years ago that I had first met him. He was the best pianist I had ever heard: Brilliant with his playing and fantastic as a composer. But it was a lot more than that; he talked with wisdom and it was a joy to listen to him when he waxed eloquent on philosophy or even religion, or for that matter on any subject under the sun.

I used to sit and listen and wonder how a man could be so talented, till one day the light man in the auditorium asked us to leave as he had to go home. "Why?" asked my friend quietly. "Because it's time for me to go home," said the man. "Do you know who I am?" asked my friend. "It doesn't matter sir," said the light man as he put off the light. The shot we heard could have broken a jaw. I was shocked; my friend, the same brilliant musician friend, the man so cool and calm otherwise had laid the poor light man low. "Why?' I asked him later as we left the hospital.

"I don't know," he said slowly, "but when the man was insolent I saw red.""All he said was that he wanted to go home," I said."It's my past," cried the brilliant musician, "there were times at the beginning of my career when I was slighted and treated badly, and my anger just has not gone away."

"But you are big now," I said simply. "You need to get rid of those feelings. You need to make yourself realize that the past is over."It took a lot of explaining for it not to become a police case, and I realized behind the cool exterior was a lot of dead baggage he carried. I am discovering that many people want, above all else, to live life fully. But sometimes the past prohibits our living and enjoying life to the ut­most in the present.

A schoolteacher entered his room a few minutes early and noticed a earthworm labori­ously crawling along the floor. It had somehow been in­jured. The back part of the worm was dead and dried up, but still attached to the front living part by just a thin thread. As the teacher studied the strange sight of a poor worm pulling its dead half across the floor, a little girl ran in and noticed it there. Pick­ing it up, she said, "Oh, Oscar, when are you going to lose that dead part so you can really live?" What a marvelous question for all of us! When are we going to lose that dead part so we can really live? When are we going to let go of past pain so we can live fully? When are we go­ing to drop the baggage of needless guilt so we can expe­rience life?

When are we going to let go of that past resentment so we know peace? He was the best pianist I had ever heard. Brilliant with his playing and fantastic as a composer but till he got rid off his dead part he was like that earthworm, dragging anger and resentment and hurt along..

Have you also been dragging something that is dead with you? And if you are, are you ready to lose that dead part so you can really live?

 

***************************************

******************************************************************************************

THE INDEPENDENT

EDITORIAL

ATTACK ON TAPASH

INSECURITY AT WORST

 

The bomb attack on Fazle Noor Tapash, a lawmaker of the ruling Awami League, once again highlights the insecurity not only of the common people but also of the more privileged in society. Fortunately, he escaped unharmed but as many as 13 were injured, two critically. No sooner did yesterday's editorial focus on the pronounced insecurity of common people's life in this sprawling metropolis than is carried out a bomb attack on a sitting member of parliament (MP) who also happens to be one of the panel lawyers in the Bangabandhu Murder Case. One wonders if the attack has anything to do with the case revived after a long time and also his family relation with the incumbent prime minister.

With terror looming large a sense of insecurity is taking over the minds of the majority of the inhabitants of Dhaka who should have other more pressing concerns for leading a normal life at a time of economic crunch. No doubt, its negative impacts bottle up people's creative urge and restrain human productivity. A declining law and order situation in no way helps create an economically robust and culturally vibrant society. Ominous signalThere is, therefore, no argument that law and order of this city as well as of the rest of the country has to be improved on a priority basis. Thugs and underworld gangs took to their heels during the rule of the caretaker government and now they are once again staging a comeback. They must not be given any space if the intention is to do away with lawlessness. Steep decline in law and order ultimately leaves no one secure, heavy armed guards notwithstanding.

As for the attack on the MP elected from Dhanmondi constituency, it sends an ominous signal. It is not so much a matter of law and order only as it is a threat on the life a political leader which might trigger a chain reaction in the future if not addressed right away. So the attackers have to be nabbed and brought to justice. To counter such attacks, it is always preferable to carry out pre-emptive raids on the gangs. This needs raising the level of capacity of the intelligence services. But when any such attack has been carried out, the best response is to send a strong message to all harbouring the idea of similar attacks by meting out the punishment the perpetrators deserve under the law of the land.  

 

***************************************

 

 

THE INDEPENDENT

DIGGER GOES DOWN

COLOSSAL LOSS

 

The Chittagong Port Authority (CPA)'s lone dredger "Khanak" went down in the channel, adjoining the port, after a collision with a marine vessel on Wednesday last. Luckily the ship collapsed in shallow waters and therefore could not go down fully. But there is no facility in Chittagong for salvaging such ships; therefore, it will be sometime before the ship is rescued. Even if it is salvaged, the ship will never be functional again as the equipment in the ship, largely electronic, will have been destroyed by the saline water.

 

Port needs dredging

Although, collision of ships in and around Chittagong port has been quite frequent, the reasons have seldom been detected. The sea is so vast that it is improbable to have a collision. Most of the large ships stay in the outer anchorage and smaller ships guide them through the port channel. The pilots of these smaller vessels should be knowing this waterway backwards; therefore, the possibility of any collision by "accident" is highly unlikely. But even then it happens and that, too, quite frequently -prompting people to speculate that such "accidents" are deliberate and done with ulterior motives.

"Khanak" - the immediate victim of such a collision was an expensive vessel, whose current value would be around Taka 500 crore. How long will it take Bangladesh to replace it? After all, the annual profits of Chittagong Port is around Taka 175 crore only! The port needs to be dredged everyday, because of the heavy siltation there. The only option left to the port authorities now to keep the channel navigable is to ask private companies that own dredgers -- and there are a few - to do the work for the time being.  

 

***************************************

 

 

THE INDEPENDENT

BOB'S BANTER

'LEATHERING' THE ROADS…!

 "…IT WAS A NOISY DIWALI…" HINDUSTAN TIMES

 

It was a noisy Diwali right? Crackers under your window, atom bombs when you walked downstairs, toy pistols aimed at you, blank shots fired! It was a noisy Diwali, but were ours any different when we were kids? I remember bombs with an intensity higher than today's, I recollect arming myself with same toy pistol and happily shooting my neighbour, his dog, his family and also his pretty sister I was favorably inclined towards, so I shot her twice and was rewarded with a smile, that kept me going till the next Diwali.
Diwali was fun! The noise was fun, and the louder the noise, more the fun. But suddenly we've become an intolerant people. "No bombs!"

"But dad you had bombs when you were little?" Not just bombs when I was little, but on Navratri nights nobody switched off the music at ten o clock, because people in the vicinity had to sleep! Here's a tale for all we intolerant people and one from which we could learn a thing or two. There lived a king who decided to go on a long pilgrimage, which took him a couple of days. He went on foot and those days they walked barefoot. When the king came back he looked at his scarred and wounded feet and passed a decree, that all the roads in his kingdom should now be covered with leather. "Start killing all the goats and sheep and other animals!" he thundered, "So we can 'leather' the roads and my feet won't get hurt again!" In the same kingdom lived a wise man, "Your majesty!" he said, "Instead of 'leathering' the kingdom, "Why don't you just leather your feet?" And thus the king started wearing shoes and many, many animals were spared. So, instead of protesting and crying about the noise outside, what about using soundproof windows? I've got them done myself, and I've stopped cribbing about the noise when I'm writing.

If you've had fun dancing Navratri away into the wee hours of the night. If you've enjoyed lighting a cracker, then running away after hearing the sound of an explosion behind you and laughing and screaming with fun filled terror… Then let your children enjoy the same. I saw children come out for a few days, away from their computer games, their ears leaving their cell phones and I wondered if we drove them indoors by spoiling their outdoor fun? If you can't afford to soundproof your windows, wear earplugs; they're cheaper, but let's stop 'leathering the roads' and allow our kids some noise, at least the kind we loved and grew up with...!
bobsbanter@gmail.com

 

***************************************

******************************************************************************************

THE AUSTRALIAN

EDITORIAL

WE WANT MAVERICKS WHO KNOW THE RULES

DIRECTORS MUST MIX GOOD GOVERNANCE WITH COURAGE

 

DISSENTERS are not popular in Australia but we could do with more of them on our company boards. Recent evidence suggests that even in boom times, or perhaps especially in boom times, business needs people prepared to question the "group think" that can afflict managers and non-executive directors alike. And just to be clear - the ability to think outside the square does not preclude rigorous attention to the details of good governance. In fact, we would argue they go together.

 

The announcement that eight former and current directors and executives of Centro Properties will face a Federal Court civil claim brought by the Australian Securities & Investments Commission has prompted some to argue life is becoming too onerous for board members. But saying that a tougher approach from ASIC will deter high-calibre people from joining boards is not an argument for going soft.

 

The case against the Centro team - which centres on claims that a significant amount of borrowings were wrongly classified as long-term debt in 2006-07 accounts - is still to be tested. But the corporate policeman's claim against a company driven to the edge of collapse two years ago when it revealed it was unable to refinance some $3.9billion of expiring debt, will certainly focus the minds of directors generally on the duty-of-care aspect of their jobs.

 

The case follows ASIC's successful prosecution of James Hardie directors and its freezing of the assets of ABC Learning founder Eddy Groves. These actions show a willingness to make hard calls on corporate governance and are moves we support. Arguing that if we make it too tough to be a director, we will end up with chumps or time-servers is akin to moderating a driving test because no one wants to learn the rules of the road.

 

Good governance must be a given for directors, a basic element of the job. The problem, of course, is that directors are not full-time managers and are not focused on the detail of a business as are senior executives. They rely on advice and information that comes to them from management as well as external advisers and auditors. Yet good boards do more than rubber-stamp such data and welcome the dissenting adults among them - those willing to play the devil's advocate and question accepted wisdom. With hindsight, it seems incredible that business people did not see the global financial crash advancing on the horizon alongside high debt and bloated asset portfolios. Yet here, as around the globe, dissent was hard to find. How so? Why did able directors, charged with keeping managers on track, not raise the alarm?

 

In the past decade, there has been such focus on improving the knowledge base of non-executive directors that it is hard to imagine many are ignorant of their role. But there are real issues when it comes to resisting the dynamic of a board with a strong chairperson or CEO.

 

Some in business question the increased scrutiny of boards, arguing that free enterprise is being stifled by red tape. Certainly, we are not convinced that any more layers of regulation are needed. But what is most important is to clarify existing obligations. The ASIC action will assist with that process by testing the scope of legal responsibilities.

 

The work being done on a code of conduct for directors by the federal government's corporations and markets advisory committee is also welcome. Drawing up a job description for directors makes sense. But there can be no return to the clubbiness of the past when directors could hide behind management decisions. While independent directors, for example, are not ipso facto more questioning than the rest, there must be no lessening of that requirement.

 

Non-executive directors alone are not to blame for the dire situation in which many companies have found themselves in recent years. But they must be held accountable for the part they have played. Good governance is not just about rules because rules alone will not protect shareholders from incompetent or unethical boards and managers. Also essential is a robust appreciation of the need to challenge and question the status quo.

 

In its recent actions, ASIC has signalled that it is prepared to pursue companies when it considers they have breached the law. Given some of the corporate disasters of recent times, that is entirely appropriate.

 

***************************************

THE AUSTRALIAN

EDITORIAL

TOO MANY CROCKS

AUSTRALIA HAS AN UNUSUALLY HIGH RATE OF DISABILITY PENSIONERS

 

STOCKMARKET fluctuations do not trigger outbreaks of debilitating, long-term illness. So a 30 per cent spike in applications for disability pensions during the global financial crisis tells us less about public health than it does about a welfare system in dire need of reform. At least the rise, from 2300 applications a week in August last year to 3000 a week in May, has compelled Families Minister Jenny Macklin to tighten the eligibility criteria. In doing so, she has shown a degree of political courage often missing from both sides of politics in recent decades.

 

It is vital that a civilised, decent society care for the sick, and those who are so severely disabled, physically or intellectually, that they are unable to work. But it helps nobody, least of all those in genuine need, if the disability support system is overloaded with people who need a firm nudge to join or rejoin the workforce, or undertake suitable job training.

 

Perhaps we are unusually prone to ... ahem ... bad backs, chronic fatigue, "crippling" stress, RSI, burnout and other ills, but Australia has one of the highest rates of disability pensioners in the OECD. Over the past 25 years, the number of recipients has increased 300 per cent. In a nation of 22 million people with a workforce of 10.7million, the DSP is paid to 757,000 Australians. That equates with every 14 or 15 workers supporting a disability support pensioner.

 

At $671 a fortnight, the DSP is $106 a week higher than the unemployment benefit. So it is no surprise that regions with high unemployment also have high numbers of people on disability benefits. Ms Macklin, rightly, is concerned that lack of work rather than poor health or disability appeared to be behind the surge in DSP applications late last year and early this.

 

From July next year, those who are ineligible will channelled out of the claims process earlier, with doctors' certificates to be subject to greater scrutiny. Appropriately, those with serious disabilities and illnesses will be fast-tracked.

 

Such initiatives deserve bipartisan support. Too often in Australia, governments have been reluctant to tackle an area ripe for reform for fear of electoral backlash. The Howard government, in general, let the welfare gravy train run on unchecked, but its welfare-to-work policy for single parents whose children had reached school age was a success. It reduced the number of "parenting payments" by 120,000, or 20 per cent, after job-search rules were imposed in 2006.

 

Analysis by number-cruncher and former Labor senator John Black found that the move cost the Howard government dearly at the 2007 election in marginal seats with high percentages of single mothers, especially in NSW and Queensland.

 

The Henry tax review offers an important chance to address anomalies in the system, which make the DSP a more attractive option to some than other benefits or looking for work. In opposition, Wayne Swan made a convincing case to show how high effective marginal tax rates were crippling incentive and dissuading low-income earners and some welfare recipients from working to earn more. As Mr Swan wrote in this newspaper in 2004: "For those moving from welfare to work, we need to ease the transition. We need to ensure that someone who goes out to work isn't paid peanuts after you take tax and lost social security benefits into account." Ms Macklin, from Labor's Left, is to be commended for risking unpopularity in some quarters to do what is right for the nation, and for many DSP recipients themselves.

 

***************************************

THE AUSTRALIAN

EDITORIAL

AND ANOTHER THING ...

 

EVER since his extraordinary debut in Race Around the World in 1997, John Safran has been an iconoclastic and genuinely funny contributor to Australian culture. But his ABC offering on Wednesday night was contrived and pointless. Collecting women's underpants (for a sniff test on cross-racial sexual attraction) and duping sperm banks (delivering Arab sperm to the Israelis and Jewish sperm to the Palestinians) was tacky rather than offensive. Yet that's not the reason why we reckon ABC managing director Mark Scott needs to take another look at the broadcaster's charter. Safran's crime was to be boring not shocking, undergraduate not challenging. Come on Mr Scott, you can do better than that with our money.

 

`***************************************

 

 

 

******************************************************************************************

THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

EDITORIAL

DOLLARS ON THE TRACKS

 

SUGGESTIONS from the property development industry about how government assets should be exploited these days routinely run into criticism, so it is good to find one suggestion that can be backed wholeheartedly. The Transport and Tourism Forum's recommendation that the space above railway stations be developed and sold or rented, and the proceeds used to fund public transport, is a good one.

 

The idea is not new: developments of this type have already transformed St Leonards and Parramatta stations to good effect. Older projects, such as the commercial centre above Hurstville station, have been less successful. As always, good design matters. There are other caveats. Not every station will be suitable. In general, those closer to central Sydney, or to regional centres, will be more suited to higher-density developments - residential or commercial. Then there are the neighbours to consider. Development which radically changes the character of a station's surroundings should be avoided. And nothing should be done which limits the capacity of the railway network to expand in the future. Provided those dangers can be avoided development should proceed in ways which can boost the future of rail transport - as well as the capacity, currently much diminished, to pay for it.

 

Transport in Sydney already costs too much - economically, socially and environmentally. The excessive dependence on cars has created traffic bottlenecks and smog. Public transport is least available where urban sprawl is greatest. Across

 

the city, roads and rail platforms are as congested as the politics that has produced them. With Sydney's population expected to grow by 40 per cent, or 1.7 million, by 2036 according to State Government forecasts, innovative strategic planning is essential if the city is not to seize up entirely. But the brute fact is that after 30 years of under-investment in public transport by successive NSW governments it now also costs too much for the taxpayer alone to fix.

 

The flash of entrepreneurialism and good sense in the forum's plan may yet illuminate a brighter path. The Government could develop the properties above railway stations and rent them as a landlord, or sell them. Either arrangement could prove lucrative, and might provide a continuing source of funds for developing the rail network. If handled well, it might assist the Government to develop new transport corridors. In this context, the words ''if handled well'' carry a heavy burden in NSW, where government attempts to exploit commercial techniques have a mixed record. But things can change. Let us hope they do soon.

 

***************************************

THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

EDITORIAL

GOLDSTONE'S GRENADE

 

THE South African jurist Richard Goldstone has caused a long storm of protest with his report for a United Nations agency on war crimes during Israel's invasion of Gaza last January. The storm is still raging among both Palestinians and Israelis more than a month after his report was released.

 

The Palestinian Authority initially wanted the UN Security Council to discuss the report. Then under US pressure, it backtracked, causing a storm of protest from its own supporters, as a result of which it backtracked once more. Hamas, which Goldstone found had committed war crimes by firing rockets from Gaza intended for nearby Israeli settlements, has responded, reluctantly, by promising to investigate criticised actions of its own forces. Well, perhaps it will. Whether that amounts to anything, or changes anything - as it should - is another matter.

 

On the other side, Israel has long believed, with some justification, that many UN institutions are biased against it. It did not co-operate with the inquiry, and its Government has reacted angrily to the possibility that Israeli soldiers might be subject to legal proceedings over the Gaza invasion. Its Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, has now said he wants the international laws of war changed to take account of terrorism. He should drop that idea. Mr Netanyahu need look only at how the Bush administration tried to do just that after September 11, 2001, and where that attempt led, to see that recasting or ignoring international conventions to suit temporary national interests is a dead end.

 

In Israel Goldstone's report has been attacked for bias, paying too much attention to Israel, too little to Hamas, and accepting Palestinian claims at face value. Given that the report was written of necessity without Israeli co-operation, that is regrettable but probably not surprising. In any case, Goldstone does not establish facts, but the basis for inquiries by either side.

 

For doing so, Goldstone himself - a Zionist of long standing - has been assailed in the hate language too often used on Israel's domestic critics - self-hating Jew, a collaborator, a sell-out, and so on. He is, of course, none of those things. His report is being presented as an obstacle to President Barack Obama's attempt to push the peace process forward. Mr Obama should ignore this bluster.

 

Israel's proudest boast, quite rightly, is that it is the Middle East's one genuine democracy. It becomes idle, though, if the tremendous pressure it is under from its hostile neighbours sees it lose the tolerance of criticism that is democracy's core.

 

***************************************

THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

EDITORIAL

SECOND AFGHAN ELECTION WILL KEEP DEMOCRATIC HOPES ALIVE

 

IT IS sufficient commentary on the corrupt nature of the Government led by President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan that he almost certainly had no need to resort to the massive ballot fraud that, it is now clear, he perpetrated in last month's election. This week Mr Karzai bowed to the verdict of the UN-supported Electoral Complaints Commission - or, more likely, to diplomatic pressure by US President Barack Obama - and accepted that he must contest a run-off election with his nearest rival, former foreign minister Abdullah Abdullah. The commission found that more than a million ballots, most of them cast for Mr Karzai, were suspect, winding his share of the primary vote back to just under 47 per cent. Since neither he nor Dr Abdullah obtained the 50 per cent needed to avoid a run-off, they will contest a second election next month, which Mr Karzai will probably win because in the first round he won twice as many votes as Dr Abdullah, despite the fraud.

 

Whoever wins the run-off, the result will mean that the NATO forces fighting the Taliban in Afghanistan can at least claim to be doing so on behalf of a government with some claim to democratic legitimacy. The low turnout for the first ballot was an indicator of widespread dissatisfaction with Mr Karzai's Government, as well as fear of the Taliban, and the overwhelming evidence that the President sought to rig an election in which he was the front-runner anyway inspires no confidence in his commitment to democratic values. Mr Obama rightly insisted that no decision on sending more US troops to Afghanistan would be made until doubts about the election were resolved, and Mr Karzai's reluctant acceptance of a run-off ballot now allows that decision to be made.

 

Source: The Age

***************************************

THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

EDITORIAL

GAMBLING REPORT LAYS CARDS ON THE TABLE FOR STATES

 

AUSTRALIANS have long known that the batteries of poker machines that exploit gambling addiction are a social and economic scourge. A decade after a landmark Productivity Commission report drew attention to the extent of the problem, a newly released draft report by the commission finds little has changed. The gaming industry draws $18 billion a year from Australians, money that could be spent more productively, and ruins the lives of problem gamblers, their families and friends. Overall, the report finds, the industry is of dubious economic benefit.

 

The commission adheres to free-market principles, but such is the harm done by problem gambling that it recommends restrictions to reduce the exploitation of problem gamblers. They number at least 125,000, with up to 350,000 more people thought to be at risk. At the heart of the problem are the nation's 198,303 poker machines - an increase of 13,777 from 1999 - as 85 per cent of problem gambling is linked to these. Two-thirds of gaming losses, or $12 billion a year, are on the ''pokies''. In 2008-09, Victorian tax revenue from the machines for the first time topped $1 billion, lifting gaming revenue to $1.64 billion. A large body of research suggests that 40-50 per cent of poker machine revenue comes from problem gamblers - in other words, almost half the state's revenue from this source exploits the serious gambling addiction of between 1 and 3 per cent of the public.

 

The states claim to be tackling problem gambling, but the commission finds that current measures are largely ineffective. The Sweeney report, commissioned by Victoria's Justice Department, pointed to a similar conclusion. It found last year that 48 per cent of at-risk gamblers visited gaming venues more than once a week, a sharp increase from the 28 per cent who did so in 2006. Even as the proportion of the public playing pokies dropped from 80 per cent in 2006 to 61 per cent last year, 87 per cent of at-risk gamblers played pokies, up from 71 per cent in 2006. The implication is that the Government relies ever more heavily on problem gamblers for its gaming revenue, which is 13.1 per cent of the state tax take (the national average is less than 10 per cent).

 

Between them, Victoria and NSW account for two-thirds of all state and territory gaming taxes. The commission is aware of the reliance on gaming revenue, but rightly leans to the conclusion that the harm this involves cannot be justified by any socially responsible government. It suggests a number of eminently practical ways to limit the damage. Machine bets should be limited to $1 a turn, which would cut potential losses from $1200 to $120 an hour, and players should pre-set limits on the amount and duration of their gambling - although a proposed ''opt-out'' provision would undermine this safeguard. Cash withdrawals at venues should be capped at $200 a day and ATMs should be moved away from gaming machines, which would allow for a ''cooling off'' of the gambling impulse. Similarly, making payouts of more than $250 by cheque would discourage gamblers from betting and losing all their winnings.

 

These recommendations are similar to measures rejected last November by the Senate community affairs committee, which said action should be delayed until the Productivity Commission completed its report. Community Services Minister Jenny Macklin says the Government will consider its final report, due in February, and notes that Australian governments agreed in July to a new plan to tackle problem gambling over the next three years. By 2012, Victoria will finally move ATMs out of gaming venues. ''Pre-commitment'' technology for pokie players is slated for 2016 - seven years after the commission's recommendation. Norway already uses smart cards that set daily and monthly limits on how much individuals can lose. The technology is a proven way to limit the impact of problem gambling.

 

Victoria is reluctant to slash its gaming revenue, but the lack of urgency from the Rudd Government is hard to understand when Kevin Rudd said in 2007: ''I hate poker machines and I know something of their impact on families.'' Now Ms Macklin admits ''problem gambling destroys lives'' but says: ''We know that we need to make changes, but let's base the changes we make on good evidence.'' Good evidence has long been freely available. Senator Nick Xenophon, who was elected on an anti-pokies platform, spoke for many Australians when he said: ''We don't need an inquiry to tell us that these machines are causing significant harm. We need action, not more talk.'' It is a national disgrace that governments have yet to take effective action a decade after the Productivity Commission first sounded the alarm.

 

Source: The Age

************************************

 

 

 

              

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

******************************************************************************************

THE GURDIAN

EDITORIAL

IRAN: NUCLEAR FISSION

 

If Tehran tries to renegotiate the draft nuclear deal agreed in Vienna on Wednesday, it could all fall apart. But before we list the pitfalls that lie ahead, it is worth contrasting where we are today with what was on offer a year ago. At the previous round in Geneva, Iran produced a scrappy, typewritten two-page document called the None Paper. It should have read non-paper – jargon for an unofficial negotiating document – but the content was truer to its mispelled title than its authors intended. It indeed contained nothing, because Iran was only offering talks about talks. Compare that with the deal on offer today: an agreement to ship three-quarters of its known stockpile of enriched uranium to Russia for reprocessing as a nuclear fuel that could only be used in a civilian reactor. Nuclear inspectors are also about to arrive at the previously undisclosed enrichment site at Qom on Sunday, and there will be a further attempt to restart talks on freezing the enrichment programme at the end of the month.

 

Many factors could have prompted a rethink: the unfinished business of the presidential election in June; the weakening of the authority of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei; unrest in Pakistan and Afghanistan spilling over the border; the fact that Iran had been caught building a parallel enrichment operation at Qom; or simply that Iran now has more enriched uranium with which to trade. But one significant factor is regime change in Washington. In a year, the policy on Iran has moved from refusing to talk unless enrichment was stopped, to engagement. If this produces dividends, it will show that Barack Obama has obtained more from Iran in a few hours of talks than George Bush did during eight years of rhetorical confrontation.

 

Now the caveats. The Vienna deal only buys the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) time. It does not halt enrichment, and it will take Iran's centrifuges only about a year to make up the 1,200 kg of low-enriched uranium (LEU) that the country is to surrender to Russia. The IAEA cannot be certain that the Iranians do not have more LEU squirrelled away under another mountainside. Nor are international inspectors sure of getting all the required information when they arrive at Qom.

 

But if a deal materialises, it will do much to temper Middle East passions. It will establish a process which will bind Israel's hands, and its plans for an air strike, as much as it does Iran's. It will build a measure of mutual confidence which would ease the tricky talks that lie ahead on freezing enrichment – a process that Iran regards as a national right. It might even establish a model for other countries contemplating building a nuclear cycle of their own.

 

************************************

THE GURDIAN

EDITORIAL

IN PRAISE OF… KEIR STARMER

 

The director of public prosecutions, Keir Starmer, has been in the job for only a year: his controversial speech on Wednesday night marked his first anniversary in a role that he came to with a reputation as an outstanding human rights lawyer. It is not the first time he has raised his head above the parapet. He has already tackled the difficult problem of assisted suicide, publishing – in a model of clarity – the reasons why he would not prosecute the parents of Daniel James after they helped the paralysed young rugby player fly to a Dignitas clinic in Switzerland, and then setting out principles for consultation after a case brought by MS sufferer Debbie Purdy. He was as clear and robust in defending the Human Rights Act in Wednesday's speech, a welcome challenge not only to the Conservative party, which would rip the act up, but also to those on Labour's side who run scared of tabloid headlines. He was proud, he declared, to live in a country that safeguarded rights that were "universal, inalienable and perpetual". The problems some perceived with the act were the result of misunderstanding or misapplication, he argued, and he was not sure what, in the Tony Blair formula, needed "rebalancing", or "made more British", as the Tories prefer to put it. He dismissed calls for reform that were based on such a fundamentally flawed analysis, and warned that they would bring shame to the country. To some it was politicking by a public servant. It was not. It was an expert opinion, long overdue.

 

***************************************

THE GURDIAN

                                                                                                                             EDITORIAL

QUESTIONABLE TELEVISION: BRITISH NATIONAL PARTY

 

The man from Auntie had wanted to make the whole thing sound routine. BBC director general Mark Thompson wrote on our pages yesterday: "It is a straightforward matter of fact that … the BNP has demonstrated a level of support that would normally lead to an occasional invitation to join the panel on Question Time". But there was nothing normal about the show last night, in which the far-right party's front man, Nick Griffin, nestled between David Dimbleby and the playwright Bonnie Greer, and insisted against all reality that meddlesome laws were stifling honest debate about what Hitler did to the Jews.

 

The filming started early in a studio picketed by protesters, and for most of the hour the only issue was Mr Griffin himself. Several members of the audience from ethnic minorities took the chance to ask him why he had it in for people like them. This abnormal interaction – and the no doubt extraordinary ratings – reflect the fact that, despite his modestly significant mandate, the Mr Griffin remains a decidedly abnormal Question Time guest. As leader of a self-described "racially proud" party, which only last week was forced to concede that its whites-only constitution was illegal, Mr Griffin rejects the ground rules of tolerance that all our other politicians accept. Mr Dimbleby's questioning was forceful, and faced with appalling quotes from his back catalogue, the BNP leader repeatedly resorted to the last gasp defence that his words had been twisted. But donning a suit and a commemorative poppy, he was intermittently able to project himself as the purveyor of just one extra brand on the political shelf. He talked of his father's war service, chuckled, established himself as one of the panel ("As Chris said ...") and even had the chance to comment on the coverage of Stephen Gately's death. The banality of evil indeed.

 

By granting him a place on Question Time, a programme more about soundbites than scrutiny, a ratings-hungry corporation failed to defend the values embodied in its own equality policies; it confused ultra-relativism with a proper commitment to free speech. Mr Thompson suggests blanket censorship was the only alternative to the invitation. A total ban from the airwaves – unlike exclusion from one programme – really would represent a serious curb on political freedom. It would also tend to self-defeat, enhancing the resonance of the Griffin line about being gagged for speaking the truth. No one is proposing a rerun of the bizarre images of Sinn Féin spokespeople silently talking while actors read their words over the top.

 

But most people, even most politicians, enjoy the right to speak freely without ever receiving a Question Time invite. The programme's contents, after all, are in large part a question of editorial judgment. That is why the BBC has sometimes taken corporate responsibility for what is said on the show – apologising, for instance, when "inappropriate" anti-American remarks were uttered soon after 9/11. It is a shame the same responsibility was not shown in respect of Mr Griffin.

 

As London's former mayor, Ken Livingstone, pointed out yesterday, ever since Enoch Powell foresaw rivers of blood, racist words have helped to provoke racists' deeds. Even before last night's programme, Mr Griffin was boasting that his turn in the spotlight had delivered a surge of interest on the BNP website. While the party remains at just 3% in the polls, and while its leaked membership lists do not suggest any great growth in its strength, by presenting himself as a respectable politician Mr Griffin might yet inch away from the margins. After last night's performance the hope remains that the more the public sees of his party, the uglier they will judge it to be. Certainly, the week has provided the first serious scrutiny on BNP policies, and they have proved to be as vicious as feared. Even so, he was last night handed a golden opportunity to pretend it was otherwise, a chance he should never have had.

 

***************************************

*****************************************************************************************

DAILY EXPRESS

COMMENT

GET UP BOY AND SHOW RESPECT TO THE HEAD

BY NIGEL BURKE

 

STAND up for your rights!

 

No, wait a minute, this is  modern Britain – remain seated and slouch insolently for your rights! When the headmaster of Macclesfield High School suspended 15-year-old pupil Daniel Walton for failing to stand up when he entered the classroom he might have known it would make news. forty years ago it was wholly normal for pupils to stand up when any teacher entered a classroom. It was part of my generation's "respect agenda", except that we didn't call it an agenda. We didn't need to call it anything, it was just the traditional weave of disciplines, rituals and kindnesses that made us feel part of a society and act accordingly. 

 

Let's face it, standing up for the teacher, saying thank you to the bus driver – little things like not hawking and spitting  lavishly in the street – those all made us better-quality human beings. 

 

Young people might think they have more freedom because  discipline has been thrown out like an old 

pram in a river but they are not as free. 

 

We could play outdoors and we did so. We rarely pulled knives and guns on one another. The headmaster, Kevin Harrison, has been trying to do his pupils a big favour by making them stand up. He's been trying to teach them that school is special, not just a break from PlayStation. 

 

Moreover Mr Harrison has been teaching that society has a structure in which certain people hold certain offices that command respect, regardless of the individual qualities of the people who occupy them. If a child doesn't learn that, he's never going to get to grips with the law, with representative democracy, with being an employee or being a parent. 

 

Of  course Mr Harrison has also picked a fight with underclass values and the notion that authority doesn't exist, only entitlements. 

 

Authority-blindness has been around long enough now for a  generation of young adults to be passing it on gift-wrapped to their own children. 

 

Many teachers are complicit. A friend who works near a national monument often swamped by school parties tells me that teachers now behave in a submissive way towards their tiniest pupils, using flattery and negotiation to coax them into  reasonable behaviour. He overheard: "Well done for waiting patiently" and "You're going to respect me by being quiet while I'm talking and I'll respect you by being quiet while you're  talking." How, pray, is that going to work? 

 

To a grown-up with a socialist or "progressive" outlook those words probably sound like equality and general loveliness. But to any child such words merely confirm that he or she is in fact the centre of the universe. People who grow up thinking that way end up having ugly lives. 

 

Daniel Walton, the boy who won't stand up, is plainly getting it from his dad. Walton Senior predicts that his daughter Emma will tell the headmaster "where to get off" if he tries to impose a make-up ban and he suggested to his son that he might "kick the headmaster in the nuts" under certain circumstances. 

 

There is no mistaking these  Waltons for the Waltons of the long- running American family drama: "Goodnight, John-Boy." "**** off, dad, I'm on facebook." our own Mr Walton believes that "respect has to be earned". Mr Walton is absolutely wrong about that. The headmaster is not asking for personal respect, which does indeed have to be earned, he is demanding respect for his office. 

 

Respect for office could not be more crucial to the  working of society. War and much else is done in the name of the crown and the mechanics of society rely on powerful official roles, through ministers and magistrates down to coppers and postmasters. We have to trust and respect them to some degree to make things work. Yet it's the mere mention of ministers that makes me think: "Ah, that's how it all went wrong, that's why silly Mr  Walton thinks the way he does." 

 

Successive public office-holders do have to charge up society's respect for their office through their own conduct. A stinker of an officeholder – let's say, Jacqui Smith as home secretary – will leak some of the charge. The effect is pervasive. A decade and more of expense accounts, non-resignations, shame- lessness and shenanigans among public servants has created contempt for authority and children have picked up the smell of decay. 

 

Correctly Kevin Harrison is attempting to charge up the office of headmaster with such prestige that everyone naturally wants to stand up to greet him. I only wish we had politicians and leaders who could somehow do the same. 

 

***************************************

DAILY EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

GRIFFIN AND HIS HIDEOUS BNP MUST BE DEFEATED

 

THIS IS a dangerous and shameful moment for British democracy. A fascist party has been allowed to inveigle its way into the political mainstream. If it is not stopped in its tracks and driven back into the sewer from which it has emerged the vile BNP will push its warped agenda of racial purity to the limit, causing millions of loyal British people to live in fear of victimisation and even of deportation from the only country they have ever called home.

 

Only the fundamental decency and belief in fair play of the British public now stands between the BNP and further advance. Our nation's out-of-touch political class has failed to prevent the rise of this avowedly racist organisation. Thanks to its unforgivable complacency huge issues of vital public interest have been left undebated and unaddressed.

 

The result is that a party populated by wild-eyed thugs and motivated by racial hatred has filled the vacuum and Britain, one of the least racist societies on Earth, elected two members of the BNP as European MPs earlier this year.

 

Now one of them, BNP leader Nick Griffin, has been accorded the accolade of an appearance on Question Time, the nation's premier political debating programme on whose panel he sat last night on equal terms with a senior Cabinet minister and leading Opposition spokesmen.

 

Griffin has learnt plenty since his days as a National Front boot boy. He has coated himself with a fake veneer of respectability, becoming the purveyor of a sharp-suited, soft-focus form of fascism. But he remains the odious individual who joked that "Adolf went a bit far" and even denied that the Holocaust took place.

 

Top of Form

Bottom of Form

Here is a man with a criminal record for inciting racial hatred who has surrounded himself with fellow criminals and former football hooligans. In ruthlessly opportunistic style he has alighted upon legitimate public concerns over the rise of Islamic extremism, the prevalence of the discredited doctrine of multiculturalism, of uncontrolled immigration into Britain from all corners of the globe and attempted to use such issues to fan the flames of racial hatred.

 

He has also outrageously sought to appropriate the symbols of British patriotism, including the Spitfire, the Union Flag and the memory of Winston Churchill. Given that he heads a party full of characters who would probably have fought on the side of Nazi Germany had they been alive at the time of the Second World War that is a particularly obnoxious stunt.

 

A ccording to its own constitution the BNP is committed to restoring an "overwhelmingly white" Britain by not only stemming but "reversing" non-white immigration. Immigrants and their descendants will be subject to "firm" incentives to "return home" it says - as if their home is anywhere but Britain.

 

Given the tattooed, skinhead make-up of much of the BNP's membership this threat is nothing less than chilling. It is also at odds with traditional British notions of justice and fairness.

 

The BNP seeks to strip from people their common humanity and classify them according to dehumanised laboratory categories of the sort that Dr Josef Mengele, Adolf Hitler's favourite scientist, would instantly recognise. The BNP restricts its own membership to "indigenous British ethnic groups deriving from the class of 'indigenous Caucasian'."

At a recent summer camp organised by the BNP, members encouraged a 10-year-old girl to set fire to a golliwog - an episode laughed off by Griffin as a "small, bad-taste joke".

 

This newspaper believes the BBC was profoundly misguided and wrong to invite Griffin to appear on Question Time when it was under no legal obligation to do so. By promoting the view that non-white people cannot be British - no matter what contribution they make to our society - Griffin is seeking to strip millions of their citizenship and their fundamental rights to participate in our democracy on an equal basis.

 

So this is a zero sum game: more exposure for Griffin means a diminution in the confidence of others to wield their right to political self-expression. Bitter experience has shown that it also means a likely increase in racial attacks in many British towns and cities as thugs take his entrée into polite society as a green light to unleash violence on those he singles out for condemnation.

 

If the BBC is culpable for the elevation of Griffin and his fellow travellers to a new level then the political establishment is also culpable for allowing him to gain traction over major issues.

 

As the governing party, Labour must take the lion's share of the blame for failing to protect Britain's borders and for fostering the malign ideology of multiculturalism which has encouraged many immigrants, particularly those from Islamic nations, to replicate the culture of their country of origin rather than adapt to the British way of life. Labour has sponsored a social system seemingly purpose-built to marginalise people's awareness of what they have in common, creating in its place a rising tide of fear and loathing.

 

For their part the Conservatives have in recent years been determined to downplay legitimate concerns about unprecedented levels of immigration and the impact it is having on job opportunities, living standards, social cohesion and access to public services.

 

In their obsession with divesting themselves of the label "the nasty party" the Tories have contributed to something truly sinister taking hold.

 

Aside from brave mavericks such as Frank Field, Nicholas Soames and Andrew Green, the chairman of the Migration Watch think tank, there have been no mainstream political figures willing to speak up for the widely held view that immigration is out of control and the British national identity under threat.

 

T o a large extent the BNP is to elements of the white underclass what radical imams are to young people in Britain's Islamic ghettos. Both preach the wicked idea that loyalty to a faction should replace loyalty to the nation as a whole and that a sub-group should aim for total domination of society.

 

The only way to beat these ideologies of hatred is by promoting unity around fundamental tenets of Britishness: neighbourliness, respect for the law, a proud knowledge of our island story, mastery of the English language, the responsible exercise of free speech and equal rights between the genders.

 

Flooding Britain with incomers who have no intention of ever conforming to such values, especially at a time of rising unemployment and falling living standards, has created ideal conditions for the BNP to flourish.

 

But Griffin and his hideous henchmen can and must be defeated. Even in the face of establishment neglect of issues that were having a drastic impact upon their lives, just six per cent of voters were prepared to back the BNP at the European elections.

 

Even among the million or so who did put their cross next to a BNP candidate's name, many will have been motivated by desperation or ignorance rather than out and out racial bigotry.

 

These people can be won back to the politics of decency.

 

At this time of remembrance for those who made the supreme sacrifice in conflicts past and present everyone should bear in mind what the fallen were fighting for and what they were fighting against. For freedom and against fascism in all its ugly guises.

 

***************************************

 

 

 

DAILY EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

ALBERTO IS A LAST CHANCE

 

UNLESS Liverpool beat Manchester United on Sunday, Alberto Aquilani is going to find himself arriving in Rafa Benitez's first team some time soon under the kind of scrutiny which would have been placed on anyone auditioning to be the fifth Beatle.

 

Don't expect too much from my £19million, long-awaited Italy midfielder with the glamorous, Italian actress fiancee, Benitez pleaded forlornly yesterday in the midst of the club's worst run of form for 22 years.

 

Aquilani, who came from Roma injured, turned out for the reserves against Sunderland this week. It got more attention than usual as Liverpool are having such a torrid time. And because the departure of Xabi Alonso has left such a hole.

 

Benitez was right to point out that Anfield's crowd will understand how it takes time for foreign players to settle. But this is a transfer by which Benitez will be stringently judged, not least over the player's fitness record.

 

In the last five seasons, Aquilani started only 61 of a possible 190 league games for Roma.

 

Benitez is no gambler. But this buy now looks like a roll of the dice.

 

PS Jenson Button's old black Bugatti Veyron is up for sale on AutoTrader for £900,000. It has a top speed of 253mph, does 0-60mph in 2.5 seconds but has done only 1,500 miles. Why so little? Obviously, he didn't like to drive it. Couldn't handle it. Or perhaps not...

 

***************************************

DAILY EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

OWN UP! YANKS SHOW US THE WAY

MANCHESTER UNITED'S TWIN TEAM ARE HERE TO PLAY AMERICAN FOOTBALL AT WEMBLEY, BUT ALL IS NOT WELL WITH THE TAMPA BAY BUCCANEERS.

 

They have lost six straight, as they say over there, and on Sunday they are up against the New England Patriots, who won 59-0 against the Tennessee Titans last weekend.

 

The Bucs' stadium is no longer selling out. The new coach, Raheem Morris, is only 32 and under pressure, the team requires rebuilding and the fans are unhappy that the Glazer family, who own United and Tampa Bay, have the lowest wage bill in the league. Could it be time for the Glazers to sell their NFL franchise?

 

If, say, a rich Englishman who loves sport fancied it – yes, there are still some out there – he could not buy the Bucs in the way the Glazers took control of United, which was by borrowing money and then loading the debt of £699million and counting on to Old Trafford.

 

The NFL have strict rules about how takeovers are financed and about who can be permitted to own their teams.

 

As our Premier League clubs shoulder around £3billion of combined debts which could, in theory, send them all bust, it is interesting to see how things are done in the US .

 

I n any NFL takeover, no more than 15 per cent of the cost can be made up of bank borrowing, which protects each team against the kind of money-market chaos which has put the skids under Gianfranco Zola's West Ham. And which, for a while, left Portsmouth in the hands of Sulaiman Al Fahim, who nearly sent them out of business while they waited for his money.

 

Just as a reminder, the Icelandic financier Bjorgolfur Gudmundsson, who bought West Ham in 2006, is believed to have borrowed as much as £80m of the cost. When he went skint in the credit crunch, the Hammers nearly went with him .

 

Top of Form

Bottom of Form

The bankers he borrowed from had to take over, although they have also been in huge trouble. Upton Park is now in careful, financial survival mode. But they went close to the edge because of this debt financing, which is hailed as business genius when it works but starts ticking like a timebomb inside our clubs when things go wrong.

 

Funny, isn't it. The Premier League and the moguls who run most of our big clubs are usually dead keen on money-spinning ideas imported from America. But they are not so eager to rush ahead with the publicly accountable ownership rules which are compulsory in US sport.

 

Many consider the Premier League's fit and proper persons test for prospective owners to be lightweight, although they are beginning to address the debt question to head off a UEFA crackdown.

 

The NFL chiefs play it tough because they know they have a fabulous, lucrative product and they want to protect it. But it also means that fans have transparency about their team's dealings.

 

The complaint in Tampa is that the NFL team are being underfunded to support the Glazers' near £70m-a-year interest payments at Old Trafford. Conversely, some United fans fear cash will be diverted to solve the Buccaneers' problems.

 

In fact, none of this is a huge problem while United continue to be successful and the income rolls in. No, it is at Upton Park where some NFL-style financial watchfulness would have been handy.

 

**************************************

 

 

 

******************************************************************************************

THE KOREA HERALD

EDITORIAL

MASS VACCINATION

 

Vaccination for the new influenza A will begin Oct. 27, starting with those in the medical profession.

 

The Ministry for Health, Welfare and Family Affairs will begin an unprecedented mass-scale vaccination program aimed at vaccinating some 35 percent of the population, or 17.16 million people. The goal of the vaccination program is to curb the spread of the pandemic and lessen the number of serious complications and fatalities arising from the H1N1 virus infection.

 

Because the vaccines are being released as they become available, until January only those in the various priority groups will receive the shots. Medical professionals in contact with influenza A patients are the first priority group and will be vaccinated beginning next week.

 

This will be followed by school-aged children who will receive free vaccinations at schools from mid-November until the end of December. Children over 6 months old and pregnant women can receive shots between mid-December and early January at clinics or hospitals of their choice, where it will cost 15,000 won to 30,000 won for a shot.

 

The last priority group consists of the elderly, 5.91 million of the chronically ill patients registered with the National Health Insurance Corp. who will be notified individually, the police and the military personnel. This group can expect to receive vaccinations next January.

 

Meanwhile, those not in the four priority groups can start getting shots after the last priority group has been vaccinated. If all goes according to plan, the nation-wide vaccination program will be completed by February.

 

The Korea Centers for Disease Control and Prevention said that there will be no shortage of the vaccine but that the vaccination program is being conducted in stages because not all the vaccines are available at once.

 

So far, 20 people here have died of complications from the H1N1 virus. However, the number of confirmed influenza A cases has been on the increase with the arrival of the cooler weather - flu viruses become more virulent when it is colder - and the fatalities could increase. There was a 72.7 percent increase in the number of confirmed cases in the week of Oct. 12-18 over the previous week. A total of 346 schools around the country reported outbreaks and many of these schools have closed down to prevent further spread in the community. Health authorities expect the vaccination of school children to slow the spread of the virus.

 

If influenza A follows the pattern of seasonal flu, we can expect a peak in the number of cases between December and January, according to health authorities. However, since seasonal flu persists well into April, and the H1N1 virus may follow a similar pattern, the KCDC recommends that people be vaccinated even after January.

 

The mass vaccination program poses a logistical challenge for the government, potentially straining a public health system already stretched to the limit in handling H1N1 flu cases. The public can help by waiting for their turn to be vaccinated so that the vaccination program will not be disrupted.

 

**************************************

THE KOREA HERALD

EDITORIAL

FASHIONABLE CITY

 

Seoul Fashion Week comes to a close today after eight days of showcasing the country's design talent. Forty-three established Korean designers and 11 up-and-comers showed at the biannual fashion event organized by Seoul Metropolitan Government and the Ministry of Knowledge Economy

 

With Mayor Oh Se-hoon pushing to make Seoul the world's fifth fashion capital - after Paris, New York, Milan and London - Seoul City has in the past few years sought to aggressively push its fashion industry. Some 2.5 billion won went into organizing the latest fashion event to which some 110 buyers and members of the foreign press were invited.

 

Earlier this year, the city announced that it would invest some 10 billion won toward creating studios in Dongdaemun to accommodate 100 new designers and to set up fashion manufacturing clusters. It also announced the "Seoul Collection in Global Fashion City" program, through which some 20 local designers will be sent to international fashion capitals.

 

Seoul has chosen the fashion industry as one of the six new growth engines for the city. The fashion industry is a relatively low polluter, produces added value and creates jobs because of its labor-intensive nature. Promoting the fashion industry also goes hand-in-hand with the overall drive to turn Seoul into a design capital.

 

Apparently, Seoul city is not alone in seeing fashion as a lucrative industry. The Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism has its own program for promoting fashion as well. It is organizing Hallyu fashion shows to promote Hallyu stars and Korean fashion designers abroad, particularly in Asia. It also has a program to assist budding fashion designers.

 

Earlier this month, the Ministry of Knowledge Economy announced the selection of 12 fashion companies that it will support as part of its Global Fashion Leading Brand project. The plan - part of a broader scheme the ministry established in 2007 to promote the fashion industry as a knowledge-based industry - aims to create at least three global fashion brands by 2015. The ministry also has a program to train fashion industry personnel for the global market.

 

In all these efforts to support the local fashion industry, it is important to be selective and focused. For example, Seoul City, the culture ministry and economy ministry should coordinate their projects so that they do not overlap. There is also the danger that spreading the limited budget available over a wide array of programs will not yield the desired result.

 

In the 1970s, the Korean textile and garment industry was one of the leading export sectors. Creating value-added designer brands seems to be a logical progression. However, the government must realize that putting Seoul or Korea on the world fashion map is not going to happen overnight and they need to be patient. As one foreign participant at the Seoul Fashion Week noted, designers should not be rushed into the international scene unless they are completely ready.

 

***************************************

THE KOREA HERALD

EDITORIAL

THE MANY SHORTCOMINGS OF STANDARDIZED TESTS

M.K. THOMPSON

 

Students today are inundated with standardized tests. In the United States, standardized testing begins as early as first grade with achievement tests which measure both how each student is doing relative to expectations based on their grade level and how well the school is doing based on the overall performance of the students.

 

High school students (and now even middle school students) take the PSATs (preliminary scholastic aptitude test) to prepare for the more important SATs (scholastic aptitude test) and to compete for National Merit Scholarships. The SATs, of course, are required for admission to most U.S. colleges, although some colleges and universities also accept ACT (American college test) scores. Students wishing to receive additional consideration for college admissions, scholarships, awards, advanced placement in their first year of college or college credit can take SAT II subject tests, AP (advanced placement) exams and/or CLEP (college level examination program) tests.

 

International students and non-native English speakers have the additional burden of taking the TOEFL (test of English as a foreign language), TOEIC (test of English for international communication) or TSE (test of spoken English) exams.

 

After graduation there are even more tests: GREs (graduate record examination) for students who wish to attend graduate school, MCATs (medical college admissions test) for medical school, LSATs (law school admissions test) for law school and GMATs (graduate management admissions test) for business school.

 

Even professionals are not exempt. They must take standardized tests to become licensed in their fields. Physicians take the USMLE (U.S. medical licensing exam), lawyers take the bar exam, accountants take the CPA (certified public accountant) exam and engineers take the FE (fundamentals of engineering) and PE (professional engineer) exams just to name a few.

 

It's enough to make anyone's head spin.

 

All examinations, including standardized tests, can serve up to three purposes. They provide external motivation for students to learn. They provide a way to measure what the students have learned (in terms of skills or knowledge) or their potential to learn. And they provide obstacles for the students to overcome in order to progress to the next level of learning.

 

But all standardized tests are not created equal. Some tests are given without warning, while others are scheduled well ahead of time. Some tests can be "taught" (i.e. students benefit greatly from extensive preparation) while others cannot. And finally, the process of preparing for the test can either lead to a lifelong benefit or no benefit at all beyond an improved score on the exam.

 

Tests that are given without warning can provide insight into the current knowledge and abilities of the students without being unduly influenced by outside preparation. This, in turn, can reduce the gap in scores between students from privileged and disadvantaged backgrounds. In addition, it can greatly reduce the amount of test-taking anxiety that many students face. Without advanced notice, students and their parents have no time to work themselves into a frenzy. These tests provide no immediate benefit to the student. They only provide information to the recipient of the test scores. But they also do no harm.

 

Subject-based standardized tests, like the SAT IIs and all professional licensing exams, are teachable but the subject matter is advantageous to the students. The preparation for the test may require significant study, but that study is not wasted. Instead, it reinforces the knowledge, skills and understanding that the students need in their professional careers. These exams benefit both the student and the score recipients.

 

The trouble with many standardized tests (especially entrance exams) is that they are scheduled and teachable, but preparation for them ultimately leads to little or no benefit to the students. The only skills that the students develop from studying are the skills to successfully take these tests.

 

The test scores cannot differentiate between talented students and students who spent a great deal of time, money and energy to prepare for them. They also cannot account for nerves, unidentified learning disabilities or a host of other issues. So they only measure what students are willing (and able!) to spend to pass the test. This, in turn, allows admissions officers to estimate how hard a given student will work in school. But this valuable information comes at the (sometimes extreme) expense of the students and their parents.

 

For the students, these tests are nothing more than a hurdle that stands between them and a better life. They distract students from other learning experiences and opportunities. And the cost of that distraction is ultimately passed onto society and the economy as a whole.

 

We, as a society, need to rethink the way that standardized testing is done so it benefits the most important stakeholders in the educational system: the students.

 

Mary Kathryn Thompson, Ph.D., is an assistant professor in the Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, the Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology. She can be reached at mkthompson@an.kaist.ac.kr. - Ed.

 

***************************************

 

 

 

 

 

 

*****************************************************************************************

THE JAPAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

MAKEOVER OF POSTAL PRIVATIZATION

 

The Cabinet this week decided to revamp the two-year-old privatization process for Japan Post group. The decision, which responds to fears among some people that Japan Post group may curtail services in the countryside, emphasizes the public role of Japan Post group.

 

The privatization begun on Oct. 1, 2007, was aimed at making Japan's postal services, including banking and insurance services, more efficient; ending the practice of using funds deposited in postal savings accounts for wasteful government projects; and, instead, increasing the flow of those funds to the private sector.

 

Under the government decision this week, Japan Post will be required to make not only postal services but also banking and insurance services available nationwide on an equitable basis. The government also plans to use the network of some 24,000 post offices as bases to help narrow economic gaps and protect the rights of weaker members of society. Post offices would thus serve as outlets for administrative services such as nursing care.

 

To ensure "universal services" throughout the country, the government plans to reorganize the current setup of Japan Post group. Currently, Japan Post Bank Co., Japan Post Insurance Co., Japan Post Service (mail delivery) and Japan Post Network Co. (over-the-counter services) operate under the wing of Japan Post Holdings Co. The Cabinet decision is expected to help dispel complaints that this complicated setup has contributed to lowering the quality of services at post offices and thus making it impossible for elderly people in remote areas, for example, to rely on mail carriers to act as agents for postal banking and insurance services. The sale of government-held shares in the firms will be frozen.

 

The government must consider how to pay for the implementation of its plan. The key is finding how to increase the efficiency of Japan Post group, including making it profitable through the development of new revenue-making services. The government also should make sure that Mr. Jiro Saito, a former vice finance minister chosen to serve as Japan Post Holdings' new president, will not pursue a policy line that costs taxpayers.

 

***************************************

 

 

THE JAPAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

A BASE OKINAWANS CAN LIVE WITH

 

U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates met with Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada and Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa in Tokyo this week. The two sides failed to resolve differences over the relocation of a U.S. military base on Okinawa Island. Under a 2006 bilateral agreement, the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in the urban area of Ginowan (southern part of the Island) would move to the shore area of Camp Schwab, in Nago (northeastern part of the island).

 

Mr. Gates reiterated that the present plan is the only feasible one, although he hinted that the U.S. might accept an alternative — floated by the Okinawa prefectural government — to move the proposed site at Camp Schwab about 50 meters toward the sea. He also stressed that unless the Futenma air facility is moved to Camp Schwab, the plan to move some 8,000 U.S. Marines and their dependents from Okinawa to Guam will not go ahead.

 

The Japanese side is apparently trying to postpone a final decision on the Futenma air facility's transfer. Referring to the fact that the four single-seat constituencies in Okinawa Prefecture in the Aug. 30 Lower House election elected candidates who are against the plan to move the Futenma facility to another part of Okinawa Prefecture, Mr. Okada said Japan cannot make a quick decision on the matter.

 

Mr. Hatoyama hinted that he will make a final decision by around June 2010 — after the Nago mayoral election in January that year. Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima wants the transfer issue resolved sooner. The government should start looking for a location that will satisfy both the Okinawan people and the U.S. Merely postponing the decision will not be in Japan's interest.

 

Mr. Okada also proposed that Japan and the U.S. discuss a "no-first-use" policy for nuclear weapons. Mr. Gates stressed the importance of the U.S. having a flexible nuclear deterrence policy, although U.S. President Barack Obama has urged the creation of a world without nuclear weapons. Japan needs to carefully handle the no-first-use issue as it could disrupt security cooperation with the U.S.

 

***************************************

THE JAPAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

INFLUENTIAL ASIAN GROUPINGS

BY MICHAEL RICHARDSON

 

SINGAPORE — Can Asia leverage its growing weight in the global economy into a more influential leadership role in the world? This will be tested soon.

 

Prospects are more promising than before. Many of the intra-Asian tensions that bedeviled community-building efforts in recent years are contained, if not resolved. But the road ahead is bound to be bumpy and there are still minefields to be defused. Most involve territorial disputes.

 

While China is a stage manager in the geopolitical drama that is about to unfold, Japan and South Korea have been cast as leading actors. Both have new leaders who are looking beyond Northeast Asia and their longtime alliances with the United States to the rest of Asia.

 

Together, the Northeast Asian trio accounts for about 70 percent of Asia's GDP and 16 percent of the world's total output. The economies of China, Japan and South Korea are increasingly bound together. So is their mutual prosperity. They know that any conflict could be profoundly destabilizing.

 

Southeast Asia learned this lesson and acted on it by forming ASEAN, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, in 1967. It is now 10 members strong, and China, Japan and South Korea are trying to catch up.

 

If they do so, there are two possibilities. Northeast Asia may overshadow ASEAN and diminish its role in regional diplomacy. Or it may complement ASEAN and contribute to the growing influence of Asia in world affairs.

 

China is Japan's top trading partner. It was the second-biggest market for Japanese exports in 2008, after the U.S. South Korea was Japan's third-biggest export market. Growing cross-investment is cementing trilateral trade links.

 

Economic interdependence is pushing the three Northeast Asian countries together in other ways. They first started meeting on the sidelines of ASEAN 10 years ago. Since last year, these meetings have been elevated to stand-alone summits. A substantial work program has been laid out, ranging from closer economic integration to technical cooperation on aviation security.

 

On Oct. 10 in Beijing, leaders of China, Japan and South Korea agreed to hold their next summit in Korea in 2010. They aim to conclude by then a trilateral investment promotion agreement as a prelude to a free trade deal. It will not be easy, given the different rules and barriers in each country. China and Japan backed a South Korean proposal for a "cyber" secretariat to enhance coordination and facilitate the work program. This would start by linking key officials in the three capitals. The next step would be a permanent secretariat, similar to the ASEAN secretariat in the Indonesian capital of Jakarta.

 

In addition to the next trilateral summit, South Korea will also chair in 2010 the summit of the Group of 20 of leading developed and emerging economies, which has become the pre-eminent forum for global economic coordination, eclipsing the G7 group of established industrial powers.

 

South Korea's role gives Asia an opportunity to do more to shape global economic debate and reform. Whether it does so will depend on coordination among the six G20 members on the Asian side of the Pacific — Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan and South Korea. Other regional states will also need to be closely consulted.

 

An early test of East Asian cohesion will come next month when finance ministers from 13 countries are due to finalize plans for a $120 billion fund, drawn from members' currency reserves (collectively by far the world's largest). The money can be tapped in a crisis. The so-called Chiang Mai Initiative is a project of ASEAN Plus Three, or APT — ASEAN plus China, Japan and South Korea. It is designed to improve the region's financial resilience and deter speculative attacks on national currencies.

 

However, the sum set aside in the fund is far less than might be needed, and contentious issues must still be settled. Among them are conditions to be attached to loans, distribution of voting power, triggers for release of emergency funding, and the location of an independent surveillance unit to analyze regional economies.

 

Meanwhile, Thailand will stage the delayed APT summit and the East Asia Summit (EAS) this Saturday and Sunday. These two bodies may serve as foundations for rival regional organizations being promoted by Australia, China and Japan. Each proposed group has significantly different membership and aims. EAS comprises the 13 East Asian countries in APT plus Australia, India and New Zealand to help balance China. The East Asia-focused APT is championed by Beijing.

 

Japan views EAS, with its broader membership, as the basis for an East Asia community. Australia wants an even more inclusive Asia-Pacific community to evolve, with both a security and economic mandate, and the U.S. engaged.

 

This is a debate about the geopolitical shape of the region in the 21st century and the relative weight within it of a rising China and the U.S., currently the leading global power but one burdened with major economic and foreign policy challenges. It is also a debate about the future balance of power within Asia, the roles that activist countries in the area (Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan and South Korea) should play, and the place of other regional states. The outcome of this contest of ideas and interests is not yet clear.

 

The U.S. is in the 21-member Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum whose leaders will hold their annual summit in Singapore on Nov. 14 and 15. Japan will chair APEC in 2010 and the U.S. will do so in 2011.

 

Optimists see the array of different political, economic and security bodies as variable geometry reflecting the interests of a diverse region. Pessimists say that with so many different and sometimes overlapping regional and subregional groups, each with its own acronym, Asia is adrift in sea of alphabet soup.

 

Forging unity and speaking with one voice may never be a feasible way to maximize Asia's influence on the international stage. Perhaps the best approach is a pragmatic one: devising a flexible architecture of cooperation that represents and promotes Asian interests while plugging into other centers of economic and strategic power.

 

Michael Richardson is a visiting senior research fellow at the Institute of South East Asian Studies in Singapore.

 

***************************************

THE JAPAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

A DAY TO ACT IN THE NAME OF PLANETARY JUSTICE

BY PETER SINGER

 

PRINCETON, N.J. — What we are doing to our planet, to our children and grandchildren, and to the poor, by our heedless production of greenhouse gases, is one of the great moral wrongs of our age. This Saturday is a day to stand up against this injustice.

 

Saturday is "350 Day." The name comes from the number of parts per million of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere that, according to Jim Hansen — perhaps the world's leading climate scientist — we should not exceed if we are to avoid potentially catastrophic climate change. CO₂ is already at 386 ppm, and is rising by two ppm a year.

 

We are approaching a point of no return, at which feedback loops will kick in and continue to warm the planet, no matter what we do. The melting of arctic ice is one example.

 

Four hundred years ago, explorers sought the legendary "Northeast Passage" across the north of Europe and Russia to China. They found the arctic ice impenetrable and gave up the quest. This year, commercial vessels successfully navigated the Northeast Passage.

 

That is one of many recent dramatic signs that our planet is warmer than it has been for a very long time. Ice-free arctic waters are more than a symptom of global warming. They are themselves a cause of further warming.

 

Ice and snow reflect the sun's rays. An ice-free surface absorbs more warmth from the sun than one covered in snow or ice. In other words, our greenhouse-gas emissions have, by causing enough warming to melt the arctic ice, created a feedback loop that will generate more warming, and melt more ice, even if we were to stop emitting all greenhouse gases tomorrow.

 

Other feedback loops pose a similar danger. In Siberia, vast quantities of methane, an extremely potent greenhouse gas, are locked up in what used to be called "permafrost" — regions in which it was assumed that the ground was permanently frozen. But areas that used to be frozen are now thawing, releasing methane and thus contributing to further warming — and to further thawing, which releases more methane.

 

Developing nations are grasping how outrageous the distribution of greenhouse- gas emissions is. At the U.N. Summit on Climate Change in September, President Paul Kagame of Rwanda pointed out that, while developed nations outside Africa are almost entirely responsible for the problem, its greatest impact will probably be on Africa, which has few resources to cope with the challenge.

 

Kagame suggested giving every country an annual per capita quota for CO₂ emissions, and allowing developing countries that are below the quota to trade their excess quota with countries that are above theirs. The money that developing countries would receive for this would not be aid, but rather a recognition that the rich nations must pay for something that in the past they simply appropriated: far more than their fair share of our atmosphere's capacity to absorb our waste gases.

 

Sri Lanka took a similar stance, using studies from the U.N. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change to calculate that in 2008, environmentally permissible carbon emissions totaled no more than 2,172 kilograms per person. In fact, the world's per capita emissions were 4,700 kg, or more than double the permissible limit. While emissions in the rich nations were far above the permissible limit, Sri Lankan emissions were, at 660 kg, well below it.

 

As Sri Lanka's government pointed out, "That means low-emitting countries like us could not emit more because our space has already been exploited by developed or globally heavy-polluting countries without our consent."

 

This situation is an injustice of vast proportions, reminiscent of — and arguably much worse than — the now-repudiated colonialism of the Western powers in the 19th century. The task of remedying it must begin at the meeting on climate change in Copenhagen in December.

 

Many political leaders have expressed support for strong action on climate change, but what most of them regard as "strong action" will not be enough to get us back below 350 ppm. In some countries, including the U.S., there are major political obstacles to taking even modest steps.

 

On Saturday, people in nearly every country will be taking action to raise awareness of the need for an international treaty to bring our atmosphere back to 350 ppm of CO₂. There will be climbers hanging banners high in the Himalayas, where the glaciers are melting, and scuba divers at Australia's Great Barrier Reef, which is threatened by climate change.

 

Churches will ring bells 350 times, 350 cyclists will circle towns, and in many places, 350 trees will be planted. At www.350.org you can find out what is happening near you and join in, or put your own idea online.

 

Don't just sit back and hope that others make the impact. Your grandchildren will ask what you did to meet the greatest moral challenge of your time.

 

Peter Singer is professor of bioethics at Princeton University and Laureate Professor at the University of Melbourne. He is the author of "One World" and, most recently, "The Life You Can Save." © 2009 Project Syndicate (www.project-syndicate.org)

 

***************************************

 

 

 

******************************************************************************************

THE JAKARTA POST

EDITORIAL

THREATS AND OPPORTUNITIES OF A REPRESENTATIVE CABINET

UMAR JUORO

 

President SBY has inaugurated the new Cabinet, including several old, and some new faces in the lineup. The Cabinet has a diverse representation in terms of professionalism, regional origin, gender and other social background considerations.

 

It shows the true characteristic of SBY as someone who is very much seeking harmony, compromise and inclusiveness over goals to achieve good results.

 

As was expected, Sri Mulyani Indrawati retains the most important position in the Cabinet as Finance Minister after speculation she might be shifted to the position of Bank Indonesia governor.

 

Mari Pangestu also retains her position as Trade Minister. The new face, even though she was quite well known among economists, is Economic Planning Minister Armida Alisjahbana.

 

These three strong women together with Vice President Boediono will guarantee the continuation of macroeconomic policy.

 

They have strong approval ratings from the market and the public in general.

 

The surprising outcome is the appointment of Hatta Radjasa, former state secretary, who was also chairman of the SBY-Boediono campaign team, as coordinating minister for the economy. Many critics see him as unsuitable for the job.

 

However, the President seems to trust him to coordinate the economic ministers that consist of technocrats and politicians with different level of expertise and capabilities.

 

With many politicians, or at least professionals, who were proposed by political parties, and many of them newcomers, it will not be easy to coordinate them with the technocrats of the caliber of Sri Mulyani and Mari Pangestu, not to mention Boediono.

 

It is the job of Hatta to get things done. This is certainly a tough job, considering Hatta himself does not have much expertise in economic policy making, but his closeness to the President and his ability to coordinate make him valuable for the position.

 

Important economic posts, such as energy, mining and agriculture, have been filled with new faces that do not have significant track records or a clear orientation of their policies.

 

Darwin Saleh for the important position of energy minister, was proposed by the ruling Democratic Party, while Suswono, a former commission chairman was put forward by the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

 

With such huge challenges in the energy and mining sectors, there is not much hope for the new faces to handle the job well, similarly in agriculture. Given this situation, Hatta as the President's trusted man has to prop them up; otherwise the economic team will not be able to produce optimal results.

State Minister for State Enterprises Mustofa Abubakar, currently chairman of the State Logistic Agency (Bulog), will not be able to contribute significantly to the reform of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), as he does not have an adequate background.

 

He is likely to face a lot of pressure from politicians to allocate the financial gains of SOEs to them.

 

Similarly we cannot expect much from the public works minister, incumbent Joko Kirmanto, Transportation Minister Freddy Numbery and Industry Minister M.S. Hidayat, to do much better than what was achieved in SBY's first term.

 

Again the coordinating minister has to overcome this problem, together with the Vice President; otherwise the expectation of the second period of SBY's administration will very soon be dissipated.

 

There is hope for better results from the Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Minister Fadel Muhammad and Public Housing Minister Suharso Monoarfa, from Golkar and the United Development Party (PPP) respectively, who have had a lot of exposure to the private sector and politics. However, their portfolios are too small to influence overall results.

 

Under these conditions, economic policy will still very much rely on  macroeconomic policy, while infrastructure development and sector-specific policy will very much depend on how Hatta, on behalf of the President, will be able to push ministers to deliver results.

 

Kuntoro Mangkusubroto, the former chairman of Aceh Reconstruction, has been appointed chairman of Presidential Unit for the Management of Reform Programs (UKP3R).

 

It is hard to anticipate his role in strengthening the delivery of economic and political policies, although his position is equal to that of a minister.

 

Experience shows that it is very hard for the line ministers to support a certain body even if it is directly under the President, because it undermines the power of the ministers themselves.

 

Representation is also very clear in non-economic ministerial posts. A quite odd position for Purnomo Yusgiantoro, former minister of energy and mineral resources, who has been made the defense minister, despite the fact that he was once the deputy governor of the National Resilience Institute (Lemhanas).

 

The appointment of West Sumatra Governor Gamawan Fauzi, in the powerful position of home affairs minister will be difficult as he does not have enough clout to handle this big ministry and its various interests. Other ministers are political party members from the ruling coalition.

 

What is also surprising is the appointment of Andi Mallarangeng, former presidential spokesman, as the minister for youth and sport.

 

He is inexperienced and no longer young; this posting shows that Andi is unlikely to be a future leader in the making.

 

It is clear that SBY himself has no clear vision on regeneration. We still cannot clearly see the future of leadership beyond 2014.

 

Under this situation we can still expect moderate economic growth, but to achieve higher growth, at levels 7 percent or higher, we need better qualified ministers who are capable of implementing infrastructure development in important sectors, such as agriculture, mining and industry. It is the government's responsibility to remove a huge stumbling block to achieve higher economic growth.

The writer is chairman of CIDES (Center for Information and Development Studies), and a senior fellow at the Habibie Center.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

***************************************

 

 

THE JAKARTA POST

EDITORIAL

LET THEM WORK FIRST

 

In all fairness, we should give the economic team in the new Cabinet, formed by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) and Vice President Boediono, the benefit of the doubt and hold our judgment until after the completion of its 100-day action program.

 

Despite the misgivings caused by the ominous absence of high-caliber economists close to Boediono and Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, and the appointment of Hatta Radjasa as the chief economic minister, we still consider the new economic team better than the one SBY setup at the outset of his first term in October 2004, which was beset with conflicts of interest.

 

The new economic team is virtually free of potential conflicts of interest. Most reassuring, is that the important economic portfolio is still held by Sri Mulyani, a highly respected and experienced economist, who should be credited with excellent fiscal management over the past four years.

 

Mari Elka Pangestu, another internationally-well known economist remains in her position as the minister of trade. The other economic ministers, though lesser known, are mostly professionals with a high degree of competence in their respective fields.

 

Many have expressed doubts about Hatta's qualifications as the coordinator or head of the economic team, apprehensive that his background as a petroleum engineer might not adequately enable him to comprehend how the various individual policies work together to steer the economy in a particular direction.

 

But we don't see Hatta completely as a liability. It is precisely because of Hatta's position as one of  SBY's most-trusted aides since 2004 that he is well-fitted to the role of coordinator, with the ability to mould economics ministers into a solid, working team. As a well-experienced politician and a leader of the National Mandate Party he will also be able to serve as a government lobbyist/negotiator with the parliament.         

 

The leadership provided by President Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono, the right ministerial coordination by Hatta, and the leadership and strong management of economic ministers will be a powerful combination of forces to cope with the challenges ahead.

 

But then we cannot see the economic team in isolation from the position of Vice President Boediono, who as the chief economic minister in the first SBY Cabinet and later the governor of Bank Indonesia, was mainly responsible for saving SBY's economic management from chaos in late 2005.

 

We reckon the Boediono character and stamp will have a strong influence on the process of policy making and the management of the economic team.

 

Economic management will be even more credible if Sri Mulyani's sparring partner, the new Bank Indonesia governor, which the President will appoint within the next few weeks, is also a professional highly competent in monetary management.

 

It is worth noting that the economic team will be supported by the President's Working Unit for the Supervision and Control of Development, which is headed by Kuntoro Mangkusubroto, a respected professional and bureaucrat  fully-trusted by Boediono.     

 

The President has yet to elaborate on the job description and scope of responsibility of this unit, but since its chief has been given a ministerial rank, we believe it will function as an important operational center to monitor the execution of policies in the various sectors and advise the President on how to fix any implementation problems.

 

We hope this unit will make bureaucratic action more important than bureaucratic procedures and rigidities, helping the President resolve problems by executive fiat on the spot, all with the clear objective of resolving economic woes one-by-one.  

 

***************************************

THE JAKARTA POST

EDITORIAL

YUDHOYONO AND SUKARNO'S LEADERSHIP

FACHRY ALI

 

There are several reasons why Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is compared with Indonesia's first president Sukarno: their similarities and differences. Unlike others, the leaderships of Yudhoyono and Sukarno are characterized by their popularity. In his era, the popularity of Sukarno was unrivaled - as stated by the late Prof. Alibasyah Amin - a 1940s Acehnese father who named his son Sukarno.

 

Today, this kind of popularity also applies to Yudhoyono. While in the second round of the 2004 presidential election he won with more than 60 percent of votes, in 2009, the election did not even go to a second round. Yudhoyono's popularity is therefore quite significant, he defeated Megawati Soekarnoputri, the daughter of Sukarno, in the 2004 and 2009 elections. Yudhoyono's popularity is also penetrative. In Aceh, he reaped more than 90 percent of support in the year's presidential election.

 

However, both of them also have differences. Sukarno's popularity was forged within seething national movements and the revolutions of the 1930s and 1940s. These events produced a transition situation where traditional elements were used to adjust to a nascent modern world. Consequently, Sukarno became a charismatic leader whose existence was not contested. Indeed Sukarno was never popularly elected.

 

Yudhoyono's leadership has occurred in a post-charismatic leadership age. Thirty years of material and capital development launched by Soeharto's regime radically uprooted the roots of traditional leadership. The reformasi regime that emerged in mid-1998, introduced a real democratic system. Today, leaders are contested publicly and Yudhoyono is Indonesia's first directly-elected president.

 

Using this comparison, where should a discussion on the future of Indonesia be placed?

 

Sukarno ruled in a distinctly different political and social context. The transitional nature of cultural politics brought about, not only ideology as the basic means to respond to new challenges, but the paradigm was also formed through an ideological lens. International and domestic relationships were thereby perceived more through the calculation of ideological gains rather than material ones. At that time it was a risk of losing sources of capital from Western countries. The fall of Sukarno was caused by an asymmetric situation: "the inflation of ideological passion" coupled with "the deflation of material capital".

 

The emergence of Yudhoyono in 2004 was faced with a similar symmetry, "the deflation" of both ideology and material capital. While the "the deflation of ideology" was less problematic, as it allowed for flexibility of Indonesia's international relations, "the deflation of material capital" was surely a big problem. Was it not this "deflation" that caused the fall of Sukarno in the mid-1960s and Soeharto's in the late 1990s?

 

During their rule, thanks to the absence of democracy, Sukarno and Soeharto could easily silence democracy using authoritarian methods.

 

Yudhoyono's authority, however, has been strictly limited by democracy. In Asia, only Japan and India have had the problems that have been faced by Indonesia under Yudhoyono, namely achieving economic growth within a democratic political system.

 

Considering this, two questions come to the fore: What is the destiny of Indonesia's future and what exactly is the character of Yudhoyono's leadership?

First, during the period of 2004-2009, under Yudhoyono, Indonesia achieved democratic political stability and a stable national economy. It was then included as a member of the G20, a world-class elite group of nations responsible for saving the global economy.

 

Second, the symmetric situation of creating surpluses in material capital, while maintaining a democratic political system produced a leadership typical of Yudhoyono: Exerting his technocratic approaches in the field of economy and advancing persuasive methods in political policies.

 

Sukarno managed to conserve his popularity by launching a continued revolution. Yudhoyono, on the other hand, lives in a different era and faces different challenges. He maintains his popularity by combining technocratic and persuasive leadership simultaneously. Such leadership perhaps could be used as model for the future generation.

 

The writer is the director of The Institute for the Study and Advancement of Business Ethics (Lspeu Indonesia).

 

***************************************

THE JAKARTA POST

EDITORIAL

A NATION IN TRANSITION: ARE WE PRONE TO VIOLENT CONFLICT? (PART 1 OF 2)

SATISH MISHRA

 

Peaceful elections, a recovering economy, membership of the G20 have made us all rather cheerful about the Indonesian future. Of course the happenings at the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) leaves a bad taste in some mouths but seen in the overall scheme of things there is much to be self congratulatory about.

 

Central to this renewed sense of self confidence is the way in which peace seems to have broken out in almost every part of the archipelago. Indonesia seems to be undergoing a period of remarkable calm with respect to the incidence and brutality of violent social conflict.

 

Aceh, Papua, Maluku, Central and South Sulawesi and, despite the occasional bombs, even Bali, all seem to have returned to normality. Not a small achievement for a country until five years ago enveloped in a depressing geography of violence, resentment and streams of displaced men, women and children destined to harbor bitterness for generations.

 

But history is never as simple as the bonanza of peace would suggest. We would be well to heed the warnings of a large volume of recent research which argue that regions and entire countries can fall into a "conflict trap" which makes them prone to repeated episodes of social violence. It shows that developing countries as a whole have a 9 percent chance descending into social conflict over a single decade. The probability increases to 40 percent in post-conflict situations.

 

Further, just in case you thought that violent conflict, along with malaria, yellow fever and sleeping sickness to be a particular African affliction, you had better think again.

 

In fact during the second half of the 20th Century, wars and social conflict in Asia lasted on average for 20 years, compared to 14.3 years in Sub-Saharan Africa and 8.8 years in Latin America and 6.5 years in North Africa and the Middle East.

 

If you hate looking at numbers try examining the likely causes.

 

Demography can be one key factor. Risks of rebellion increase substantially even in multi-ethnic societies if the largest ethnic group has absolute majority. The partition of India and the massacres that followed, the separatist war in Sri Lanka and Ethiopia illustrate the dangers that such dominant majority ethnic groups might pose for peaceful development.

 

Consider the economic literature on conflict which suggests that proneness to conflict is linked to industrial enclaves built around a natural commodity, such as oil or copper or gold. It also shows that horizontal inequalities across regions can significantly increase the risk of conflict.

 

Political transitions provide another fertile ground for violent conflict. Huntington's classic work on political instability in changing societies argues that the tendency towards conflict is greater in times of transition between one political system and another. Pure autocracies and consolidated democracies are less prone to conflict than those which are in the process of change itself.

 

The above findings of international research indicate that Indonesia contains a high risk of future conflict. It has a history of conflict centered on the exploitation of oil, gas, gold, and timber, a list which could expand to include other forms of energy such as coal and agribusiness such as plantations.

 

Its geography is composed of one island, Java with an absolute population majority relative to the rest of the country. The Javanese have been the dominant culture and provided much of the central government structures since independence. Javanese cultural influences on the rest of Indonesia predate colonial times.

 

It is in the middle of a long democratic transition with a rapid proliferation of political parties and considerable public skepticism about the sustainability of the new political system.

 

Its legal and security institutions have yet to develop into stable democratic, politically neutral institutions with strong parliamentary overview and control.

 

Its rapid decentralization may have set the stage for growing horizontal inequalities and divergence on the one hand and not a slight disillusionment with the benefits of the current form of decentralization on the other.

 

What is remarkable about the Indonesian story is that many of the nightmare scenarios familiar in other parts of the world failed to materialize here. Indonesia did not become a post-communist Yugoslavia or a post-USSR Georgia or Chechnya.

 

What made this relatively peaceful political, and a less dramatic economic transformation of Indonesia since 1998, even more remarkable was that it came on the heels of a modernization which broke all historical records and which should have by all accounts broken down traditional social institutions and customs surrounding family, religion and ethnic clans.

 

So here is the puzzle. The question suggested by the international literature on conflict is not whether Indonesia is vulnerable to violent conflict but why it did not experience more conflict than it actually did? Answers to such questions may allow us to understand how to diffuse such conflict in years to come.

 

The writer is managing director of Strategic Asia Indonesia, an international consulting firm that provides high-end strategic policy and business advisory services.

 

***************************************

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

******************************************************************************************

CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

ON A STRONG REBOUND

 

China's V-shaped recovery, as expected, gained further momentum in the third quarter to justify a recent change in policy tone by the central government. The job ahead is to seize the looming window of opportunity over the next few quarters to focus on the quality of economic growth.

 

Latest statistics show that China's economic growth accelerated further in the last quarter to 8.9 percent compared with year-on-year growth of 7.9 percent in the second quarter and 6.1 percent in the first quarter. As a result, the Chinese economy expanded 7.7 percent year-on-year in the first nine months of 2009 - much faster than any other major economy.

 

Such a strong recovery should bring to a decisive end the skepticism abroad about the country's capability to keep its economy growing fast enough for creating enough jobs and maintaining social stability. The full-year growth target of 8 percent, over which doubts were cast by most outside observers at the beginning of the year, is undoubtedly within reach now.

 

As a matter of fact, China, the world's third largest economy, is rapidly rendering itself into an increasingly important global locomotive at the moment when the world economy has been suffering from the worst recession in many decades.

 

Chinese policymakers should take credit for not only effectively arresting the sharp economic downturn at home. By doing so, they have also given a huge boost to international confidence in fighting the global financial and economic crises.

 

However, a clear change in policy tone at the State Council meeting on Wednesday shows that Chinese policymakers have looked beyond the part of the job that they have done.

 

The State Council made it clear that in the remaining months of this year, the policy focus would be to "balance the relationship between boosting growth, rebalancing the economy and managing inflation expectations". This ostensibly represents a departure from previous policies that have taken growth speed as the top priority.

 

As the country's recovery continues apace, concerns over growth are swiftly shifting to worries about policy tightening. Meanwhile, some also suggested that policymakers have to figure out how to wean the economy off State support.

 

Chinese policymakers should certainly pay attention to these possible problems. But if the government can pump more public spending into improving health care, education and social welfare, the country has a great chance to reduce dependence on investment-led growth while boosting domestic consumption into a major growth engine.

 

A balanced recovery is no easy job for both China and the world economy. Yet, Chinese policymakers are clearly trying to grab the opportunity for change that the current rebound offers.

 

***************************************

CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

IS THE BAN LOGICAL?

 

City authorities in Xi'an - capital of Shaanxi province known for its Terracotta Warriors - reportedly issued a ban, prohibiting people from collecting items from litterbins and garbage piles.

 

Not that there is anything important, or valuable that the local officials do not want others to share. They just do not want to see a mess after people pick and choose what they want.

 

Here is the argument: There are upwards of 500 garbage collection facilities in Xi'an, most of which are located in densely populated communities. In spite of repeated bans, people continue to collect recyclable items from these places, resulting in second-time pollution.

 

We are not into a game of words. But here is an evidently logical loophole calling for attention - the second-time pollution they wanted to address is an outcome of people collecting items from trashcans or garbage collection points, but not a necessary one. We mean, not all such behavior results in a mess being left behind after people take away what is valuable to them.

 

From the logical perspective, when and only when all acts of collecting things from litterbins result in second-time pollution can there be a solid ground for imposing such a blanket ban. Even from the more practical perspective of legitimacy, there is no legal basis for a rule like this one.

 

We do cherish the hope that the authorities will be more attentive to logic in decision-making. We believe that may add to their persuasiveness and hence credibility.

 

Yet we find fault with the indiscriminative ban not only from the viewpoint of logic. Allowing people to collect reusable, or recyclable items serves two practical ends. On the one hand, it benefits the environment. On the other hand, it may make some people's life easier.

 

Many of us have seen people picking up used plastic water bottles, coke cans or paper from litterbins. By doing that, they reduce the government's burden of waste treatment, and earn a tiny income for themselves. Instead of any harm, we see a win-win outcome. So far as we know, refuse classification remains a substantial challenge even in the city of Beijing, let alone Xi'an. Those people are actually doing what the authorities aspire to do but are unable to. In terms of environmental protection, it is far better to have those items recycled than to have them incinerated, or buried in landfills. Not to say that most people are doing it for practical, mostly financial, reasons. That is something we particularly want the authorities in Xi'an to take note of.

 

We speculate the authorities there may simply want to make sure that the streets of their city stay clean and tidy. That is perfectly beyond reproach. We just want to say it does not take such an expansive ban to achieve that. If second-time pollution is the sole concern, banning acts that cause second-time pollution is a better choice than the one they made.

 

***************************************

CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

POLICY FOR FLOATING POPULATION

 

With the transformation of the Chinese government's main role from a "development-preoccupied" one to one focusing on improving people's livelihood, the country's floating population has undergone a change of status. From being restricted and regulated, the floating population is now being encouraged to better integrate into the local community.

 

The country has witnessed waves of concentrated population movement since the founding of New China in 1949. To bring these movements in line with the requirement of economic and social development, different policies and management methods have been adopted by the government in different historical periods. After decades of exploration and accumulation of experiences, the authorities now take it as a top priority to effectively promote integration of floating population with local dwellers when tailoring concrete policies and regulations on the management of the ever-growing group.

 

Currently, an overwhelming majority of the country's provinces and regions have adopted a security and social stability management model on the issue of floating population. Represented by Beijing and other economically booming provinces and metropolises, the model is mainly to maintain security and social order through promulgating a variety of rules and regulations targeted at immigrant populations. With local committees of political and legislative affairs being the main competent departments, such a management model has indeed improved services to inflowing non-native people. However, precautions against non-locals have also more or less exerted restrictions on their inflow. In today's society in which more and more economic interchanges between different regions have called for unblocked movement of populations among them, these limitations have not only become incompatible with the development of the times but are also contrary to the building of a harmonious society and people-first idea long advocated by the government.

 

The experience of past decades shows that migrant population has played an increasingly important role in promoting local economic and social development.

 

To break the bottleneck created by the slowly-progressing local industrial structural readjustment and the lack of much-needed talent and skilled workers, some regions have taken an experimental step towards developing a "Greater Population" concept in the effort to bring non-native population under their unified population management. Represented by Wuxi, a booming city in eastern Jiangsu province, the "Greater Population" formula aims to strengthen coordination among relevant responsible departments when considering provision of services to floating population. Such a model has changed the city's previous precaution-dominant mentality in dealing with the floating population issue and helped realize the transformation of its security management-oriented model to a comprehensive city layout and service management.

 

Obviously, the "Wuxi model" is a test of building a services-oriented government and marks the city's substantial step towards promoting a free transfer of populations to facilitate development of the local economy. However, the "Greater Population" model lacks a much-needed authoritative high-level department to coordinate and communicate policies on the management of floating population, thus discounting the local government's working efficiency on this issue.

 

Different from the Beijing and Wuxi models, Jiaxing, in Zhejiang province, has set up a special department to strengthen management of the floating population. With a special permanent body, which is mainly in charge of collection of information on the city's floating population, to deal with daily affairs related with the group, Jiaxing has laid down special policies and regulation on newcomers and pushed for reforms of its long-established residence system which usually denies floating populations the same treatment that their local counterparts enjoy. Under the new policies and management ideas, the local authorities extend to floating populations different residence certificates and different welfare treatments according to their concrete conditions.

 

Similar to the role of the Citizenship and Immigration Services in the United States, the special and standing department in Jiaxing aims to some extent to meet the demand of the accelerated population movement in contemporary society. However, the newly-established agency is only a coordination body and greater efforts are still needed.

 

In addition to some useful exploration of the reforms on floating population's services and management by local governments in member states, the European Union also offers us experiences in this aspect. The EU has an explicit policy target - to promote immigrants' integration in a local society - to ensure immigrants in any EU member state enjoy full rights in movement and residence, employment, family reunion and children's education as well as in politics and social security. The bloc also has an effective social integration and coordinative system in place to monitor member states' work in this regard and help coordinate their management over immigrants.

 

Since its floating population continues to expand along with the country's economic and social development, China should gradually promote their integration with local communities and try to improve their livelihood as a top priority. This is in accordance with the country's "people first" management ideology as well as an objective requirement to improve the country's policy on floating population integration under new conditions.

 

China should actively implement the residence certificate system and try to gradually meet their multi-stratum demands, ranging from their basic livelihood demand at the initial stage to higher-level welfare demands.

 

Also, policies and legislation aimed at strengthening the integration of floating populations with local residents should be drafted and a special supervisory body be established to monitor the process.

 

The author is with the Beijing School of Administration.

 

***************************************

CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

BABY BOOMERS CAN MAKE JAPAN BOOM AGAIN

 

Baby boomers have finally attained power in Japan through a historic change. The thought filled me with deep emotion, perhaps because I, too, belong to that generation.

 

Prime Minister, Yukio Hatoyama was born in February 1947. Deputy Prime Minister Naoto Kan, 63, who along with Hatoyama formed the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), is just a year older.

 

Born in October 1946, Kan was a student movement leader at the Tokyo Institute of Technology before becoming a citizens' movement activist and eventually entering politics. Thirty years ago, Kan had declared that he would oust the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) one day. The path he followed to do that is typical of a baby boomer.

 

Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano, 60, Justice Minister Keiko Chiba, 61, and Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Hirotaka Akamatsu, 61, also belong to that generation.

 

Former US presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush both were born in 1946. The two were in the White House for a combined 16 years. Now, the US leadership is in the hands of Barack Obama, who at 48 can be said to represent the "late baby-boomer generation".

 

In Britain, Tony Blair, who became prime minister in his 40s, is now 56, and his successor, Gordon Brown, 58. French President Nicolas Sarkozy and German Chancellor Angela Merkel are even younger at 54 and 55. Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, who led the country as president for two terms, is 57.

 

By comparison, Japan's leadership appears to be running one lap behind the rest of the world. New LDP president Sadakazu Tanigaki is 64. So compared with the DPJ under the leadership of Hatoyama and Kan, the LDP lacks leaders from the baby-boomer generation. Is it because LDP members underwent a traumatic experience as students when the leftist Zenkyoto activists dominated their movement in the late 1960s?

 

Different as the DPJ leadership is, it was expected to change the course of Japanese politics and policies. It has done exactly that by coming up with a drastic environmental policy aimed at mitigating global warming. But there are other important issues that the DPJ government has to resolve.

 

I attended a dinner held in honor of visiting French economist and scholar Jacques Attali on the night of Sept 16, the day the Hatoyama Cabinet was formed. Attali, who served as a special adviser to former French president Francois Mitterrand, is now adviser to President Sarkozy.

 

The economist has been pessimistic about Japan's future in his book, A Brief History of the Future. When I asked him about it, he said: "Japan's weaknesses are the declining population and longevity. The new administration must take effective measures to deal with those problems." That is precisely the problem the baby-boomer administration has to deal with.

 

According to Masahiro Yamada, who specializes in family sociology, baby boomers were the last generation when it was the norm for families to have up to four children. They had an average of 2.2 children but their offspring have just an average 1.2 to 1.3. "Parasite singles", who stay single and are supported by their parents, are also on the rise. This is why baby boomers are called "a generation that failed in child-rearing".

 

As baby boomers grow older, the costs of medicine, nursing and pensions keep swelling. The problem has been there for years, but earlier governments did not take any fundamental measure to tackle it. Now that the baby boomers have come to power, the government should address the problem.

 

First, the trend of fewer children must be reversed. Since baby boomers are too old to enlarge their families, they have to come up with measures to encourage young people to start families and have more children. The DPJ's policy of granting a child allowance is one such measure.

 

Greater efforts have to be made to expand and improve services such as day-care centers, nurseries and after-school care programs. And this is where the baby boomers can play a useful role. They can work as volunteers for a token payment, which in turn will help them maintain better health.

 

Society has an obligation to respect and take good care of the elderly. In return, baby boomers need to ensure that they do not become a financial burden on society.

 

A few years ago, Kan started a "baby-boomer party" movement to encourage people of his generation to keep contributing to society even after retirement. As loyal company employees, the baby boomers helped Japan transform into a major economic power. But society had changed before they even realized it, and they could not achieve what they really wanted.

 

The baby-boomer party movement has come up with several policy proposals. And now that Kan is deputy prime minister as well as the state minister in charge of national strategy, he should go a step further and make the "baby-boomer party" a national project to devise a strategy to reverse the declining birthrate and solve the problems of an aging society.

 

The author is an Asahi Shimbun columnist The Asahi Shimbun

 

***************************************

******************************************************************************************

THE MOSCOW TIMES

EDITORIAL

THE WORD'S WORTH: A COMMON THREAD

BY MICHELE A. BERDY

 

Шито белыми нитками: obviously false, poorly disguised, trumped up

 

The other day I realized that I'd crossed the line from being a person with old fogey-ish tendencies to being a charter member of the Old Fogey Club. I've started saying things like, "Young people these days!" and lamenting that our общее культурное наследство (common cultural heritage) is being lost. I mean, who knows the ancient Greek myths or the Bible anymore?

 

My rant was occasioned by the phrase нить Ариадны (Ariadne's thread), which several otherwise well-educated young people could vaguely define but not identify beyond a dim recollection of some Greek myth. Argh. Remember Ariadne giving Theseus a ball of string when he went into the Minotaur's labyrinth? In Russian, the phrase means a key to understanding something complex — something that offers a way out of a dilemma. I've come across the phrase in newspaper headlines that promise to deliver readers from the darkness of their ignorance, such as: "Нить Ариадны из лабиринта статистики" ("Following Ariadne's Thread out of the Statistical Labyrinth").

 

Actually, нить (thread) is definitely a neat word. (Sorry, I just can't resist those bilingual puns.) For example, when you go on a rant and get so caught up in your righteous indignation that you forget what you and your friend were discussing, you can say: Простите! Потерял нить разговора (Sorry! I lost the thread of our conversation.) Or when you finally haul the last of your ex-boyfriend's junk out to the trash container, you can sigh melodramatically: Порвала последнюю нить (I cut the last tie).

 

If someone robs you of everything, you might say: Ободрали меня до нитки! (They robbed me blind; literally, "they stripped me down to the [last] thread"). До нитки (to the [last] thread) can also be used when you get drenched by rain: Я промок до нитки (I was soaked to the skin).

 

I'm also fond of the expression с миру по нитке — голому рубаха (literally, if you take a thread from everyone in the village, a poor man will get a shirt). In English, we'd probably say, "Every little bit adds up."

 

Another useful phrase is на живую нитку, said of something executed quickly and poorly. Here живой (living, live) has the sense of something unstable or temporary, and the image is of a garment tacked together in haste. У нас какая-то стабильность выстроилась, но она хилая и неустойчивая, сшитая на живую нитку (We have some kind of stability, but it's weak and unstable, just basted together).

 

With Russian thread expressions, color matters. Шито белыми нитками (literally, sewn with white thread) refers to the white thread used for basting. The expression is a calque from the French and refers to something that is supposedly hidden, but obvious nonetheless. It is frequently used to describe trumped up legal charges. Обвинение бездоказательное и шито белыми нитками (The accusation is without evidence and obviously false).

 

But the expression проходить красной нитью (to go through something like a red thread) refers to a common thread running through something. В книге красной нитью проходит тема будущего России (Russia's future is the leitmotif of the book). Some etymologists think this expression came to Russian via a translation of Goethe. Others cite the red thread woven in British navy ropes to keep them from being stolen. Sill others cite Biblical passages.

 

I don't know who is right, but I know it's not a reference to an album by Cher.

 

Michele A. Berdy is a Moscow-based translator and interpreter.

 

***************************************

 

THE MOSCOW TIMES

EDITORIAL

GAGGING REN-TV

BY VLADIMIR RYZHKOV

 

There are two types of media in Russia: influential and independent. The influential media — read: state-controlled — cannot be independent. Conversely, independent media, whose numbers are getting smaller and smaller, cannot be influential. The moment the authorities suspect that an independent publication or broadcaster that is critical of the government is influencing public opinion in a significant way, the chances that the media outlet will be forced to change its orientation and political views become very high.

 

Ren-TV is Russia's last remaining national television channel that airs the critical views of members of the political opposition, who present facts and give opinions that are terribly "inconvenient" for the authorities. Not surprisingly, the station's ratings have continued to grow over the past few years. Television viewers in search of objective and unbiased coverage regularly rate Ren-TV news and analytical programs as being some of the best in the country. Consistent with this, over the past several years the station's news anchor, Mikhail Osokin, and the host of the weekly analytical show "Nedelya," Marianna Maximovskaya, have regularly received the TEFI award, the most prestigious prize in the country's television industry for journalistic quality and integrity. And it is precisely because these highly professional and talented journalists continue to investigate the abuses, weaknesses and ineffectiveness of government institutions and bureaucrats under Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev that Ren-TV may be forced to change its editorial position.

 

National Media Group, which is owned by Putin's friend and fellow St. Petersburg native Yury Kovalchuk, controls both Ren-TV and Petersburg Channel 5. Last week, National Media Group announced a restructuring of its top management. Ren-TV announced that its new general director will be Mikhail Kontserev and that it will soon move to new premises — the same building on Moscow's Zubovsky Bulvar that is occupied by state-owned RIA-Novosti and the Kremlin-friendly RT cable news channel.

 

Most important, however, is the prospect that Ren-TV's editorial policy will undergo a fundamental change. To be sure, there have been contradictory statements on this account: First, it was reported in Kommersant on Oct. 16 and in other media outlets that RT would will take over the news programming for Ren-TV. Two days later, that report was refuted by Ren-TV spokesman Anton Nazarov, who announced that Ren-TV would continue producing its own news and that RT would be offering only "technical assistance."

 

Matters are far worse for Petersburg Channel 5. Staff members sent an open letter to Medvedev and Putin promising to stage a protest if the proposal to lay off 1,300 employees is carried out. Petersburg Channel 5 commands only 2 percent of the national television audience, but it broadcasts critical news and analysis, as well as a live political talk shows with independent analysts and opposition members as guest speakers.

 

Ren-TV was the only station to provide full coverage of the Dissenters' Marches held in Moscow and St. Petersburg, airing incriminating footage of riot police beating peaceful demonstrators and interviewing political opposition members on the scene. The station also ran a critical story on the Sayano-Shushenskaya hydroelectric plant tragedy that explained the real causes behind the accident and who was really responsible for it. And when the Communist Party, the Liberal Democratic Party and A Just Russia staged a protest on Oct. 14 in the State Duma, Ren-TV was the only television channel to report it as a serious political crisis that was directly related to the blatant, widespread falsification of regional election results on Oct. 11. This was in stark contrast to the distorted language that state-controlled television used to describe the walkout — as a "political demarche and intrigue" and a "provocation caused by outside forces."

 

National Media Group management is quick to explain that the underlying reasons for managerial — and possibly editorial — changes at Ren-TV and Petersburg Channel 5 are dictated by economic circumstances and not political ones, claiming that advertising revenues have fallen off sharply during the crisis. Everyone remembers how state-controlled Gazprom-Media in 2001 forced NTV, once Russia's most-popular television station, to push out the channel's top management and completely overhaul its news and editorial coverage, citing the same "economic" reasons. As a result of Gazprom-Media's takeover of NTV, Russia's most critical and most popular television programs — such as Yevgeny Kiselyov's "Itogi" and  Savik Shuster's "Svoboda Slova" political talk shows, as well as Viktor Shenderovich's "Kukly" puppet show that lampooned Russia's top leaders — were kicked off the air despite their high ratings. Will the current reorganization at Ren-TV and Petersburg Channel 5 cause the two channels' most critical informational programs to be cancelled as well under the same pretext of a "cost-cutting measure"?

 

Unfortunately, everything that has happened on the television media front since Putin became president in 2000 suggests that the last vestige of independent television will be muzzled as well.

 

Vladimir Ryzhkov, a State Duma deputy from 1993 to 2007, hosts a political talk show on Ekho Moskvy radio.

 

***************************************

 

 

 

EDITORIAL from The Pioneer, The Times of India, Hindustan Times, The Indian Express, The Financial Express, The Hindu, The Statesman's, The Tribune, Deccan Chronicle, Deccan Herald, Economic Times, The Telegraph, The Assam Tribune, Pakistan Observer, The Asian Age, The News, The Jerusalem Post, Haaretz, The New York Times, China Daily, Japan Times, The Gazette, The Sydney Morning Herald, The Australian, The Guardian, Jakarta Post, The Moscow Times, The Bottom Line and more only on EDITORIAL.

 

 

 

Project By

SAMARTH

a trust – of the people by the people for the people

An Organisation for Rastriya Abhyudaya

(Registered under Registration Act 1908 in Gorakhpur, Regis No – 142- 07/12/2007)

Central Office: Basement, H-136, Shiv Durga Vihar, Lakkarpur, Faridabad – 121009

Cell: - 0091-93131-03060

Email – samarth@samarth.co.in, central.office@samarth.co.in

Registered Office: Rajendra Nagar (East), Near Bhagwati Chowk, Lachchipur

Gorakhnath Road, Gorakhpur – 273 015

 

 SHAPE