EDITORIAL 11.09.09

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Editorial

month september 11,  edition 000295, collected & managed by durgesh kumar mishra, published by – manish manjul

 

Editorial is syndication of all daily- published newspaper Editorial at one place.

http://editorialsamarth.blogspot.com

 

THE PIONEER

1. COMMUNIST CONUNDRUM
2. COMPROMISING WITH JIHADIS
3. A VIPS FIRST SOCIETY-SUNANDA K DATTA-RAY
4. NOTHING RIGHT FOR THE LEFT-KALYANI SHANKAR
5. IN A STATE OF INERTIA-SHIKHA MUKERJEE
6. THE VEILED THREAT CONTINUES-DANIEL PIPES
7. DE-LEVERAGE THE FINANCIAL SECTOR-VINAYSHIL GAUTAM

 

TIMES OF INDIA

1. ROUGH WEATHER
2. A QUICK LITTLE PICTURE
3. INDIA'S DEMOCRATIC PRINCES-CHETAN BHAGAT
4. 'NEED JUDICIAL COMMISSION TO PROBE J&K DISAPPEARANCES'
5. SWEEP OF HISTORY -JUG SURAIYA 
6. MEASURE OF SPLENDOUR-S K PANDE

 

HINDUSTAN TIMES

1. HARM AWAY FROM HOME
2. NO TEQUILA SUNRISE
3. FEEDING THE FIX-GRETCHEN PETERS
4. RESERVED FOR FAILURE-S B MISRA
5. DANGEROUS LIAISONS-THOMAS MATHEW

 

INDIAN EXPRESS

1. COCKPIT VS CABIN
2. BATLA AND ISHRAT
3. HECKLING OBAMA
4. LANKA’S BARBED WIRE-LAKHDAR BRAHIMI
5. PARTY POOPER-VINAY SITAPATI
6. MORE THAN MEA CULPA-MUZAMIL JALEEL
7. YSR’S CHARISMA-SEEMA CHISHTI

 

FINANCIAL EXPRESS

1. THOSE BUNDLED ASSETS
2. NOT SUCH A BAD DROUGHT
3. WOULD WE CUT MS DHONI’S EARNINGS?-K VAIDYA NATHAN
4. GEOECONOMICS AND A LIBYAN BOMBER-SREERAM CHAULIA
5. KEEPING VIRTUAL NETWORK OPERATORS ON HOLD-ANANDITA SINGH MANKOTIA

 

THE HINDU

1. TURBULENT TIMES FOR JET AIRWAYS
2. CHANGE IN MINDSET REQUIRED
3. U.S. EXIT FROM AFGHANISTAN TO BRING GAINS -BRAHMA CHELLANEY
4. RENEWABLE ENERGY, A MAJOR SOLUTION FOR FIGHTING CLIMATE CHANGE -HELENE PELOSSE
5. A CASE OF MISTAKEN PATERNITY? -MAHIR ALI
6. CLIMATE: STUDY WARNS OF EARLIER SPRING -SEVERIN CARRELL
7. WHERE FOREIGN STUDENT ABUSE PROVES EXPENSIVE -NICK BRYANT
8. MIGRANTS AT SEA: A CLARIFICATION

 

THE ASIAN AGE

1. MISBEHAVIOUR JUST CAN’T BE CONDONED
2. A PLATE FULL OF TOXINS-VANDANA SHIVA
3. HARDWIRED LIVES-SHEKHAR BHATIA
4. SET PEOPLE FREE-ROBIN SHARMA
5. CHINA PAINTS NEPAL A SCARY SHADE OF RED-BALBIR K. PUNJ

 

THE TRIBUNE

1. SECURITY, OR STATUS?
2. BUMPY RIDE
3. WHO IS TO RULE KABUL?
4. BJP UNDER THE RSS-BY AMULYA GANGULI
5. KAAMI MEETS HER KARMA-BY RAJI P. SHRIVASTAVA
6. ELECTION IN AFGHANISTAN-BY ANDREW GRICE
7. A SOLUTION TO PUNJAB POWER CRISIS-BY VIRINDER SINGH
8. CONFESSIONS OF A BAD PARENT-BY SIMON CARR

 

THE ASSAM TRIBUNE

1. CENTRAL FORCES
2. DOHA MEET CONSENSUS
3. PAKISTAN’S HARPOON MISSILE AND US CONCERN-SHIBDAS BHATTACHARJEE
4. LORD KRISHNA’S TEACHINGS AND SANKARDEVA-BINA GUPTA

 

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

1. ACTION, NOT COMMITTEES
2. SAIL SHOULD RAISE EQUITY
3. SMALL FOIBLES
4. REMEMBERING LEHMAN’S COLLAPSE
5. CHANGING EVOLUTION BY COMPASSION-MUKUL SHARMA
6. WTO TALKS: WAITING FOR GODOT-MANOJ PANT

DECCAN CHRONICAL

1. MISBEHAVIOUR JUST CAN’T BE CONDONED
2. CHINA PAINTS NEPAL A SCARY SHADE OF RED -BY BALBIR K. PUNJ
3. SO MUCH ACRIMONY FOR OBAMA’S CIVILITY - BY GAIL COLLINS
4. A PLATE FULL OF TOXINS -BY VANDANA SHIVA
5. DEFINED BY BIRTH ORDER - BY PERRI KLASS
6. TWITTERING IS NO JOURNALISM - BY ROGER COHEN

 

THE STATESMAN

1. FROSTY SCENARIO ~ UNCERTAINTY DEEPENS IN AFGHANISTAN
2. NOT AGAIN! ~ MAKING A MOCKERY OF MEDALS
3. UNAVOIDABLE GUSH ~ PROTECTIVE MEASURES AS IMPORTANT AS RELIEF
4. THE RIOT ACT ~ BJP STILL CANNOT AVOID COMMUNAL PROVOCATION-AMULYA GANGULI

 

THE TELEGRAPH

1. WRONG NUMBER
2. NANO’S FAILURE HIT THE STATE GOVERNMENT HARDER THAN THE TATAS -ASHOK MITRA
3. LESSONS NOT LEARNT -MALVIKA SINGH

 

DECCAN HERALD

1. THE LONGEVITY OF TOTALITARIANS-BY CHRISTOPHER WALKER
2. MEETING JOHN ABRAHAM-BY BHARATHI PRABHU

 

THE NEWYORK TIMES

1. A CLEAR RESPONSIBILITY
2. IMMIGRANTS, HEALTH CARE AND LIES
3. THE COURT AND CAMPAIGN FINANCE
4. EIGHT YEARS LATER
5. THE DIME STANDARD -BY DAVID BROOKS
6. AFTER THE STORMS, AN ISLAND OF CALM — AND RESILIENCE -BY ERIC SANDERSON
7. TO SAVE AFGHANISTAN, LOOK TO ITS PAST -BY ANSAR RAHEL AND JON KRAKAUER

 

I.THE NEWSE

1. SWAT AFTER THE WAR
2. EDUCATING PAKISTAN
3. UNDIPLOMATIC CHAOS
4. WHO'S MORE POWERFUL, TALIBAN OR THE SUGAR BARONS?-AYAZ AMIR
5. MAKING EDUCATION A PRIORITY-DR MASOODA BANO
6. LEARNING FROM EIGHT ANNIVERSARIES-MOSHARRAF ZAIDI
7. LEARNING FROM EIGHT ANNIVERSARIES-MOSHARRAF ZAIDI
8. MONITORING PRICES THROUGH FORCE-SHAFQAT MAHMOOD
9. SIDE-EFFECT-HARRIS KHALIQUE

 

 

 

PAKISTAN OBSEVER

1. AN X-RAY OF ZARDARI’S ONE-YEAR
2. DISAPPOINTING NEW EDUCATION POLICY
3. EXTRA SECURITY NEEDED FOR NATO EMBASSIES
4. DEMOCRACY, “FAMILY STYLE”-M D NALAPAT
5. INDIA PLANNING MORE NUKE TESTS-SULTAN M HALI
6. THE LAST TEN DAYS OF RAMADHAN-ATIF NOOR KHAN
7. INDIA’S SILENT SUFFERERS-MAMOONA ALI KAZMI
8. THE SPIDERS WEB..!-ROBERT CLEMENTS

 

THE INDEPENDENT

1. EXTORTION
2. MICROCREDIT REASSESSED
3. A TALE OF TWO CHILDREN...!

 

THE AUSTRALIAN

1. LET'S LEARN OUR FEDERAL LESSON
2. MARKET POWER
3. UNION POWER

 

THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

1. STEP BY STEP TO JUSTICE AT BALIBO
2. THE HEALTH BALANCING ACT
3. FAST-TRACK PLANNING TAKES AN UNDEMOCRATIC TURN
4. IGNORING THE BALIBO ATROCITY IS NOT IN THE NATIONAL INTEREST

 

THE GURDIAN

1. IN PRAISE OF… HOPE POWELL
2. CHILD POVERTY: STILL WITH US
3. TERRORISM: AL-QAIDA UNDER PRESSURE

 

THE JAPAN TIMES

1. TIGHT RACE FOR OLYMPIC RIGHTS
2. IMPETUS FOR A LOW-CARBON WORLD
3. SHIFTING BALANCES OF POWER - BY HUGH CORTAZZI
4. WORDS OF WISDOM FROM HATOYAMA - BY TOM PLATE

 

THE JAKARTA POST

1. TIGHT RACE FOR OLYMPIC RIGHTS
2. IMPETUS FOR A LOW-CARBON WORLD
3. SHIFTING BALANCES OF POWER-BY HUGH CORTAZZI
4. WORDS OF WISDOM FROM HATOYAMA-BY TOM PLATE

 

THE KOREA HERALD

1. AFGHAN QUAGMIRE
2. A POLICY FAILURE
3. THE QUALITY OF MERCY THAT CANNOT BE CONSTRAINED
4. PETER SINGER

 

 

CHINA DAILY

1. NO TIME FOR COMPLACENCE
2. POLICY'S SIDE EFFECT
3. JOINT ACTION VITAL TO BATTLE CRISIS
4. ATTACK THAT SOWED SEEDS OF NEW WORLD ORDER

 

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THE PIONEER

EDIT DESK

COMMUNIST CONUNDRUM

LEFT OUT IN THE COLD

The headlong decline of the Marxists that is of the Left in Indian politics is uncanny. Theirs had never been a numerically large group in terms of representation in Parliament and geographical spread across States. But their durable presence enabled them to function as the voice of conscience on behalf of the working class who believed in a democratic secular ideology. Unfortunately, the squabbling Left and the infighting Communist Party of India (Marxists) seem to have unwittingly vacated the political niche that they had occupied for so long. Before 2004, the Marxists had authority even though their power was limited to running Governments in West Bengal and Tripura uninterrupted, and alternately with the Congress in Kerala. After 2009, the Marxists have neither authority and their power is being seriously challenged in both West Bengal and Kerala. To suggest that the Opposition in these two States and at the national level has acquired such formidable force in five years that it has swept the Marxists off their feet is to imply that the ground on which the latter’s State Governments stood has crumbled away without warning. It would also imply that the fault lies entirely with the CPI(M) leadership in those States. This, however, is not true. The Marxists in particular and the Left generally operate on the principle of collective responsibility. Therefore, a single unit acting alone cannot send the Marxists crashing out of Indian politics. The vertiginous fall of the CPI(M) from grace has less to do with competition and more to do with its leadership. The pointless politics pursued by a body of men who though white haired have never quite outgrown their enthusiasm for complicated and doomed experiments, such as the quest for the Third Alternative in Indian politics and the singular instance of trying to defeat US imperialism via the nuclear deal, even when there is an urgent need to address grassroot issues like a fail-proof strategy for appeasing nervous peasants and simultaneously promoting industrialisation, food security, unemployment, education, health care and the entitlements of women, minorities and Dalits requires an explanation and an apology. It would be a pity if the Marxists dwindled despite their often irrelevant arguments because the present crisis of the market economy offers an opportunity for India to use its head creatively instead of applying dubious formulae mindlessly. The more numerous the voices the greater choice there would be for selecting and applying solutions that in the long-term would enable the country to deliver the promise of its potential.

In a democratic polity, plurality of purposes is an irreducible prerequisite. A Left led by the Marxists that pursues its own destruction is doing good to no one, not least the voters whose choice is being circumscribed by the failure of an alternative point of view. Crippling incapacity combined with childish knee-jerk reactions — cancelling land distributed for Wipro and Infosys in West Bengal, expelling VS Achuthanandan in Kerala from the Polit Bureau though scared of chucking him out of chief ministership, threatening ‘rectification’ as though it were the age of Stalin or Mao while afraid of undertaking the overdue overhaul of the party’s politics, organisation and style — seems to define the Left today. The agility, shrewd calculation and just plain chutzpah needed are woefully missing.

 

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THE PIONEER

EDIT DESK

COMPROMISING WITH JIHADIS

BRITAIN CAN’T AFFORD TO BE SOFT ON TERROR

In yet another shocking development in Britain, authorities there have released as many as 40 convicted Islamic terrorists from prison while another 50 are slated to be released within a few years. These include known Al Qaeda operatives who were trained in Pakistan to carry out terrorist operations. What is remarkable is that the decision of the British authorities comes close on the heels of the release of Abdelbaset Ali Mohmet al-Megrahi, the Lockerbie bomber, on grounds of ‘compassion’. Since his release, the British Government has been at pains to explain that the terrorist was ‘not’ let off as part of an oil deal with Libya, the bomber’s home country. Clearly, these developments indicate that Britain’s anti-terror policies are in a shambles. The country, which had earlier committed itself to fighting terrorism shoulder-to-shoulder with the US and its allies, is today increasingly looking for ways to get out of that commitment and adopt a more defensive approach governed by the need to appease home-grown Islamic radicals. On the other hand, it is apparent that lax British terror laws are not helping matters either. Several of those convicted for terrorism have had their sentences halved or have been released on probation on appeal. Such a lenient treatment meted out to those who have taken a life-long vow of jihad and violence will surely compromise Britain’s security in the long run.

There is no denying that the rise in the number of Islamic extremists of South Asian origin in Britain is increasingly influencing British policy on terror. Instead of going after the jihadis, today the British Government is more content to create space for them under the grab for following a policy of live and let live. The sad truth is that Britain’s fight against terrorism has become politicised. British legislators know that radical Islamists and their sympathisers in Britain now form a significant section of that country’s society, and that clamping down on them will not be without collateral political fallout. It is this understanding that is forcing Britain to take a softer stance on Islamism. And while they are at it, British legislators figure why shouldn’t they commercially profit from it as well? This is what prompted the oil-for-terrorist-release deal with Libya. Needless to say all this bodes ill for the global war on terror. If Britain is seen becoming dejected and wanting to take the path of least resistance it will only embolden the jihadis. Given that a huge part of the war against terrorism is psychological, this will have disastrous consequences. The British authorities must do an about-turn on the terror policy it is presently following. Not doing so would amount to jeopardising the lives of British citizens that the British Government has sworn to protect.

 

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            THE PIONEER

COLUMN

A VIPS FIRST SOCIETY

SUNANDA K DATTA-RAY

One hopes that the report, albeit unconfirmed, that 24 so-called VVIPs have been deprived of their X-category security cover means that the authorities are belatedly taking a realistic view of what has become a “status symbol”, as Mr Nitish Kumar said not long ago. The same report indicated that some dignitaries will now have two instead of three attendant security officers. An official review should also include all the other obvious symbols of rank that divide this nation into rulers and ruled.

Indians are probably one of the most status conscious people on earth. Perhaps it is rooted in the caste system and the more recent colonial hierarchy. The story of the carpet in a bureaucrat’s new room being snipped on all sides because his grade did not entitle him to the existing size may not be apocryphal. People who are so minded can turn everything into tokens of prestige and precedence. An obituary of the late Rajmata Gayatri Devi of Jaipur quoted her as saying, “I would have been most insulted if she (Indira Gandhi) hadn’t thought me important enough to put in jail.”

The Rajmata was not the only one. The Emergency had genuine martyrs. But it also spawned a breed of frauds who chattered glibly of how they were about to be arrested any moment. If not jailed, they spoke darkly of being kept out but under close surveillance for the Government’s nefarious purposes. Some who benefited handsomely from the Emergency dispensation later pretended to be sabotaging it from within. India is a country where no one, especially the most commonplace, is content to be ordinary. Everyone hankers for some kind of accolade, a seat in the front row, exemption from security checks, entrance through a reserved door, some short cut that massages their sense of consequence.

It is sad that this vanity should taint even such a vital matter as a system designed to protect worthy people. Security is obviously not something on which outsiders can pronounce with confidence. Nor can it be determined by rule of thumb. Each case has to be assessed and decided on the basis of relevant individual circumstances. The state has a responsibility to protect public servants, whether politicians, bureaucrats or defence personnel, who have discharged sensitive duties in the national interest. The cost to the exchequer cannot be pleaded to reduce protection. A life that has been risked in the public cause cannot be weighed only in terms of money.

Some dangers are sui generis. No amount of vigilance can avert them. Who could have foretold that Indira Gandhi’s own guards would gun her down? Or that a woman offering obeisance to Rajiv Gandhi would be his murderer? But, perhaps, more effective vigilance could have saved Gen AS Vaidya’s life in 1986, though it would appear from the facts that the General (himself driving the car back from the market with his wife beside him) took a somewhat relaxed view of the threat because of the part he played in Operation Bluestar. Abroad, no precautions could save Leon Trotsky from the assassin’s ice axe.

Having said that, it must be stressed that the evidence did suggest that matters were getting out of hand. Signs began to surface when Ministers were first accompanied by the commandos called Black Cats. A functionary’s prestige depended on the number of Black Cats he had in tow. They were a nuisance, especially to the VIP’s hosts when he went calling or attended a function. They were not always quick off the mark. But any reduction in numbers, even if temporary and for logistic reasons, was seen as a slight and furiously resented.

The use to which these members of the National Security Guard were sometimes put made the system seem absurd. A State Governor might insist on his protectors standing vigil behind his chair all through the two or three days of a seminar he chose to attend in a city far removed from his own State where he might presumably be under threat. Another luminary could not take his morning walk in a city park without guards ambling behind him to the discomfiture of other walkers.

These inconveniences will not end as a result of minor trimming. Nor is there any reason why they should if the system does in fact protect lives. That should be a matter for the security forces themselves to decide. It is not something that can be left to politicians without incurring the charge, such as Mr Nitish Kumar levelled, of the authorities picking and choosing candidates for protection. But the Bihar Chief Minister spoilt his own case for security cover to be based only on the security agencies’ professional assessment of the magnitude of the threat regardless of an individual’s personality or position by going on to imply that former Chief Ministers merit less protection than those in office.

That may be so in most cases, but there are always exceptions. Moreover, Mr Nitish Kumar’s views are obviously coloured by his relations with Mr Lalu Prasad Yadav and Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav. Security is too important to be subjected to personal vagaries.

An official review should extend to all other symbols of position that are used and abused. Mr AK Antony recently severely restricted the old British army institution of batmen which Britain abolished after World War II and Pakistan, equal inheritor of British legacies, replaced in 2004 with contracted employees. A batman was a soldier but also the personal attendant of an officer. Inevitably, some officers and their wives treated them like houseboys. Now, Mr Antony promises that sahayaks — batmen under a more dignified desi name — will not be made to do “demeaning and humiliating tasks”.

While the Government is at it, it should regularise — and strictly enforce — the use of liveried peons, car pennants, lights, sirens and special number plates not just in Delhi but all over the country. Mr Lee Kuan Yew once gave a Bombay audience a practical reason for Singapore’s abolition of these distinctions: Ruling parties whose leaders can be recognised from such symbols are identified with governmental failures and tend to lose elections. That could explain Ms Sonia Gandhi’s warning to Congress Chief Ministers against “the tendency to arrogantly display the trappings of authority and power.” It applies to bureaucrats as well.

 sunandadr@yahoo.co.in

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THE PIONEER

COLUMN

INDIA DOWNPLAYING CHINESE INCURSION

ONKAR CHOPRA

This refers to the report “Army confirms LAC incursion by China; Krishna says border intact” (September 8). As an ex-serviceman, who took part in the Sino-Indian war in 1962, I feel disturbed to read that two Chinese helicopters intruded into Indian territory in Leh in Jammu & Kashmir. But what saddens me more is India’s cold reaction to the same.

First, Army chief Deepak Kapoor said he did get reports of Chinese intrusion but “this is not a new thing”. Then Minister for External Affairs SM Krishna said, “Let me go on record to say that the border with China has been one of the most peaceful boundaries that we have had as compared to other boundary lines with other countries.” He further asserted, “There is a built-in mechanism in place to take care of such incursions.”

Finally, the media — the fourth estate — tried to downplay the issue. While leading newspapers devoted little space to the Chinese incursion, television channels gave its viewers an impression that Chinese border violations need not be debated. Not only this, one of the television presenters went to the extent of saying that India cannot be held hostage to this one issue. He was of the view that there is a ‘mechanism’ in place to resolve this problem and the same cannot be blown out of proportion.

With such comments pouring in, it is undeniable that the Indian authorities and the media have abjectly failed to respond to the issue in the manner expected of them. This is a manifestation of the indifference to the grave violation of the Line of Actual Control wherein the Chinese troops entered nearly 1.5 km into Indian territory near Mount Gaya which is the recognised international border between India and China.

It seems India has forgotten that in the garb of Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai, China attacked us in 1962. After having fought Chinese hostilities and knowing fully well the cruel treatment that was meted out to Indian soldiers held as POWs by China, how can we take the recent border violations so lightly? They say once bitten, twice shy. We have been bitten in the past but yet we haven’t learnt our lesson. This is truly sad.

The memories of the 1962 war when I fought against the Chinese at Bomdila, Tawang, Dirang and Chakoo hills with Gen Kaul, replaced by Gen (FD Marshall) Manekshaw, still haunt me. We can’t afford to make the same mistake twice.

 

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THE PIONEER

OPED

NOTHING RIGHT FOR THE LEFT

THE NIGHTMARE FOR THE CPM AFTER ITS WORST-EVER ELECTORAL PERFORMANCE IN THE 2009 LOK SABHA ELECTION DOES NOT SEEM TO BE OVER. FACTIONALISM, SCANDALS AND DISCONNECT WITH THE PEOPLE RUN DEEP IN WEST BENGAL AND KERALA AND THE TOP BRASS SEEMS UNABLE TO FIND A WAY OUT OF THE IMBROGLIO

KALYANI SHANKAR

Nothing seems to be going right for the Left parties since they lost miserably in the 2009 Lok Sabha election. The CPI(M)’s troubles seem to be brimming over. The party has gone down from its best electoral performance in 2004 to its worst in 2009, losing 63 per cent of the seats it had previously. As if its worst-ever electoral performance wasn’t enough, the party has now got embroiled in critical situations in its strongholds of West Bengal and Kerala. And instead of finding a way out of the imbroglio, top leaders are engaged in passing the buck with no one willing to take the responsibility for the infighting, factionalism, scandals and disconnect with the people that have added to the CPI(M)’s woes.

The problem for the CPI(M) is so grave that party leaders are unable to bridge the differences between factions even 100 days after the poll results. There is a vertical division even in its top echelons on different issues. If the party was divided in 1996 on ideological grounds, today the situation is different.

The Polit Bureau meeting on September 6 in New Delhi to analyse the situation is an example of how the party is twiddling its thumbs. Differences between the West Bengal unit and the Polit Bureau have reached such levels that Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee is said to be on the verge of quitting his job after he became the target for the CPI(M)’s poor performance in the State in the Lok Sabha election. This is the third time in a row that he has avoided the Polit Bureau meeting. Similarly, Kerala unit chief Pinarayi Vijayan, who is facing corruption charges, too did not show up. With the absence of these two key members, how could the Polit Bureau take any meaningful decisions?

The top brass of the CPI(M) has now realised that unless it goes for a course correction now, the party will not emerge stronger in the 2011 Assembly election in West Bengal and Kerala. Interestingly, instead of discussing how to root out the problem, the Polit Bureau meeting has decided to update the rectification document of 1996 and issue a clear-cut list of dos and don’ts to the party as if the real problem is the lifestyle of the comrades.

Why is the party in such bad shape? First of all, the party lacks the kind of leadership it had earlier like EMS Namboodripad, Harkishan Singh Surjit, or AK Gopalan.

Leaders like Jyoti Basu are out of action and present day Prakash Karats and Sitaram Yechuris are unable to give strong leadership needed for the party.

Second, there is a tug of war between the Polit Bureau and the Chief Ministers of West Bengal and Kerala. Factionalism which was alien to a disciplined Communist Party has now become a death trap. There is turmoil in West Bengal and things have come to such a pass that infighting is dogging the party. The Polit Bureau is not in agreement with its investment policies.

Mr Bhattacharjee has been on the firing line since the party lost badly in West Bengal in the 2009 Lok Sabha election. The latest blow was the move to scrap Wipro and Infosys IT projects in the State recently. Apart from the loss of investment, jobs are also becoming scarce. There is no doubt that scrapping of the projects will send wrong signals to the IT industry. Earlier Tatas had moved their Nano project following the agitation in Singur. There is a divide in the State CPI(M) about the way the land was leased out to the Vedic village promoters.

The CPI(M) has to do a lot of serious thinking .The party has to get ready for the next year’s municipal polls in 82 municipalities and Kolkata corporation elections. If they lose, winning the 2011 Assembly polls will be a pipedream. The party is losing its grip over the rural masses who were once its backbone. The Congress-Trinamool Congress combine resurgence is a big worry for the comrades.

As far as Kerala is concerned, the infighting between the two groups led by Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan and State CPI(M) chief Pinarayi Vijayan is at its peak. The two had been at loggerheads since the 2006 Assembly election. Mr Vijayan is facing corruption charges, which are being probed by the CBI. The Achuthanandan faction wants Mr Vijayan, who is yet to be cleared in the SNC Lavalin scam, to be removed from the party. On the other hand, the Vijayan faction seeks removal of Mr Achuthanandan.

The measures taken to put down sectarianism have not yielded results. There is disenchantment in the rank and file and, according to one estimate, about 10 per cent of the full members have been leaving the party even when it is in power.

The CPI(M) now needs to introspect and move in step with reality and aspirations of the people. Had the party not pushed the Congress into the arms of the Trinamool Congress before the 2009 election, the results could have been different. Top brass has to realise why the rank and file is getting restless. The top most priority for the party is to win back the trust of the people, and this cannot be done overnight.

 

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THE PIONEER

OPED

IN A STATE OF INERTIA

CPM IS CLUELESS WHAT’S THE PROBLEM AND HOW TO FIX IT

SHIKHA MUKERJEE

Last week, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) had its own version of a chintan baithak, that is a meeting of the Polit Bureau to discuss measures that could be taken to ‘rectify’ the ramshackle organisation. The party failed to arrive at any conclusion, so a further think has been scheduled and the outcome is expected to be announced post-October 11.

To begin with, the CPI(M) needs to diagnose what is or are the problems that need fixing? Since the two States where the party has/had strongholds, namely Kerala and West Bengal, spectacularly demonstrated that there are problems, given the results of the Lok Sabha election; it is obvious that the rectification required is in these two places.

Some effort has gone into rectification in Kerala, where in July the Polit Bureau backed by the Central Committee ejected one of the party’s founder, Mr VS Achuthanandan, even though the party has not dared to remove him from the chair of Chief Minister. The remaining task therefore is to prop up Kerala State party boss Pinarayi Vijayan so that he can lead the CPI(M) out of disaster. Having gifted the Congress 13 seats in the 2009 Lok Sabha election, the CPI(M) does need to work out what it can do to avert the likely defeat in 2011 Assembly polls.

This leaves the CPI(M) with West Bengal for rectification. Unlike Kerala where there is a regular change of ruling parties, in West Bengal the CPI(M) has been in power uninterrupted since 1977. In other words, West Bengal’s voters were less given to dramatic mood swings and stayed with the CPI(M) for over 33 years.

The CPI(M) has survived for so long because the people did not question its vision, be it land reforms or industrialisation. If it does not survive another term in West Bengal it will be because voters find the nexus between opportunists within the party and opportunists outside stifling and a dead loss. Of the Government’s benefits that were not usurped, that which reached some was distributed as patronage. When land was acquired by middlemen, the seller got the least. In other words, in every situation the people perceived themselves to be losers.

In other words, the CPI(M) in West Bengal is in a state of inertia. The connection, the communication, the link between the voter and the party had clearly frayed and now it is beginning to break.

What is required is a massive repair job instead of which there is a postponed rectification decision. If the CPI(M) knew what was the problem with West Bengal then it could have ventured a prescription of what would arrest and then revitalise the downward plunge of its popular appeal.

That the CPI(M) is clueless about what is the problem and how it can be fixed is obvious.

The decision to cancel the Information Technology Park plan next to the now infamous Vedic Village is the best index of how problematic things are in West Bengal. For if an obscure bit of ‘social infrastructure’, a spa-resort can become the CPI(M)’s waterloo, requiring the cancellation of second generation IT investments by Wipro and fresh investment by Infosys, then neither the West Bengal Government nor the party is in control. The fiasco could have been sorted out, according to knowledgeable sources, to enable the IT Park plans to go through. The reluctance of the State Government, especially its Chief Minister, to do so is a measure of how little reserves of nerve and fight remain with the CPI(M)’s leadership.

The announcement abandoning the IT Park project is an acknowledgement that the climate for investments, even by big-ticket players like Wipro and Infosys, has turned bad. In other words, neither the Chief Minister nor the CPI(M) can rectify any missteps that may have been taken in the past and they cannot dare to think about the future.

But, saying no to new investment is not rectification. For the problem that ails West Bengal’s politics and the CPI(M) is not limited to admissions of a nexus between criminals that is land mafia and the administration or political leaders. The problem is also not about using the law to acquire land for private investors. It is also not about ‘forcible’ acquisition of land.

If the problem within the CPI(M) were limited to weeding out the opportunist converts to the party flag, it would naturally go away, because the opportunists are not loyalists. Hordes have begun quitting the party and many have begun signing up, mostly with the Trinamool Congress. In Lalgarh, the Maoists have scared away hordes and the PCPA has absorbed others. Having declared old-timers and loyalists to be deadwood the State party boss, Mr Biman Bose, has further simplified his problem.

However, all this is peripheral. There is a core that needs to be tackled for that contains the problem.To rectify a complex and ultimately emotional problem, the CPI(M) has to hunt for alternatives — of leadership, style, content. If the party is currently inefficient, it needs to find ways of restoring efficiency. If the leadership is afraid, it needs to find the Wizard of Oz.

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THE PIONEER

                                                        OPED

THE VEILED THREAT CONTINUES

ISLAM REQUIRES THAT WOMEN WEAR NEITHER NAQAB NOR BURQA, WHILE PUBLIC WELFARE EMPHATICALLY REQUIRES THEIR PROHIBITION ON ACCOUNT OF GROWING CASES OF ROBBERY AND TERRORISM

DANIEL PIPES

 

What’s new on the naqab and burqa front? To remind, both garments are designed for the modesty of Muslim females; the naqab covers all but the eyes and the burqa covers the entire face. In ‘Ban the Burqa — and the Naqab Too,” two years ago, I documented how these two items pose criminal and terrorist dangers. Is that still the case?

Criminality: Jordan offers a glimpse into the potential for naqabs and burqas as illegal accessories: One news report indicates that 50 people committed 170 crimes using Islamic garments during the past two years, or roughly one incident every four days, a crime wave that has prompted some Jordanians to call for restricting or even banning these Islamic head coverings.

No other country reports nearly so many head-garment-related crimes, but Philadelphia, Pennsylvania boasts multiple robberies (three banks and one real-estate leasing office) in a 16-month period in 2007-08, including the murder of a police officer.

The United Kingdom has the West’s second-worst record. Jewelry stores — some owned by Muslims — have been targeted in the West Midlands, Glasgow, and Oxfordshire. Two travel agencies were attacked in the adjoining towns of Dunstable and Luton while an armoured truck driver was assaulted in Birmingham. Robbery is not the only motive; teenagers in London, used naqab-style face coverings when stabbing a younger boy.

Other criminal incidents in the West include east European pickpockets wearing Islamic headgear in Rotterdam and a burgundy burqa’ed armed robbery at the People’s Bank in Hiddenite, North Carolina (population: 6,000). The man who abducted Elizabeth Smart, 14, of Salt Lake City, forced her to wear a naqab-like garment that hid her in plain sight for nine months.

In response, banks, credit unions, jewelry stores, and schools are limiting access to persons of cover. For example, the Carolina Federal Credit Union of Cherryville, North Carolina, not far from Hiddenite, steers anyone wearing hats, sunglasses, or hoods to an isolated teller where special security measures obtain.

Terrorism: Taliban reliance on burqa’ed terrorism, often of the suicide variety, makes Afghanistan the current world epicentre of this tactic. On two occasions, authorities foiled would-be suicide bombers before they could act — one a Russian male convert to Islam with 500 kilograms of explosives in an automobile in Paktia Province, the other an Afghan woman hiding a bomb in Jalalabad.

Usually, though, violent intentions are hidden by the burqa, becoming apparent only after an attack begins:

 

A Taliban commander, Haji Yakub, was killed in burqa as he tried to escape a house in Ghazni Province while attacking US forces.

 

A Taliban operative, Mullah Khalid, attacked a police patrol in a crowded market in Farah Province. killing at least 12 people (seven police, five civilians).

A suicide bomber in Helmand Province killed a Pashtu-speaking British soldier before being shot in the forehead.

 

About 15 suicide bombers in burqas armed with suicide vests, Kalashnikovs, and grenade-launchers drove to Government buildings in Paktia Province and killed 12 persons.

Iraq suffered three such incidents (a male insurgent disguised as a pregnant woman, an attempted assassination of a governor, and two suicide bombers killing 22 Shi ’i pilgrims) while Pakistan suffered two (one, operating from a rickshaw, killed 15 people). The attack on Mumbai that left nearly 200 dead included a mysterious burqa’ed woman. Elsewhere, incidents involved an attack on French tourists picnicking in Mauritania and a Molotov cocktail attack in Bahrain.

Oh, and on the bright side, Herve Jaubert, a Frenchman falsely accused of embezzling $ 3.8 million managed to escape Dubai by donning a naqab.

As an ancillary problem, new studies in both England and Ireland have found that covered women (and their breast-fed children) tend to get rickets disease due to an insufficiency of vitamin D, which the skin absorbs from sunlight.

I have previously called for a ban on “these hideous, unhealthy, socially divisive, terrorist-enabling, and criminal-friendly garments” from public places. Now joining with fed-up Jordanians, I reiterate that call. Islam requires that women wear neither naqab nor burqa, while public welfare emphatically requires their public prohibition. How many more cases of robbery and terrorism must occur for this common-sense stricture to be applied from Afghanistan and Jordan to the United Kingdom and Philadelphia?

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THE PIONEER

                                                        OPED

DE-LEVERAGE THE FINANCIAL SECTOR

AREAS OF CORPORATE GOVERNANCE AND ETHICS REQUIRE HIGHER STANDARDS

VINAYSHIL GAUTAM

It is obvious that the lessons of so-called meltdown are slowly beginning to register. It is also important to realise that the lessons are both contextual and global in character. There is a clear need for enlightened, equitable and farsighted international regulations. Greater coordination is needed amongst the different international regulatory bodies operating at international level and domestic level.

The absence of a regulatory oversight on new complex financial product has cost the customer dearly. In some countries no new financial product can be introduced without vetting. India has such a regulation for insurance products wherein the Insurance Regulatory and Development Authority is the nodal agency. But the same does not apply to new banking products. There the Reserve Bank of India’s approval is not needed. In the comity of nations, the same type of ‘contagion effects’ is there as it happens in the case of individuals. What happens in one country and one area impacts the other.

It is important to reflect closely on the issues of regulations and governance, not the least, because this may write future of not only several companies but also private fortunes — small or big. Some of these are mother truths but they need to be understood and there needs to be a reminder that they are worth observing. The first and foremost is the need for the rule of law.

Satyam is an oft quoted example. The analysis of the scam exposed an extent of the crises wherein the promoters got away with some damage; senior executives who were in many ways ‘beneficiaries’ of the goings-on too got away and the brunt was borne by the independent director. The number of people who resigned beats one’s imagination. One wonders if the category of independent director deserves this kind of ranking in the allocation of a blame from goings-on, which by definition they could have been only faintly, if at all, been aware of.

Whose responsibility is it to make sure that corporate entity follows all legal provisions? Who knows whether the enterprise is following all the regulatory requirements both in print and in practice? What has been the level of transparency in their operations? Is there an adequate degree of participation in the decision making process? In an environment where election itself of the independent directors is done in a unique manner in the annual general board meeting, can an independent director survive as Board member if he incurs the wrath of the chairman or the dominant group in the Board? What is the contribution of various executives, CFO, CEO and others? Are decisions at the Board in effect, driven by some people, of a family in many private sector organisation, or the Government nominee in the public sector? Is there any record of any Government member of a Board ever having been identified as a delinquent by any venerable Government agency meant to serve as a watchdog over public sector company or a regulatory agency making an attempt to find out the dominant political pattern of decision making in a private sector company?

Is it so difficult to frame a simple law which would say that less than 50 per cent of the board members cannot be linked to each other in a certain degree of affinity of blood relationship in a public limited company? The question is a simple one. Is there any documentation of how boards really work and what happens there? The core issue remains of equity and inclusiveness.

Taking this logic further, one would even ask how the logic of inclusiveness percolates down the line in an enterprise. Unless these questions are answered, ethics of governance of corporate entity public or private would continue to be ambiguous one. One of the important questions would remain: How good is the governance system in responding to what the members of that body wish it to do or how do we create a sensitive and alert group of shareholders? These are areas of governance and corporate ethics which require bench-marking. There is a clear need to de-leverage the financial sector.

Indeed, that as prices go up, financial intermediatory has a tendency to borrow more and borrowing becomes a tool to finance the price increase. This vicious cycle needs to be broken. This is essential for the sake of ethical governance.

gautamvinay@hotmail.com

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TIMES OF INDIA

COMMENT

ROUGH WEATHER

 

The Jet Airways imbroglio is a good example of how a competitive marketplace produces the best results, despite temporary inconvenience caused to passengers. It is impossible to ascertain what went on behind closed doors, but on the face of it, neither Jet Airways pilots nor the management come out with much credit. With Jet services disrupted there are, however, other airlines with seats to fill and they will pick up the slack, while Jet's reputation will suffer. That's a strong incentive for both management and employees to come to a reasonable compromise.

Pilots have the right to collective bargaining and to form unions. But if negotiations were being carried out in good faith by both sides, the pilots' decision to strike in contravention of the Industrial Disputes Act, 1947 was a poor one as well. For his part, Naresh Goyal, CEO of Jet Airways, is doing himself no favours with hyperbole comparing the pilots to terrorists. It is particularly ironic given that in August he had been part of the Federation of Indian Airlines' move to pressure the government by calling a one-day strike.

Disputes of this kind, however, are best left to management and labour to resolve, as government intervention can make things worse. The merits or demerits of the pilots' demands are for the management and guild to ascertain. There was talk of invoking the Essential Services Maintenance Act to bring the pilots to heel, but that's tough to justify legally as a strike in one airline doesn't bring air travel in the country to a halt. For the same reason attempts to amend the Industrial Disputes Act to remove pilots from the category of workmen would be a mistake. The ministry of civil aviation, however, struck the correct, minimalistic note by confining itself to facilitating the negotiations between pilots and management and seeing to inconvenienced passengers.

In a larger context, the current situation is a symptom of structural weaknesses in the aviation sector. Reckless expansion on the back of a bullish economy and ill-advised attempts to dominate the sector by buying out low-cost airlines this at a time when aviation industries the world over were moving towards the low-cost model has cost the major players dearly. A prime example is Jet's expensive buyout of Air Sahara, after which it has been suffering losses. The current slump is likely to bring about a leaner, meaner aviation industry. But in order to ease the pain and ensure that air travel, as a whole, becomes widely accessible once again, the government needs to listen to industry's demands, such as loosening up on heavy taxation of aviation fuel.

 

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TIMES OF INDIA

COMMENT

A QUICK LITTLE PICTURE

 

Imagine how tiny a single grain of sand is. Now try to picture something roughly one million times smaller than that grain. The mind may boggle but that's how big a molecule is. Now, scientists have successfully taken a picture of a single molecule at unprecedented resolution. Though scientists have been able to 'see' single atoms for sometime after bombarding them with electrons, it has proven to be more difficult to image a molecule without disrupting its stability. Using an atomic force microscope (AFM), though, scientists have been able to get around that problem.

Think of the earlier method as using a magnet to detect metal ball bearings. When you bring the magnet close to the bearings, you can sense they're there, but some will get stuck to the magnet too, messing up their arrangement. That's what happens when scientists try to use electrons to image an individual molecule. An AFM uses a sharp metal tip that acts like a tuning fork to measure the tiny forces between the tip and the molecule and is not, by itself, enough to ensure that the fragile bonds between the atoms that constitute a molecule are not ruptured. In an ingenious step, these scientists used a relatively unreactive molecule carbon monoxide on the tip of the AFM so that it wouldn't interfere with the bonds of the molecule.

The stunning image the researchers have produced and the technique they used to obtain the image has the potential to exponentially improve scientists' understanding of what reactions look like at the molecular level. Researchers will probably be able to better figure out the role of catalysts in chemical reactions by offering a better picture of what is happening at the atomic level. They are looking at advances in synthetic chemistry as well, which would have major impact on the development of new medicines.

But by far the most exciting applications could come from the fledgling field of molecular electronics. With nanotechnology all the rage as the technology of the future, the mapping of individual molecules in such level of detail could lead to them being used as switches and transistors, opening the door to super-powerful computers that will also be smaller and more energy efficient than current models.

 

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TIMES OF INDIA

TOP ARTICLE

INDIA'S DEMOCRATIC PRINCES

CHETAN BHAGAT

 

The recent death of the Andhra Pradesh chief minister was indeed a tragic event. To lose a leader is a loss to the nation too. However, what is striking is the immediate succession drama that ensued. The top choice for the new CM's job was, in what will be no surprise to Indians, the CM's son. Somehow, we have almost accepted the hereditary entitlement of the children of Bollywood superstars and politicians. I have no view on the choice of CM; nor am i an expert on Andhra politics. However, i am intrigued by this general phenomenon on how some of the most important jobs in the country are handed over based on lineage more than calibre.

We simply don't have a mechanism to get the best person for the most responsible jobs in the country. So, why are we like this? Why do we think it is almost alright for a politician's son to become the next leader? I think there are three main reasons. First up is emotional decision-making. Apologies for stereotyping, but Indians are emotional people. The content of our films and TV programming is ample evidence of this. When it comes to choosing a public figure, the decision is almost never completely rational. We are fond of Big B, so we also give Junior B a chance. It doesn't matter as much when it is about choosing the star you want to watch on screen. It has huge repercussions when you use emotional criteria for positions that involve running the country.

There is no doubt that the deceased CM's family is in deep grief, but to hand over the reins of the state only for that reason may not be the best idea. Political choices by voters must be rational. I am not suggesting that all people with lineage will not be able to do a good job. Rahul Gandhi has resurrected the Congress; he speaks well and has kept his patience and not jumped to take the top post. Maybe that should be the reason to elect him, but not because he reminds you of his father. Similarly, if some of his subsidy policies are damaging the country's finances, you can consider switching your vote. Your vote is an important choice for your country, not an expression of love.

Second, there is a lack of institutions to groom political talent. We make great engineers and doctors but we don't take our liberal arts courses seriously. A handful of colleges are good, but most places are poorly run and we don't have any institutions like Georgetown University in the US, for example, which actually trains students for political careers. The content of existing courses is outdated. I have met few political science graduates who can give an insightful view on the current state of Indian politics and how to bring about change in the present times. Even apart from education, the political parties have no induction methods of taking in bright young Indians, conducting training programmes, or a meritocratic evaluation system in place to make sure the best talent gets a chance to shine.

In absence of all this, parties depend on a few charismatic personalities to run the show and their sudden absence creates a void, which needs to be filled by a personality clone rather than the best leader available. This further acts as a demotivator for capable people to make a career in politics who know they'll never make it to the top. This worsens the supply of good people in times of need.

And then there is the lack of political awareness. While we do study the oversimplified definition of a democracy in school by the people, for the people millions of Indians, particularly in the economically weaker sections of society, still do not understand the full power of a democracy. Our history of monarchy is difficult to shake off, as democracy is a recent arrival in India's story. The established lines created by the caste system over centuries make it difficult to grasp the concept that anyone with talent can and, importantly, should rise to the highest levels in society. In this scenario, we see political leaders as kings, and their little princes are automatically next in line.

If we do pay attention to these issues, we can make the beginning towards a robust political system that elects strong leaders who can take India to the next level. Meanwhile, the little princes should learn a lesson from Bollywood. Your pedigree may have given you a break, but you still need to perform. There are only so many flops daddy's name can support. Somebody may have made you a prince, but to stay there and become a real hero, you need to become a leader. The lights and cameras are on you now, so let's see if you can deliver. Action!

The writer is a best-selling novelist.

 

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TIMES OF INDIA

'NEED JUDICIAL COMMISSION TO PROBE J&K DISAPPEARANCES'

 

Human rights violations in J&K hardly create a ripple outside the state. New Delhi-based academic Uma Chakravarti has been associated with the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP) and has worked to mobilise public opinion about forced disappearances in Kashmir. Humra Quraishi spoke to Chakravarti in the context of the Shopian rape case controversy:

What prompted you to campaign about forced disappearances in J&K?

I'd met Parveena Ahangar of the APDP and was deeply moved by her search for justice. Parveena embodied the tragedies of others like her: mothers, sisters, fathers, brothers and sons. I have never been able to forget her persistence in trying to get at the truth and her determination to hold the state accountable for its actions. She turned her own suffering into a cause with all the others like her, keeping track of all reported cases of disappearances and travelling to meet the families of the disappeared...

Human rights violations in Kashmir don't spark outrage outside the state. Why?

Part of the problem is the uneven information available in different parts of the country. I have been struck by the segmented nature of the real news published in newspapers. But it is also because the middle classes want to believe that the people's participation in elections had solved the Kashmir problem. No one wants to address the Armed Forces Special Powers Act and the immunity it gives to the security forces, and that rapes, custodial killings and forced disappearances will continue unless there is legal redress for violations of people's rights. So the easiest thing seems to be to not react or to pick up an item for a little while and then drop it.

What's been the response of the central government?

The government keeps talking about dialogue and confidence-building measures but has done little in terms of action. The first thing it should do is to set up an independent judicial commission into disappearances so that the average Kashmiri and the individual families that have been pursuing the cases of the disappeared can have a sense of closure. This has been done in Sri Lanka to investigate the large number of disappearances in the 1980s. It will be the first step in pursuing state accountability. It will have a tremendous impact in Kashmir. It will demonstrate the government's commitment to a rule of law.

Are human rights groups sufficiently vocal about rights violations in Kashmir?

Right from 1990, democratic rights groups and women's groups have investigated violations and produced numerous reports. Unfortunately, these have a small circulation amongst a particular constituency. Human rights groups have been focusing on state accountability, the rule of law and the right to information. But many more voices need to be raised to make a critical impact. There is not enough outrage outside Kashmir and that is an inescapable fact.

 

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TIMES OF INDIA

SUBVERSE

SWEEP OF HISTORY

JUG SURAIYA 

 

Economists keep telling us that we are currently in a phase of negative inflation. Which in economese (the language that only economists speak, and only economists understand) means that prices of things are coming down. This proves that economists don't eat daal, the price of which far from coming down has shot up like one of those space rockets ISRO keeps launching, and is now Rs 90-plus a kg (daal that is, not ISRO rockets). This also proves that economists don't eat onions, which are Rs 20 a kg. Moreover and most significantly this proves that economists don't use a jhaaru, that indispensable item of daily use in every Indian household.

 

The other day, Bunny informed me that Sudha, our domestic help, had indented for a new jhaaru, the old one having given up the ghost, after yeoman service sweeping up the doggy hairs that Brindle deposits on the carpets and furniture every day. OK, i said, fishing out a crumpled tenner from the dusty recesses of my wallet. This won't do, said Bunny. Sudha says a jhaaru now costs 38 rupees. Thirty-eight bucks? For a lowly jhaaru? Does Sudha think jhaarus grow on trees? i demanded. Which, come to think of it, they probably do. I'd never thought of where jhaarus come from, but with their feathery, frond-like appearance they probably do come from trees. Maybe Sudha enterprising soul was proposing to invest in a whole jhaaru tree, or even an entire plantation of jhaaru trees, and was planning to use my 38 rupees as venture capital for the project.

 

But it turned out that i was mistaken. It seemed that Sudha was not in fact thinking of cornering the jhaaru market, becoming the Mukesh Ambani of the jhaaru trade, so to speak, and having Anil take out snide public interest ads about monopolists and cartels and what-have-yous, or rather what-have-you-nots, the monopolist having glommed all available supplies of the commodity in question. Which in this case was jhaarus. A single one of which, i discovered, now cost 38 smackers. So much or should that be so little? for negative inflation. And for non-jhaaru-wielding economists.

 

The jhaaru India's low-cost (till now), eco-friendly answer to the western world's vacuum cleaner is much more than a humble instrument of domestic sanitary engineering. It is an emblem and a daily memento of the cyclical sweep of our ancient history, and of our even more ancient mythology that lies beyond the horizon of time. Did Sita do jhaaru when she and Ram and Lakshman were in vanvaas? Of course she did, must have. Forests are full of dust, and like any proud homemaker or vanmaker, which would be more accurate in her case Sita must have wielded a jhaaru along with the best of them, keeping their patch of forest spick and span for Ram to come home to of an evening after a hard day of doing whatever it is that exiled god-kings do in the wilderness. In fact, so assiduous was Sita in her jhaaruing that she overstepped the protective line that brother-in-law Lakshman had drawn for her and got herself abducted by Ravana, but that's another story.

 

Ever since Sita, Indian households and forestholds have witnessed the daily ritual of not the removal but the re-allocation of dust with the use of the jhaaru: every day the ancient, abiding dust the same patient dust swept through the ages by Sita, and the Maurya dynasty, and the Mughals, and the British, and now us is swept out through the door and relocated outside, from where the wind will blow it back in again, in an endless circle of ebb and flow. Thirty-eight bucks? A small price to pay for an eternal tidal flow of which, part and parcel, is that half a handful of dust called me. Bring on the jhaaru. And inflation be damned. Together with the economists.

 

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TIMES OF INDIA

POETRY SLAM

MEASURE OF SPLENDOUR

S K PANDE

 

Tripoli is Lebanon's second largest city. It has a famous port, diversities galore, ancient monuments and above all, the Mediterranean Sea. But what's unknown about the place and surprised me as a scribe on the prowl was a virtual cave with a small garden in the middle of a residential area, where once a month a few poets and lovers of poetry have an international poetry session with a roving microphone and sound effects.

 

I had the opportunity to receive a special invitation to one such session. The card inviting me to the event billed it as 'a measure of splendour'. Having wangled the invitation, my wife, yours truly and our two not-so-young daughters decided to taste the waters of this little publicised domain where the young and old from various communities and countries were puffing mint-perfumed sheesha on separate tables.

The poetry session was in the basement, or cave. So down we went to the Cava Minos, a venue with a mini garden. Before us was a gathering comprising Italians, Palestinians, local professors, scribes, and persons connected with local literary endeavours, politicos, Englishmen, Indians, and persons from the Arab world, to name a few. The session surpassed our expectations. There was Shelley, Hikmat, a touch of feminist poetry, Arab and Palestinian poetry, Darwish, and even Faiz and Sahir. Each poem was listened to earnestly with a few comments in a variety of languages and some attempts at translation.

 

There was bonhomie all round in the midst of food, drinks and dim lights, which made some of the oldies use their cellphones to shine a light. The recitation, in some cases declamation, lasted almost three hours. We were told that the Cava was created on the eve of the recent civil war in Lebanon that destroyed much of the area. It was a period when the lovely Mediterranean city was almost empty of its earlier life with no restaurants, pubs or meeting places in the area. In 2005, a small beginning was made, and the Cava was born. In the summer of 2008, Cava Grande was born, and poetry nights every first Wednesday of each month became a reality. So a corner was created to celebrate evenings of togetherness, where people from various lands met peacefully.

 

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HINDUSTAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

HARM AWAY FROM HOME

 

The high-level inquiry and offer of compensation will do nothing to alleviate the unbearable loss suffered by the parents of the five children who died in a stampede in a Delhi government school on Thursday. What makes it worse is that they lost their lives trying to run to safety following rumours that their waterlogged school was electrified by a loose connection. Many questions arise. Why were children allowed to run helter-skelter unsupervised? Why were they in a waterlogged school in the first place?

 

If this can happen in the showcase Capital of India, the plight of children in government schools, especially in inclement weather, in other parts of India must be frightening. The safety of children is meant to be a priority for schools but judging by the Indian example, this is not so by a long stretch.

 

Earlier this year, the Supreme Court was moved to say that no new government, or private, school would get affiliation if its buildings did not have fire safety precautions in place and was not earthquake-resistant. Instead, today we have a situation where at least 42 per cent of schools do not have even basic sanitation facilities. This puts children, especially the girl child, at serious risk from those preying around schools. Indeed, not so long ago, a schoolchild was molested when she was trying to use the open-air toilet.

 

Children being left behind and locked in and having to step straight out of school onto the roads are par for the course in India. Teachers are either absent or simply not interested in the well-being of their little wards. Within schools themselves, there have been numerous cases of teachers punishing children to the extent of causing serious injuries or even death.

 

A few years ago, a fire broke out in a Tamil Nadu school in which over 94 children died simply because the school neither had fire-fighting equipment nor adequate exits. These safety measures cannot be implemented in a piecemeal fashion after a tragedy has occurred. They have to be part and parcel of the blueprint when a school is granted permission to be set up. These are some areas where the government has the power to exercise greater control and vigilance. What worse trauma could parents face than to wave their children goodbye as they leave for school and then learn that they will never return? This is unacceptable in any society. We can very easily ensure that no one ever suffers this fate if only we put in place basic safety measures which will cost little but will save the lives of the most precious of our assets — our children.

 

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HINDUSTAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

NO TEQUILA SUNRISE

 

High on the recent success of public interest litigations (PIL) in Indian courts, two elderly gents took one of their own to the Delhi High Court recently, only to have the fizz taken out of their request. The court took strong exception to their demand that the Delhi Police Act, which bans bars from serving liquor after 1 am, be synchronised with excise rules that permit the fun to flow round-the-clock. Taking up cudgels on behalf of a ‘westernised’ youth, the men wanted the court to have pity on the globalised economy’s stressed-out minions and allow them to drown a hard day’s troubles in their daily tipple.

 

Now it can be debated whether the men were acting in supreme public interest or merely going public with  their own self-interest, but the judges took serious exception to the request, dismissing the petition and fining the wannabe revellers Rs 10,000 for their troubles. One can’t blame them, since the courts have, in the past, declared that almost 95 per cent of PILs placed before them are frivolous. The Delhi HC’s anger at entertaining the same stems not just from having to deal with bizarre requests from eager litigants but also from the apex court’s instructions to filter out bogus petitions.

 

So it seems that the Capital’s citizens might not be able to rock around the clock anytime soon and will continue to be ‘unceremoniously’ kicked out of their favourite watering holes after 1 am. Still, all those of you, who were waiting to pop open the champagne at five in the morning, take heart. For isn’t it good to know that it’s not just the young who want to have a spot of fun?

 

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 HINDUSTAN TIMES

COLUMN

FEEDING THE FIX

GRETCHEN PETERS

 

Jack Lawn, a former US Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) administrator and FBI agent, became so concerned about the nexus between terrorists and heroin in Afghanistan that he sat down and wrote letters to all relevant officials in the Bush administration, and to the chairs of all relevant committees of Congress. No one even bothered to answer him. “Why we are not speaking out on this — much less doing something about it — confounds me,” Lawn says, adding, “Ultimately, we are all going to have to care.” Other US officials point to two July 2007 intelligence reports describing al-Qaeda as better organised and better funded than at any other time since 9/11. “If you can’t figure out what opium is doing in that mix, you don’t deserve to be in this game,” says one.

 

Based on my research, Islamic extremists connected to al-Qaeda don’t move large quantities of drugs themselves, and there’s scant evidence of an organised network involving their leaders in the drug trade. However, low-level al-Qaeda operatives appear to get involved at the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, once the opium has been refined into heroin and is ready to get smuggled to the West. This is exactly the point where the profit margin is the highest. Respondents to our survey along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border had no evidence that top leaders like bin Laden or his deputy al Zawahiri personally took a role, but 41 per cent said low-level al-Qaeda fighters regularly helped to protect heroin shipments for money.

 

The data makes sense when you consider that western intelligence officials believe top-tier al-Qaeda leaders are largely cut off from the day-to-day running of their organisation, leaving lower level operatives to fend for themselves. “It’s wrong to think you’ll find Osama bin Laden with a bag of opium in one hand and a dirty bomb in the other,” says a Western official. “But the link is there. Increasingly, there are signs that al-Qaeda fighters have learned to live off of drug money.” That’s certainly true among terror cells in Europe. “Crime is now the main source of cash for Islamic radicals [here],” says attorney Lorenzo Vidino, author of Al-Qaeda in Europe. “They do not need to get money wired from abroad like ten years ago. They’re generating their own as criminal gangs.”

 

Take the terrorists behind the March 2004 train blasts in Madrid, which killed 191 people and left 1,500 wounded. They got their hands on explosives by trading hashish to a former miner, and learned to construct bombs — all connected to Mitsubishi Trium T110 mobile phones — from Internet sites linked to radical Islamic groups. When police raided the home of one plotter, they found 125,800 ecstasy tablets, one of the largest drug hauls in Spanish history.

 

Eventually, investigators recovered almost $2 million in drugs and cash — far more than they needed to pull off the operation. Although a man who identified himself as Abu Dujan al-Afghani, and who said he was al-Qaeda’s “European military spokesman,” claimed responsibility in a video released two days later, authorities never found any evidence that al-Qaeda’s top leaders ever provided the Madrid bombers with financing or direct guidance.

 

European authorities have linked drug money to the 2003 attacks in Casablanca, which killed 45 people, and the attempted bombings of US and British ships off Gibraltar in 2002. European police knew for years that Islamic fundamentalists — some through links to Afghanistan dating back to the anti-Soviet resistance —  were peddling drugs around the continent. “What is new is the scale of this toxic mix of jihad and dope,” writes journalist David Kaplan. Investigators believe extremist groups have broken into as much as a third of the $12.5 billion Moroccan hashish trade, Kaplan reports, meaning they can not only reap enormous profits but also take advantage of extensive smuggling routes through Europe.

 

The message here is not that Osama bin Laden has morphed into Pablo Escobar, the notorious Colombian cocaine kingpin. Nor has Mullah Omar become the world’s new Khun Sa, the infamous Burmese heroin warlord. Rather, there is a blurring of distinction between terrorist and criminal. They may not share the same values, and sometimes even come into conflict, but they are fellow travellers in the underworld, locked in an increasingly symbiotic relationship. One crucial distinction remains: The classic drug smuggler is driven by greed. The terrorist raises money as a means to an end.

 

So what are they saving up for? By mid-2004, US Treasury Department agents monitoring drug and terrorist finance flows started watching large sums of illicit money moving out of Afghanistan and Pakistan — a region that had traditionally attracted large inflows of cash, mostly in the form of donations to jihadi groups. Where that money ended up — and just what it might eventually pay for — no one quite knows. One thing everyone agrees on: the world should be worried. September 11 cost al-Qaeda only $500,000, according to the 9/11 Commission. Terrorist groups can now earn that from the dope trade every week.

 

This is an edited extract from Seeds of Terror: The Taliban, the ISI and the New Opium Wars (Hachette India)

 

Gretchen Peters has covered Pakistan and Afghanistan for more than a decade for the Associated Press and for ABC News. She was nominated for an Emmy for her coverage of the 2007 assassination of Benazir Bhutto.
The views expressed by the author are personal

 

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HINDUSTAN TIMES

COLUMN

RESERVED FOR FAILURE

S B MISRA

 

In a recent decision, the Supreme Court has approved 50 per cent reservation for the weaker sections in private institutions. The move could prove to be helpful if the benefit was shared universally by all the members in whose name such provisions are granted. Unfortunately, the benefits have been going to affluent and powerful families among the lower castes, leaving the real dispossessed high and dry. The elite groups thus created consider themselves superior to their own caste members.

 

The only way to bring about harmonious progress of weaker sections is to offer opportunity by turns. A family that availed the benefit of reservation once should not be allowed to reap the benefits again. Otherwise, the real Dalits will remain Dalits forever.

 

The corrective measure can be implemented like in the NREGS that guarantees 100 days’ employment to BPL families and the village headman is the regulatory authority. If in the proposed National Identity Card it is entered whether the family is a beneficiary of reservation, it can help plan alleviation of the remainder of the families. Alternatively, such a card can be issued through village heads or city corporators and its copy enclosed with the application form for a post. There should be reservation, certainly: for those Dalits who are eligible but have not received a job so far.

 

The present reservation policy at the promotion level harms the national interest. When reservation is implemented in promotions and employees with little experience are made departmental heads, it brings discontent to offices.

 

There is no denying that caste Hindus committed injustice to Dalits who deserve an opportunity to make up for the loss. But, the caste Hindus should not be forced to inherit the sins of their ancestors. The  notion that reservation is a right is dangerous. It amounts to perpetuating reservation for ages to come.

There can be a debate on excellence versus harmonious growth of society.  Pandit Nehru stood for excellence when he wrote in 1961: “I dislike any kind of reservation, more particularly in services”. Rajiv Gandhi was no less candid when he told the then Prime Minister V.P. Singh in 1990: “you have ignited caste violence all over the country”. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel also viewed reservation as against the national interest but honoured the Poona Pact signed in 1932 between the Dalit leader B.R. Ambedkar and caste Hindus guided by Mahatma Gandhi. Reservation of  8.5 per cent to Scheduled Castes for ten years ending in 1960 was granted. Today’s politicians must understand they do not have a broader or better vision than Gandhi, Nehru and Patel.

 

S B Misra is a retired university professor The views expressed by the author are personal

 

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HINDUSTAN TIMES

COLUMN

DANGEROUS LIAISONS

THOMAS MATHEW

 

In light of Pakistan’s ex-Prime Minister, Z A Bhutto’s claim that his country was prepared to do whatever it took to acquire nuclear weapons, news that Pakistan has tampered with the US-made Harpoon missiles and P-3C Orion maritime aircraft for land attack capability should surprise no one — least of all the US, as this is not the first time Pakistan has done so.

 

Graver instances in the past include the altering of F-16 aircraft to carry n-weapons, in a clear violation of the US Arms Export Control Act. What’s perturbing is not that Pakistan is tampering with weapons in its armoury, but that the US continues to arm Pakistan in a manner that’s reminiscent of the Cold War, contributing to an arms race in the subcontinent.During the Cold War, the US may have had some justification for its supplies to Pakistan, which provided it with important bases and listening posts to spy on the erstwhile USSR, besides being party to a series of US security pacts, and was a vital link in Washington’s schemes to encircle the USSR. But the Cold War is history now, and India and the US are forging closer military ties. The signing of the India-US Defence Framework Agreement has taken the relationship almost to the level of an alliance. Also, the US might soon replace Russia as our largest defence supplier.

 

With Indo-US relations improving, it is discouraging that Washington continues to supply Pakistan with weapons that have little relevance in the fight against al-Qaeda and the Taliban, but are most suited and likely to be used against India. These include the P-3C Orion maritime aircraft, AN/TPS-77 surveillance radars, F-16 aircraft with laser-guided bomb kits and the Harpoon anti-ship missiles. Serving US officials have testified that the Pakistanis have “focused most of their equipment acquisitions” against India and not on strengthening their counter-insurgency capability.Yet, since 9/11, Pakistan has been the beneficiary of large-scale US military aid. In 2002-09, such overt assistance alone totalled around $10.94 billion. The Obama administration has proposed US$ 2.49 billion for 2010, an increase of nearly 26 per cent over the current year. The present US arms aid would strengthen Pakistan’s conventional balance of power against India and also augment its nuclear weapons delivery capability through the transfer of more F-16 aircraft.

 

The US is also ‘dramatically’ increasing its economic aid to Pakistan, even as the latter has an appalling record of diverting non-military aid for military purposes, amounting to around 80 per cent of the $11.8 billion. Despite this, Washington is considering tripling its non-military aid to Islamabad to $7.5 billion over the next five years. An earlier version of the Bill had sought to make US aid contingent on Pakistan adhering to important benchmarks to discourage the misuse of Washington’s assistance; and the dropping of these conditions even provoked the Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Panel, Howard Berman, to remark that the bailout plan for the American International Group had more onerous conditions than the Bill on US aid to Pakistan!

 

Under these circumstances, New Delhi’s quest for US arms could prove costly, as this would only benefit US defence companies. Worse still, increasing dependence on US arms, and critical spares, could stymie any military options in the future that might not have Washington’s blessings. Thus, India needs to move cautiously till Washington exhibits more sensitivity to the security concerns of its new-found strategic partner.

 

Thomas Mathew is Deputy Director-General, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi.

The views expressed by the author are personal

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INDIAN EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

COCKPIT VS CABIN

 

A young woman, who works as part of Jet’s ground crew, told reporters that the pilots are paid “salary which amounts to 40 per cent of the company’s revenue. But they are forgetting the rest of us.” In a few words, the Jet employee has summed up the farcical nature of the Jet pilots’ claim to be a genuine trade union. For those institutions, however perverse the incentives they supply, however they deteriorate into goondaism and insider-privilege, can at least claim — however doubtfully — to represent vulnerable employees regardless of rank or station. It was the final indication, as if any more was needed, that the pilots’ strike is nothing more than white-collar activism of the most contemptible sort.

 

At around this time last year, during the festive season, Jet Airways sacked about 850 employees. Of course, they sacked the lower-paid ones, groundstaff and flight attendants. At that point India saw genuine employee outrage, and this newspaper took a stand that the firing was badly done, and clearly an attempt by the airlines to put pressure on the government. The visual image of last October, of young people proud to wear their employers’ uniform but speaking out against injustice, meshes well with this September, of the same young people proud to wear that uniform, and speaking out against unfairness again — but this time of another selfish clique.

 

That moment, when Jet’s groundstaff made a simple yet emotional appeal to the pilots to get back to work, encapsulated something about what India is going through at this moment in its history. Jet’s groundstaff represent aspirational India. Many, now proficient in English, will have struggled to learn the language. Many will be from small towns. Most, no doubt, when growing up, thought of work in an airline as a ladder to a better life, one more exciting and fulfilling than was available to their parents or grandparents. But their ambitions — ambitions that will keep our companies going, our economy growing — will continually rub up against those who have grown slothfully comfortable in unearned privilege. When that privilege is threatened, these insiders will revolt — and they will resent the reform that takes away their privileges. But we know better. The cliques, the guilds, the beneficiaries of licences and restrictions, are on the wrong side of history. The young crew member and her colleagues will sweep them away.

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

BATLA AND ISHRAT

 

The Union law ministry’s reported decision to initiate action against a law officer who filed the Centre’s affidavit in the Ishrat Jahan case reeks of the kind of politics that is irresponsible and has the potential to communalise the UPA government’s policy on tackling terrorism. In the Gujarat high court, the Centre had filed an affidavit agreeing with the state police that Ishrat and her three accomplices had links to the Lashkar-e-Toiba. But the case has since acquired political overtones, with Law Minister Moily more or less agreeing with a magistrate’s report — which has since been stayed by the high court — claiming that the encounter was staged. Now, even though the home ministry stands by the affidavit, Moily’s law ministry has begun action against Assistant Solicitor General P.S. Chamapaneri for failure to apprise the ministry of the contents of the affidavit submitted by the home ministry.

 

This amounts to political opportunism by the Centre, a craven disregard for the sanctity of intelligence inputs. As the Union home secretary has pointed out, the affidavit only stated that the Intelligence Bureau believed that those killed were terror suspects; it had no view on the genuineness of the encounter. But the law ministry has other ideas. By trying to discredit the Centre’s own affidavit, it risks choosing politics over national security. The practice of killings-for-awards violates the due process that our legal system affords everybody, even those accused of terrorism. If found guilty, the sternest action must be taken against the state police officials involved. But by making this is a Modi versus UPA brawl, sending out conflicting signals, and trying to discredit a neutral input given to the Gujarat state police, the Centre is putting at risk the kind of intelligence sharing that counter-terrorism so badly requires.

 

The flip flops by assorted Congressmen over the Batla House encounter in Delhi in September 2008 had created political confusion, which was only quelled by the Centre’s more coherent post-26/11 strategy. Now, to have the spectacle of two key ministries in disagreement, with one of them clearly showing that its focus is more political than procedural, against raises disturbing questions.

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

HECKLING OBAMA

 

One should know by now that when Barack Obama speaks, the audience is prone to be at once mesmerised and in awe. Speaking to Congress on the much contested healthcare bill, the American president was less the orator who lays out broad principles (as seen in Cairo) and rather one who gets down to the nitty-gritty of policy-making. As he was delivering what has been called his most powerful speech, standing ovations were overshadowed by never-heard-before heckling. Midway through his address, a revved-up and emotional Representative, Joe Wilson of South Caroline, called out, “You lie!” (Ironically Obama had begun his address with the words, “The time for bickering is over.”)

 

Naturally the fallout has been interesting and, true to Obama’s stated aim of crossing traditional party lines, Republicans and Democrats alike condemned the outburst. It was likened more to town hall meetings where heated exchanges are common, rather than big business on Capitol Hill. A bewildered Speaker, Nancy Pelosi, looked aghast as Vice President Biden and Michelle Obama shook their heads disapprovingly. John McCain, too, voiced his disapproval; and, faced with a battery of disapproval, the heckler apologised.

 

This brief, random outburst is a window into a curious aspect of US politics: the manner in which debates take place. With the president on a podium others merely listen, clap or fiddle with their Blackberrys. Contrast this with parliamentary democracies elsewhere. Ours, for example The PM has to put up with interruptions and engage in remarks that are darted towards him. And the debates in the UK’s House of Commons are accompanied by loud thumps on desks, sloganeering and often chanting. Hence the question; is the presidential system in the US somewhat insular? Does the president speak in the comfort of his bubble? And should the bubble be penetrated, will Obama’s chief of staff, tellingly known as Rahm-bo, always manage to peter out apologies from those who speak against his commander-in-chief?

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

COLUMN

LANKA’S BARBED WIRE

LAKHDAR BRAHIMI

 

It is now three months since Sri Lanka’s President Mahinda Rajapaksa declared the country “liberated” from Tamil Tiger (LTTE) rebels after a 26-year war. He said then that he wanted to settle most of the displaced Tamil civilians within 180 days — but today, with more than half that time elapsed, nearly 300,000 are still being held in “internment camps”, to which the media and humanitarian organisations have virtually no access. One person who was able to visit some of them in May was UN Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon. He said:

 

“I have travelled round the world and visited similar places, but these are by far the most appalling scenes I have seen...”

 

In mid-August these camps were flooded by downpours which, according to The New York Times, “sent rivers of muck cascading between tightly packed rows of flimsy shelters, overflowed latrines and sent hundreds of families scurrying for higher ground”. “We all knew that the monsoon rain would come,” says Nimalka Fernando, a Sri Lankan human rights activist and lawyer. “Many alerted the authorities. The government should have evacuated the displaced people earlier.”

 

Further, there is no public list of those being held in the camps, and many families do not know whether their loved ones are alive or dead.

 

The brutal and violent methods used by the LTTE during the conflict are beyond dispute. But while it was going on the government claimed to draw a distinction between LTTE fighters and the law-abiding Tamil population, whose genuine political grievances it would address later. So far, nothing like that has happened. Although it has screened out those it believes were LTTE cadres and sent them to separate camps, the government repeatedly extends its own deadline for releasing civilians in the main camps.

 

People who question this inside Sri Lanka, like Ms Fernando, are accused of being traitors in the pay of “the LTTE diaspora”, while outsiders are accused of using humanitarian concerns as an excuse for neo-imperialist intervention. Sri Lankan journalists who criticised the government have been arrested, beaten and in some cases murdered in broad daylight, while many more have fled the country.

 

In the last weeks of fighting an estimated 20,000 civilians lost their lives. Government forces are accused of shelling Tamil civilians and killing people who tried to surrender; the LTTE are charged with using civilians as human-shields, forcibly recruiting them as fighters and shooting those who tried to flee. There are rumours of mass graves but no independent observer has been allowed into the war zones to investigate.

 

As one of the five “Colombo Powers” which organised the historic Bandung Conference in 1955, Sri Lanka was, for many decades, a model member of the international community. Surely, the people of Sri Lanka do not want to compromise that enviable status, and with it their good standing in the groups, like NAM, that represent the developing world.

 

Friends of Sri Lanka worldwide, especially in the developing world, do not understand why President Rajapaksa chose Burma/Myanmar as the first country to visit after winning the war. They were concerned to read, on his own website, that one reason for this choice was that “the [Burmese] generals are increasingly finding it difficult to contain insurgent groups in the country’s northern frontier and are willing to learn some fresh lessons from President Mahindra Rajapaksa on how to defeat the enemy.”

 

That is not what the international community in general, and the developing world in particular, wishes to learn from Sri Lanka. Rather, friends of Sri Lanka were — and still are — expecting the country to be faithful to its democratic tradition and act on President Rajapaksa’s promises that the rights of minorities would be respected, that the displaced would be helped to return home, that prisoners would be treated humanely.

 

We do not believe that most in Sri Lanka agree with what some are saying in Colombo that developing-country governments can best deal with internal opposition by crushing it ruthlessly and treating any advice to respect universal principles of human rights and humanitarian law (which Sri Lanka agreed to uphold when it signed and ratified many treaties and conventions) as hypocritical.

 

This puts a heavy responsibility on all who are close to Sri Lanka’s ruling elite and on Asia’s key powers — India, Japan and China — which have been staunch supporters of the Rajapaksa Government and have channelled large sums of money in its direction (much of it, recently, for humanitarian purposes). It is time for the people of these countries to insist on a full account of how their money is being spent, and for their governments to say clearly that further economic and political support will depend on the following conditions being fulfilled:

 

First, the UN, Red Cross and voluntary agencies must be given full and unhindered access to care for and protect the civilians in the camps, and then help them return to wherever in their own country they choose to live.

 

Second, a list of all those still alive and in custody should be published, so that families can stop searching for loved ones who are dead.

 

Third, any who continue to be detained as alleged LTTE combatants must be treated in accordance with the provisions of international law, and urgently given access to legal representation.

 

Fourth, accountability processes must be established to ensure that international aid is not diverted. Fifth, the Sri Lankan government should invite regional and international specialists in conflict reconciliation to help rebuild lives and communities. Sixth, Sri Lanka should request or accept a full UN investigation into war crimes committed by all parties during the war.

 

The government has won the war, and the world shares the feeling of relief visible among Sri Lanka’s people. It remains for them to win the peace, and the rest of the world must help. That is the purpose of the demands listed above. World leaders as well as public opinion must insist on them, not only for the benefit of Tamils in general and the detainees in particular, but also for the hopes of democracy and human rights throughout Sri Lanka, and beyond. Peace won by the brutal humiliation of a people is rarely secure.

 

The writer is a former foreign minister of Algeria and UN special envoy.

 

This article was co-written by Edward Mortimer, senior vice-president of the Salzburg Global Seminar.

 

express@expressindia.com

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INDIAN EXPRESS

COLUMN

PARTY POOPER

VINAY SITAPATI

 

Furious that campus elections had been postponed, students of Madhav College, Ujjain went on a rampage in 2006. In the melee, H.S. Sabharwal, who taught political science, was kicked off his scooter, then beaten to death, allegedly by student leaders linked to the BJP — all to the unblinking gaze of television cameras. The Supreme Court cited Professor Sabharwal’s murder when it accepted the Lyngdoh Committee recommendations on regulating student elections.

 

The Committee, headed by a former chief election commissioner, has courted controversy over two minor details: reducing the maximum age of candidates, and limiting expenditure to just five rupees thousand per candidate.

 

But the bigger worry is the report’s aim to reduce the role that big political parties play in student elections. The report blamed party-backed student groups for the “tendency... to unnecessarily politicise the election process.” As a result, virtually all party-backed student groups — the NSUI (Congress), the SFI (CPM) and the ABVP (BJP) — were in effect debarred from standing in the recently-concluded Delhi University Student Union elections. This was also why, when the votes were counted, an ‘Independent’ had won.

 

Lyngdoh’s assumption that for student politics to be clean, it must be divorced from party politics outside, is shared by many in the middle class: the belief that representation is best done by “small” tightly-knit groups, that large political parties, venal and authoritarian, somehow sully it. It is part of the American romance with “town-hall” politics, the same romance that glorifies consensual decision-making in panchayati India.

 

But “small” in our political context means the clutch of regional and caste-based parties that have prospered since the 1970s. It can be nobody’s case that the Samajwadi party, the BSP or the DMK are any less venal than national parties like the Congress or the BJP. Some even smaller parties, such as Ram Vilas Paswan’s LJP or Ajit Singh’s RLD are one-man shows shorn of even the pretence of cadre-based decisions. That leaves the ‘Independents’, the smallest of parties, their naiveté matched only by their irrelevance. In the last elections, south Mumbai candidate Meera Sanyal, a clean-corporate type empowered after 26/11, lost her deposit. She probably got more column inches than votes.

 

The Lyngdoh Committee recommendations may even be self-defeating. While it is difficult to defend India’s opaque party system, the student wings of these parties are often the only democratic feeders into a nepotistic, filial party structure. Take, as a very small sample-set, the young (under 40) leaders in the current Lok Sabha. Of 81 young MPs, a full 50 have relatives in politics. Of the remaining, almost thirty per cent made their bones in student politics. In other words, if you are ambitious but without a family base, student politics is a major way to enter party structures and become a leader. The Lyngdoh committee assumes that party politics will corrupt student politics, but it ignores the reverse: student politics often purifies parties outside. By assuming the mendacity of outside parties and cutting off their only source of young blood, the committee’s prophecy will self-fulfil. Had these measures been implemented a generation earlier, we would have been denied many leaders who currently romp across the national stage — leaders such as Arun Jaitley, Anand Sharma, and the entire CPM top brass — who came up without godfathers. Who knows how many budding careers will be cut short by these recommendations?

 

One view of Indian politics is that it’s beyond redemption. In this reading, everybody is corrupt and change is impossible; better that colleges produce their own “pure” politics. There is, then, the hopeful view, that politics within campus rejuvenates politics without.

 

The Sabharwal murder case is, well, a case in point. Despite video evidence, replayed in endless loops across India, the six accused were acquitted; a reluctant court blamed the police, and ignored the video for procedural reasons. These are flaws — in the police and judicial system — that can’t be solved by just cleansing campuses, but by cleansing the world outside, a world made up of parties and students who join them.

 

Creases on age and cash restrictions in student elections will likely iron itself out in the coming years. But the Lyngdoh Committee’s central belief, that the big boys must be kept out, won’t. Welcome to the new Indian campus — sanitised and banner-free, but so utterly irrelevant.

 

vinay.sitapati@expressindia.com

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

OPED

MORE THAN MEA CULPA

MUZAMIL JALEEL

 

Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has several firsts in politics. He announced his instant resignation when the opposition pointed fingers at his moral character in the assembly recently, sending a loud and clear message that his upright image is more important than power. And unlike traditional politicians, he is ready to accept the mistakes of his government, and has the moral courage to say sorry.

 

His candid admission last year that he should have quit the NDA government immediately after the anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat was not only seen as a re-emphasis of his party’s secular credentials but a sincere apology to the people of Kashmir who had accused the Abdullahs of being opportunistic, ready to sacrifice everything to keep themselves in power.

 

In fact, Omar Abdullah had begun a fresh political journey as the new leader of National Conference after the party’s ouster from power in 2002, by a public apology for the mistakes of his father’s six year rule, especially regarding human rights violations. He continued apologising all through his opposition years. His first assembly session was no different. Mired by the controversies and the PDP’s belligerent politics, Abdullah’s approach was apologetic, sometimes even bordering on the defensive.

 

The Shopian fiasco changed it all. Realising that the case had hit a blind alley, the CM has sought to play politics over the issue to tide over the gathering crisis, rather than keep his government focused on the only issue at stake: the identity of the culprits and justice to the victims. When Abdullah visited Shopian for the first time recently (four months late through) to reach out to the people, he promised gallows for the culprits, saying “I will not be able to sleep in calm till the culprits are arrested”. But his law minister A.M. Sagar portrayed the arrest of the four policemen in a manner that suggested that the government had already found those who had committed the rape and murder.

 

Thus, Omar Abdullah’s apologies are now seen as a political tool to calm the street, rather than a young politician’s penchant for plainspeak. Or does it suggest that Omar Abdullah is unable to make his administration turn his words into action? Why?

 

There are multiple reasons. After the initial goof-up, Omar Abdullah expressed his government’s sincere and unflinching commitment to digging out the truth. On June 4, he said that the two victims were like his sisters and he, as a brother, feels the pain of the tragedy and assured that truth would not be allowed to be suppressed. Two days before this statement, the Forensic Science Laboratory had finalised its opinion report suggesting the presence of spermatozoa on the slides of the vaginal swabs.But for some mysterious reason, it was not given to the investigators. In fact, this crucial report, which would have pushed the probe forward, was not dispatched till June 6. Why was such unnecessary and illegal delay allowed? And once this delay surfaced, why did the government limit its action to a scientific officer in FSL who for all practical purposes was only following orders? Why didn’t the government act against the two senior police officers who were found responsible for this delay?

 

Omar Abdullah has been consistently saying that his government has learnt lessons from the initial faux pas in the case. The question is how? The only crucial forensic piece of evidence that would have nailed the culprits — the slides of the vaginal swab of the two victims — has been replaced, ensuring that there is no way to find the truth. Why did the government fail to ensure that the slides were not tampered with? Though the government decided to register a case of rape and murder, the standard procedure for a medico-legal case was consistently breached by both doctors and FSL officials. Imagine, the slides were kept in a cardboard box in FSL for 25 days before they were sent for DNA profiling to Delhi. Why did the government allow that? Why didn’t the government act against the top health officials responsible for the initial delay?

 

The case of the four arrested police officers, who were accused of negligence and destruction of evidence while investigating the case initially, also shows that the emphasis of the government was towards controlling the crisis situation rather than a speedy resolution of the case. From the Jan Commission to the Special Investigation Team, the investigation has not found evidence suggesting their direct role in rape and murder. But rather than protecting the slides carrying the spermatozoa of the culprits, which was the only way to find truth, the government consistently gave an impression that the four officers were involved in the crime. This was evident when the government hired one of country’s top lawyers, Harish Salve to represent the state in the Supreme Court. This unprecedented step was politically correct because otherwise Kashmir would have again erupted seeking the arrest of the real culprits. While the government arrayed the four cops as accused for their negligence, the government didn’t act against their supervisors who belong to the elite Indian Police Service. Is the responsibility of the police and civil bureaucracy, stuck between the district administration and the CM, just like a courier service? Why were there no checks and balances?

 

The reason for these flawed steps is not a mystery. Unlike his predecessors, including Farooq Abdullah, Omar lacks an efficient team of bureaucrats who will ensure that his promises to the public are actually followed up with consistent efforts, to prevent lapses at the lower level. On the political level, the story is similar. Omar Abdullah looks alone in every crisis situation. Unlike former Chief Ministers Mufti Mohammad Sayeed and Ghulam Nabi Azad, Omar’s top colleagues from his own party or the coalition Congress do not come up as a buffer when the opposition attacks. Mufti had his daughter Mehbooba and senior lieutenants like Muzaffar Beig. Azad too had a vocal colleague in Abdul Gani Vakil to respond to criticism. Perhaps Omar’s biggest political lesson could be from how the PDP kept its patron Mufti Mohammad Sayeed out of the recent political wrestling with the government. Good governance cannot be achieved by good intentions alone. Omar needs to exhibit himself as a strong administrator with a firm approach, not a nervous politician. Then there will be no need for apologies.

 

muzamil.jaleel@expressindia.com

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

YSR’S CHARISMA

SEEMA CHISHTI

 

Few state-level leaders can aspire to enjoy the admiration and adoration expressed by editors of Urdu newspapers for the “charismatic” Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Dr. Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy after his tragic death in a helicopter crash. According to Rashtriya Sahara (September 5), “the passing away of such a leader due to a tragic accident is a great loss not only for the Congress or for Andhra Pradesh but for the entire country, because he had all those qualities that could have made him a great national leader in future.” Talking of YSR’s success in the 2004 Assembly elections, Hyderabad-based daily, Siasat, in its editorial (September 4) says that “this success can be attributed to his individual efforts, or to the imaginative and popular schemes for people’s welfare launched by him.” The paper adds: “The padayatra undertaken by Dr. Reddy in 2003 to create an anti-government wave among the people can be described as a milestone in his political life. And, in a way, this padayatra brought about an end to the days of the Telugu Desam. Delhi-based Jadeed Khabar, in an editorial on the same day writes: “It is not an ordinary instance that 60 persons sacrifice their lives on the accidental death of a politician. At a time when esteem for politicians is very low in the eyes of the people and the graph of their popularity is falling, these deaths prove that there is an acute dearth of truthful, honest and credible leaders in the country.”

 

In a significant remark, Kolkata and Delhi-based daily Akhbar-e-Mashriq (September 5) says: “Rasasekhara Reddy too, like the Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, possessed overpowering strong arms. But he did not promote his interest on a communal basis or by dividing the society in any manner. Even though Andhra Pradesh is a communally sensitive state, he did not give a chance to communal elements to play their games.” Delhi-based Hamara Samaj, in its emotional editorial on September 5 writes: “Minorities of the state, particularly Muslims, will always remain grateful to the late Rajasekhara Reddy. Whereas in the entire country time was being wasted on discussion for and against according reservation to Muslims, Reddy Sahib wrote anew the political history of the state... and courageously accorded five per cent (read four per cent) reservation to Muslims in services and other areas¿ through legislation by the State Assembly.” An editorial in Hyderabad’s Rahnuma-e-Deccan (September 4) expresses dismay and annoyance at the state government’s “ineptness” as, in its opinion; “the Centre was notified about the missing chopper, four hours after it lost contact.” The paper wonders if finding out earlier could have changed things.

 

FORTHCOMING ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS

The forthcoming elections for the assemblies of Maharashtra, Haryana and Arunachal Pradesh are seen by Jamaat-e-Islami’s Daawat (September 7), as “a trial not only for the Congress because the party has its governments there; it will also be a test of the UPA government (at the Centre) and the BJP too would come to realise how it has played the role of an opposition and to what extent its strategy against the government has been successful.” Regarding Maharashtra, Delhi-based Hindustan Express (September 2) writes: “The picture of the new assembly would depend on the proportion of division of votes between the two Senas and whether the ruling alliance can prevent division of secular votes.” About the situation in Haryana, the paper writes: “It would be foolhardy to treat kisan leader Om Prakash Chautala and his party as weak. But in the Lok Sabha elections, in alliance with the BJP, it could not put up any show despite its best efforts. In fact it invited doom for itself by aligning with communalists. And no perceptible change has been seen in the situation so far.” Delhi-based Hamara Samaj, in its editorial on September 2 has warned that “if there is no watch on the activities of Shiv Sena, Maharashtra Nav Nirman Sena and BJP, the possibility of communal tension and riots cannot be ruled out,” because of “the designs of terrorists to sabotage the election and of communalist elements to give it a communal colour.”

 

JINNAH AGAIN

In Rashtriya Sahara, a debate has again been rekindled by the Member of the Law Commission, Tahir Mehmood, who in his column on September 7, has blamed Jinnah not just for Partition, but also for the “vivisection of the Shariat”, which he sarcastically terms, a “gift” from Jinnah.

 

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FINANCIAL EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

THOSE BUNDLED ASSETS

It’s been nearly a year since the day Lehman Brothers went bankrupt and the financial crisis took a decisive turn for the worse. A series of post-mortems have since been conducted by academics, policymakers, commentators and anyone else who has an opinion on the crisis. One of the few conclusive conclusions has focused on the flawed manner in which securitisation was conducted in the most advanced financial systems. It’s interesting, therefore, to note the RBI’s latest moves to tighten securitisation norms in India. Unlike in the West, securitisation has been almost insignificant in India—some say that’s what saved us from the worst of the crisis. But RBI would undoubtedly recognise the potential securitisation (if done properly) has to create deeper and more liquid financial markets in India. By diversifying risk, securitisation reduces the cost of finance and makes finance available to those who would otherwise be considered too risky to lend to. Amidst all the criticism of last year, let’s not forget that the prosperity of the average American was in small part due to the sophisticated system of cheap finance. In India, you still pay in double-digits for a limited-period home loan.

 

The real problem in securitisation arises when the originator of the asset and the rater of the asset do not have to bear any of the downside risks of the quality of the asset they create or rate, if it goes sour. This crisis took place precisely because there weren’t enough checks on originators and raters. Therefore, RBI’s new proposals to tighten norms seem largely acceptable, and indeed sensible, in light of what we have learnt from this crisis. One proposal is to ask banks to set aside risk capital charge for securitisation. Another is to specify lock-in periods for different products based on their tenor. And banks will have to disclose sponsorship of off-balance sheet vehicles. All these measures will force the originator of the securitised asset—usually banks that give out loans and credit cards—to bear some of the risks of securitisation rather than parcelling all the risks onto other investors or off-balance sheet vehicles. Of course, there may be plenty to argue over the exact nature of these norms, but it would be difficult to deny RBI the opportunity to experiment. This is without doubt a better option than banning securitisation altogether, which would be the more conservative stance to adopt. If, on the other hand, RBI is willing to permit the generally beneficial process of securitisation, it must get the regulation right. For now, RBI seems on the right track.

 

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FINANCIAL EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

 NOT SUCH A BAD DROUGHT

 

Less than a month ago, the Bihar CM sought Rs 23,000 crore from the Centre as drought relief. This week, following incessant rains, the CM turned upbeat, emphasising how a good rabi crop may now make up for kharif losses. This is the story across board: even before the ink had dried on them, many monsoon obituaries have become dated by the late rains. The 40% rain deficit recorded in Bihar between June1 and August 12 has turned into a much less worrying 21% deficit in the period ending September 9. In the Western Uttar Pradesh region, the deficit has gone down from 68% to 43%. In fact, in the corresponding period, the situation has improved for the country overall, with the deficit going down from 29% to 20%. The number of subdivisions with deficient, scanty or no rainfall have dropped from 27 to 21, while those with excess or normal rainfall have gone up from 9 to 15.

 

Actually, the weather has been taking people by surprise across the world. Take Australia where, too, late rains have bought late joy this week. The world’s fourth-largest wheat exporter is now on track for its biggest wheat crop in four years. India’s kharif farm output in 2009 may not match last year’s level, but strong measures can help recoup the losses in the rabi season. Timely sowing, proper and timely supply of soil enrichments like fertiliser and seeds and also deeper penetration of rural credit are some of the steps through which the losses could be compensated. Already, the government has started working on those lines. It has raised the seed subsidy of rabi crops to make available cheaper seeds to growers, instructed railways to give fertiliser priority in transportation and supplied fodder kits to salvage some of the losses. Specifically, it should now try and bring more area under winter-grown paddy and encourage its cultivation in non-traditional areas like eastern and central parts of the country. Also, less water-requiring seeds of foodgrain, oilseeds and pulses should be distributed in large quantities and in quick time. Coming back to kharif, the lesson of this year is irrigate, irrigate and irrigate. Productivity in Haryana that has a high monsoon deficiency as per the latest figures hasn’t suffered proportionately because it is irrigated.

 

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FINANCIAL EXPRESS

COLUMN

WOULD WE CUT MS DHONI’S EARNINGS?

K VAIDYA NATHAN

 

Finance ministers from G-20, the world’s richest countries met in London last week for preparatory talks ahead of their meeting in Pittsburg on September 24-25. We are also in the middle of the financial crisis’s first anniversary deliberations, a crisis in someways popularly defined by how lavishly bankers were paid. Little wonder, the G-20 preparatory meet spent time talking about “improper, cynical and unacceptable” bank bonuses. It is improper and unacceptable because bankers are getting large pay-outs while their organisations are seeking money from the government to remain solvent. It is cynical because bankers are getting paid a lot more for a seemingly not-too-difficult job vis-à-vis other professionals. On top of that, they haven’t done such a good job of it.

 

But consider this: Forbes released a list of top-earning cricketers in the world. Mahendra Singh Dhoni topped the list with a yearly earning of $10million. That works to Rs 2.5 lakh for every run scored. There are other cricketers like Sachin Tendulkar and Yuvraj Singh who figure in the list compiled by Forbes. Now, it may seem improper and unacceptable that to hit a round object with a piece of wood and run 20 meters, somebody is getting paid that kind of money. It may appear cynical considering that a labourer earns Rs 100 for a day’s toil. On the face of it, Dhoni’s job doesn’t seem too difficult. Moreover, it can be argued that Dhoni driven by greed could play more risky cricket and thus compromise team’s interest. If regulation were put in place which decided how much Dhoni earns, not only are we discouraging him from performing optimally, but also discouraging many future Dhonis. Suggesting that bankers’ pay be lessened is akin to arguing after a world cup debacle that Dhoni should earn less.

 

In a bank, there are three major stakeholders—shareholders, employees and customers. It is a zero-sum game among the three stakeholders. If customers are being charged more, shareholders gain and vice-versa. If employees get paid more, shareholders lose and vice-versa. Since in some banks, currently the shareholder in effect is the government, there is some truth to the argument that banker’s compensation needs to be lowered so that the government’s pay-out can be maximised. However, governments are already considering ways for exiting these investments over a period of time and it is one of the other main discussion issues in the upcoming G-20 summit. So using regulation to lower compensation may not be appropriate.

 

Ironically, governments never complained when these bankers produced significant profits for their organisations and the banks in turn paid a proportional tax to the exchequer. Leaving that aside, let’s consider why regulation as a tool is being proposed. Why aren’t other possible methods being used? For instance, governments could give mandatory ‘advice’ to banks they have bailed out. The problem with measures such as this is that not all banks will have to comply with it. Consequently, the ones who have been advised to do so, could face significant employee turn-outs. The best bankers may seek opportunities at other competing banks which did not need the bail-out and are paying better compensation. This could be to the detriment of the bailed-out banks because without the finest human resources, their business could get adversely affected. This in turn would jeopardise the chances of how rapidly banks can pay back the government.

 

When we argue for limiting bonus , let’s not forget why bonuses came about. The original purpose was to reward good performance. Micromanaging incentives, more often than not, leads to a greater malaise of employees not giving their best as seen in government-owned corporations. The governments would do better to learn lessons from the past. By regulating compensation, the proposed system would implicitly discourage exemplary performance. Here, we are assuming that bankers like you and me, put their own interests first. They are not overjoyed if the organisation does well and the shareholders make money unless they also get paid something in return for their efforts.

 

There exists an objective performance measurement framework in banks by which bonus pay-outs are decided. At the beginning of the year, sufficient clarity is provided by the owners through the Board on what the goals are and how the performance would be evaluated. Regulation could bring in a ‘one-size-fits-all’ framework which may be ineffective. Ideally, regulation should not decide how incentive structure should be set to achieve organisational goals since the framework depends on the goals. Though, bankers have very little say in how their performance is assessed, their actions are motivated by how the framework is structured and what kind of behaviour gets rewarded. If the goals are myopic, the attitude of bankers becomes short-term and potentially risky. If the goals are appropriately aligned with the larger interest of long term profitability and viability, banker’s risk taking behaviour too can be altered for the better. Bonus is just a useful tool to achieve pre-specified goals. Regulating bankers payouts could, in effect, be a case of rationing how many golden eggs the goose can lay.

 

The author, formerly with JPMorganChase’s Global Capital Markets, trains finance professionals on derivatives and risk management. His book on credit derivatives is due to be published

 

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FINANCIAL EXPRESS

COLUMN

GEOECONOMICS AND A LIBYAN BOMBER

SREERAM CHAULIA

 

What is common between Scotland’s controversial release of Abdelbaset al-Megrahi, the ex-Libyan intelligence agent convicted for life for the Lockerbie bombing, and the impending handover of the former European subsidiary of General Motors, Opel, to a joint Canadian-Russian bid? On surface, the two appear as separate as chalk and cheese. But they are bound by the common thread of the compelling power of energy.

 

Insecurity about possible loss of flows of oil, gas, coal, nuclear fuel, etc. is scaring demanders. The trend in supplying nations is of state control. Since the energy sector is off the free market and in the hands of strategically-minded states, demanders have no option but to appease, cajole, bribe or even kowtow before shrewd and hard-to-please suppliers, who are wily politicians.

 

The Scottish authorities’ claim that Megrahi was allowed to return to Libya as a free man on “compassionate grounds” after serving only 8 years in jail is belied by media revelations. Shortly after London extended the hand of friendship to the Libyan dictator Muammar Qaddafi in 2007, British Petroleum embarked on a $900 million exploration deal with Libya’s state-owned National Oil Company. There are indications that Megrahi’s pardon, which evoked strong protest in the US and jubilation in Libya, was very much linked to BP’s stakes in a country.

 

Despite London’s denials of interfering in the Scottish justice system, both Prime Minister Gordon Brown and Foreign Secretary David Miliband took a special interest in this case and told subordinates that they would not want Megrahi to die in prison in the UK. That the British state could risk irking its American ally in order to ingratiate itself with Colonel Qaddafi’s regime shows how acute energy hunger has grown in Europe. Saif al-Qaddafi, the maverick son of an eccentric father, spilled the beans by revealing that “in all commercial contracts, for oil and gas with Britain, Megrahi was always on the negotiating table”.

 

Energy shopping is also diaphanous in the case of Opel, the car manufacturer waiting for a new owner after GM went bankrupt. Two main contenders emerged in the bidding process—RHJ International, a Belgian investment firm, and Magna-Sberbank, a consortium between Canada’s third largest car parts maker and the Russian savings bank with strong Kremlin connections.

 

Since May, the German government has favoured the latter and responded coolly to the former’s entreaties. The official reason for ignoring RHJ’s bid as “a bad joke” is that it offers to invest less in Opel’s restructuring, and this would hurt the company’s competitiveness and job retention capacity. But German Chancellor Angela Merkel is siding with Magna-Sberbank under the influence of her country’s special energy relationship with Russia.

 

In mid-August, Merkel and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev signed “strategic economic deals” on mutual foreign investment. Russian diplomats stressed that cementing Magna-Sberbank’s claim over Opel would be one of the “priorities” of that summit meeting. The Russian business daily Kommersant tied Opel to “the fate of Gazprom’s Nord Stream project”, a focal point of Moscow’s attempt to expand its already weighty footprint in the European energy market.

 

Nord Stream would be a 1200-km-long underwater pipeline transporting gas via the Baltic Sea from Russia to Germany. The agreement for its construction was signed by supplier and recipient behind the backs of Poland, Finland and the three Baltic states whose territorial waters fall along the route. Typically anti-Russian due to historical and geopolitical reasons, some of these transit states allege Nord Stream is undermining unity within the EU.

 

Russia has also confounded European states by recently getting Turkey to agree that the South Stream pipeline can pass through its waters en route to Central and Eastern Europe. With an estimated carrying capability of 63 billion cubic metres of Russian gas per year, South Stream is Russia’s counter to the Nabucco gas pipeline that is being promoted by the EU as a diversifying alternative to energy dependence on Moscow.

 

Turkey is entertaining the Nabucco proposal because it hopes to ease its own long-stalled membership of the EU through the bargain. The battle of wits between Russia and the EU over energy has given Turkey the chance to extract benefits from both contending projects.

 

The grand sum of these heavy duty foreign policy chess games is that energy and its passageways are uppermost considerations in the minds of the players. Seemingly unrelated phenomena and events are being joined by a subtle thread called ‘fuel’. Geo-economics is dictating and redefining diplomacy.

 

The author is associate professor of world politics at the Jindal Global Law School

 

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FINANCIAL EXPRESS

COLUMN

KEEPING VIRTUAL NETWORK OPERATORS ON HOLD

ANANDITA SINGH MANKOTIA

 

Delay on the policy-making side has led to the death of the mobile virtual network operators (MVNO) in India even before their birth. MVNOs provide mobile services by not acquiring licences from the government, but by buying bulk airtime from licensed operators. Typically, MVNOs come in handy for those operators who have built network, have spectrum but due to poor marketing skills are not able to garner a high subscriber base. Since the network is de-congested and spectrum idle, it makes sense for them to enter into arrangements with MVNOs who are generally savvy marketers, and shore up their revenues.

 

Globally, MVNOs have been functional for quite sometime now. However, in India they were not allowed since it was felt that our telecom growth is still in its infancy. If operators are allowed to have tie-ups they would not invest in building network thus leading to infrastructure bottlenecks. However, with sufficient competition and large number of operators the network issue was taken care of.

 

The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India was mandated to look into the issue and it came out with a set of recommendations for allowing the same. However, despite taking an in-principle decision to allow them before the parliamentary elections, DoT is yet to announce the final guidelines for MVNOs to operate in the country.

 

However, the market is always ahead of the government. Before the government even thought of looking at MVNOs, one of the operators, Tata Teleservices Ltd entered into a franchise agreement with the world’s largest MVNO, the Virgin group to market its services. There are only subtle differences between a franchise arrangement and MVNO – in the former, the billing has to be in the name of the parent company while this is not so in the latter. The arrangement reaped rich dividends for the company.

 

So, when MTNL saw that it was able to garner only 1,000 subscribers for its 3G services in about six months, it also invited franchises to market these services. It seems that by the time MVNOs are allowed, there would be no takers for them.

 

anandita.mankotia@expressindia.com

 

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THE HINDU

EDITORIAL

TURBULENT TIMES FOR JET AIRWAYS

 

The “mass sick leave” protest by the pilots of Jet Airways, well into its third day, has caused a massive disruption of air travel. It has come at a time when the aviation industry is going through a very difficult period and Jet Airways could hardly afford to ground so many aircraft and cancel, on an average, about 200 flights a day. The airline, which has won several national and international awards during its 15-year service, has hit a bad patch financially , like the other airlines. In the first quarter this year, it reported a loss of over Rs.200 crore. The Jet group, including the no-frills JetLite, accounts for a little over 26 per cent of the passenger traffic in the country and will be losing an estimated Rs.18 crore each day on account of the cancellations. Going by the agitating pilots’ version, it was a legitimate effort to form an association that led to the sacking of two pilots, which in turn triggered the ‘sick leave’ campaign. The pilots, who have floated a National Aviators Guild, have also claimed that the management has sacked three more of their colleagues since they launched the agitation.

 

Jet Airways, which has so much at stake, including its brand image, can hardly afford this turbulence. Its Chairman, Naresh Goyal, has taken a tough stance on the mass action by the pilots and expressed his willingness to talk to the pilots without giving in to their demand for setting up a union. The pilots, on the other hand, want their sacked colleagues to be reinstated, so that they could resume duty immediately. Though the dispute over the sacking is under conciliation with the Labour authorities and the Mumbai High Court has ruled a strike illegal, there appears to be a stalemate. Caught in this jam are the hapless passengers, who have either cancelled their trips or paid higher fares to switch to other airlines, some of whom have made a fast buck by raising their fares steeply. Both sides will need a face-saving formula. Unless there is a give-and-take approach, the stalemate will continue. If forming an association or union remains the only charge against the sacked pilots the management’s case becomes indefensible. The pilots need to look at the plight of passengers too, while fighting for their right to form a guild. While the other airlines are watching the developments anxiously, the Civil Aviation Ministry appears to be in no hurry to step in and take a stand on this sensitive issue. Both the Labour Commissioner and the Civil Aviation Ministry need to intervene without any further delay and end the impasse in the interests of air passengers.

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THE HINDU

                                            EDITORIAL

CHANGE IN MINDSET REQUIRED

 

Women constitute about 35 per cent of all adult HIV infections in Asia, up from 17 per cent in 1990. Yet, 90 per cent of the 1.7 million women living with HIV have not indulged in any high-risk behaviour. According to a recent report of the UNAIDS, these women have been infected by their partners in long-term relationships or by husbands having a high-risk behaviour. It is predicted that 50 million women are at risk of becoming infected by the virus, and the transmission i s most likely to be through their husbands. It is unfortunate that women in a monogamous relationship — considered one of the low-risk groups — are getting infected in large numbers. In India, women constitute about 37 per cent of the 2.3 million HIV positive adults. According to the National AIDS Control Organisation (NACO), a majority of these women have been infected by their husbands. It is a troubling fact that infected women in turn are quite likely to pass on the infection to their babies if timely testing and prevention strategies are not in place. The government healthcare system is working efficiently in some States such as Tamil Nadu to prevent vertical transmission from the mother to the newborn. But this cannot be said of many other States.

 

Despite years of awareness-building campaigns, men still indulge in risky behaviour and unprotected sex outside marriage. Though it is true such awareness campaigns have succeeded in keeping the incidence from skyrocketing, there is much more to be done. The most important change required is in the mindset of the nodal agency. Married women should no longer be considered as belonging to the low-risk group. In fact, remaining HIV negative has become a big challenge for many married women. Interventions targeted at men should, by default, include a component that reaches out to long-term intimate sexual partners. While much effort has gone into creating greater awareness and promoting the use of male condoms, a similar awareness does not exist in the case of female condoms. It is best illustrated by the fact that subsidised female condoms are made available to high-risk women only in the four States of Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, and West Bengal. Although some clinical trials were stopped midway due to adverse effects, more research has to be directed at developing safe and efficacious microbicides. The urgency to protect women stems from the fact that the patriarchal culture and physical and/or sexual violence faced by a large proportion of married women in India make them particularly vulnerable to the virus.

 

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THE HINDU

LEADER PAGE ARTICLES   

U.S. EXIT FROM AFGHANISTAN TO BRING GAINS

AN AMERICAN MILITARY EXIT FROM AFGHANISTAN, FAR FROM BOOSTING THE GLOBAL-JIHAD SYNDICATE, IS LIKELY TO TRIGGER DEVELOPMENTS LARGELY INTERNAL OR REGIONAL IN NATURE WHILE AIDING THE GLOBAL FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM.

BRAHMA CHELLANEY

 

America’s war in Afghanistan is approaching a tipping point, with doubts about President Barack Obama’s strategy rising and three-quarters of the Democratic voters polled opposing continued U.S. combat operations there. Even the main war proponent — the Republican camp — seems split, with prominent conservative voices like George F. Will and Chuck Hagel now calling for an American pullout. Yet Mr. Obama, after dispatching 21,000 additional U.S. forces to Afghanistan, is planning to send another 14,000 combat troops while outsourcing military-support jobs there to create an illusion of no new surge.

 

Mr. Obama, clearly, is in a major predicament over a war he inherited, with no workable options for him to stabilise Afghanistan by next year or even to pull out military forces while saving face. Still, he is deepening American involvement there, thereby spurring serious apprehensions at home. Eight years after 9/11, an American invasion that started with the objective of winning the war on terror is in danger of becoming Mr. Obama’s Vietnam — a quagmire with a confused political mission.

 

Vice-President Joe Biden has warned that “more loss” of U.S. lives is “inevitable,” while Admiral Mike Mullen, chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, has admitted, “The enemy’s getting better and tougher. And we need to turn that around in the next 12 to 18 months.” That was exactly the timeframe Mr. Obama had in mind when he launched the military surge. But with every month now proving more deadly, a war-weary U.S. public and Congress may be reluctant to patiently wait that long for the promised turnaround. The Obama narrative — that this is the war of necessity, unlike Iraq — is coming under growing attack.

 

Put simply, Mr. Obama’s ambitious new war strategy, including doubling the number of American troops on the ground and replacing the top U.S. general in Afghanistan, isn’t working. Not only are more American soldiers dying in Afghanistan than in Iraq, but there has been a 1,000 per cent increase in IED attacks by Afghan militants since mid-2005. It is the alarming rise in the sophistication and frequency of roadside bomb attacks that has made the Afghan war increasingly bloody. Mr. Obama also has been locked in a losing battle in the other part of his Afpak strategy — to win hearts and minds in Pakistan through an unprecedented aid flow to that country.

 

Let’s be clear: America’s Afghan war is just not winnable for two main reasons. Firstly, Mr. Obama has redefined U.S. goals too narrowly. America’s primary goal now is not to defeat the Taliban but to prevent the al-Qaeda from using Afghanistan as a base to launch an attack on the United States. Mr. Obama candidly told the Associated Press in a July 2 interview: “I have a very narrow definition of success when it comes to our national security interests, and that is that al-Qaeda and its affiliates cannot set up safe havens from which to attack America.” But the al-Qaeda is not really a factor in the Afghan war, where the principal combatants are the American military and the Taliban, with its associated militias and private armies. Rather than seek to defeat the Taliban, Washington indeed has encouraged the Pakistani, Afghan and Saudi intelligence to hold proxy negotiations with the Taliban’s top leadership, holed up in Quetta.

 

Secondly, the U.S. is fighting the wrong war. Eight years after the American invasion drove the al-Qaeda leaders from Afghanistan, Pakistan has emerged as the main base and sanctuary for transnational terrorists. Support and sustenance for the Taliban and many other Afghan militants also come from inside Pakistan. Yet Mr. Obama pursues a military surge in Afghanistan but an aid surge to Pakistan, to the extent that Islamabad is being made the single largest recipient of U.S. assistance in the world.

 

In that light, Mr. Obama’s war strategy is questionable. Given that he has abandoned his predecessor’s goal to defeat the Taliban and capture dead or alive its one-eyed leader, Mullah Mohammad Omar, his move to induct even more American troops stirs widespread concern.

 

To defeat the al-Qaeda, the U.S. doesn’t need a troop build-up — certainly not in Afghanistan. Without a large ground force in Afghanistan or even major ground operations, the U.S. can hold the al-Qaeda remnants at bay in their havens in the mountainous tribal regions of Pakistan through covert operations, Predator drones and cruise-missile attacks. Isn’t that precisely what the CIA already is doing, having killed more than a dozen suspected Qaeda figures in Pakistan in recent drone and missile attacks?

 

Actually, the U.S. intelligence believes that the al-Qaeda already is badly fragmented and weakened and thus is in no position to openly challenge American interests. According to the latest Annual Threat Assessment of the Intelligence Community, “Because of the pressure we and our allies have put on Al Qaeda’s core leadership in Pakistan … Al Qaeda today is less capable and effective than it was a year ago.”

 

Had the Obama goal been to rout the Taliban, a further military surge may have made sense because a resurgent Taliban can be defeated only through major ground operations, not by air-strikes and covert actions alone. Yet, having abandoned the international goal of institution-building in Afghanistan by equating it with nation-building, the Obama administration presses ahead with a “clear, hold, build” strategy. When the administration’s principal war target is not the Taliban but the al-Qaeda remnants on the run, why chase a troop-intensive strategy pivoted on protecting population centres to win grassroots support? In reality, what it calls a “clear, hold, build” strategy is actually a “surge, bribe, run” strategy, except that the muddled nature of the mission and the deepening U.S. involvement crimp the “run” option.

 

America’s quandary is a reminder that it is easier to get into a war than to get out. In fact, Mr. Obama undermined his own unfolding war strategy last March by publicly declaring, “There’s got to be an exit strategy.” The message it sent to the Taliban and its sponsor, the Pakistani military, was that they ought to simply outwait the Americans to reclaim Afghanistan.

 

Before Afghanistan becomes a Vietnam-style quagmire for the U.S., Mr. Obama must rethink his plan for another troop surge. Gradually drawing down U.S. troop levels indeed makes more sense because what holds the disparate constituents of the Taliban syndicate together is a common opposition to foreign military presence.

 

An American military exit from Afghanistan will not come as a shot in the arm for the forces of global jihad, as many in Washington seem to fear. To the contrary, it will remove the common unifying element and unleash developments whose significance would be largely internal or regional. In Afghanistan, a vicious power struggle would break out along sectarian and ethnic lines.

 

The Taliban, with the active support of the Pakistani military, would certainly make a run for Kabul to replay the 1996 power grab. But it won’t be easy to repeat 1996. For one, the Taliban is too splintered today, with the tail (private armies and militias) wagging the dog. For another, the non-Taliban and non-Pashtun forces now are stronger, more organised and better prepared than in 1996 to resist the Taliban’s advance to Kabul, having been empowered by the autonomy they have enjoyed in provinces or by the offices they still hold in the Afghan federal government. By retaining Afghan bases to carry out covert operations and Predator missions and other air-strikes, the U.S. military would be able to unleash punitive air power to prevent a 1996 repeat. After all, it was the combination of American air power and Northern Alliance’s ground operations that ousted the Taliban from power in 2001.

 

In fact, the most likely outcome of the Afghan power struggle triggered by an American decision to pull out would be the formalisation of the present de facto partition of Afghanistan along ethnic lines. Iraq, too, is headed in the same direction. The Tajiks, Uzbeks, Hazaras and other ethnic minorities would be able to ensure self-governance in the Afghan areas they dominate, leaving the Pashtun lands on both sides of the Durand Line in ferment. Thanks to ethnic polarisation, the Durand Line today exists only in maps. On the ground, it has little political, ethnic and economic relevance, and it will be militarily impracticable to re-impose the line.

 

As in Iraq, an American withdrawal would potentially let loose forces of Balkanisation in the Afpak belt. That may sound disturbing. But this would be an unintended and perhaps unstoppable consequence of the U.S. invasion.

 

An American pullout would also aid the fight against international terrorism. Instead of staying bogged down in Afghanistan and seeking to cajole and bribe the Pakistani military from continuing to provide succour to Islamic militants, Washington would become free to pursue a broader and more balanced counterterrorism strategy. Also, minus the Afghan-war burden, the U.S. would better appreciate the dangers to international security posed by Pakistani terror groups like the Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Jaish-e-Mohammed. The threat of an Islamist takeover of Pakistan comes not from the Taliban but from these groups that have long drawn support from the Pakistani army as part of a deep-rooted military-mullah alliance.

 

(Brahma Chellaney is Professor of Strategic Studies at the Centre for Policy Research in New Delhi.)

 

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THE HINDU

NEWS ANALYSIS

RENEWABLE ENERGY, A MAJOR SOLUTION FOR FIGHTING CLIMATE CHANGE

IT IS THE ONLY SOURCE OF ENERGY WHICH COULD MEET THE NEEDS OF 10 BILLION HUMAN BEINGS IN 2050.

HELENE PELOSSE

 

Historically, energy has been the cause of numerous conflicts. Access to petrol has generated deadly wars and a schism between producer and consumer countries, incarnated since the past 30 years by the rival organizations, OPEC and IEA. As far as nuclear energy is concerned, there is no such global organization.

 

Founded on 26th January 2009 in Germany, the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA) is a real breakthrough. IRENA is the agency of reconciliation of all countries to form a sacred union for a global fight: the transition to clean energy. As of now 136 countries have agreed to develop renewable energy together. This is the first time that this kind of energy has reached such a consensus. And this has occurred at a time when the IPCC, presided by an eminent Indian scientist, Dr. R.K. Pachauri, has launched works that will conclude with the publication of a report on renewable energy within a year.

 

Today, renewable energy represents 18 per cent of global energy consumption. This is mainly constituted of traditional biomass — women in developing countries who use wood for cooking — and hydraulic energy. But other forms of renewable energy, such as wind and solar energy, have witnessed very strong growth rates: more than 20 per cent per year over the past 10 years for the former, and an even higher growth rate for the latter. Should it not be recalled that, in 2009, no new nuclear power station has been installed, whereas the installation of wind energy facilities has been increased by 27 GW?

 

Renewable energy is a major solution for fighting climate change. And it is the only source of unlimited energy which could meet the needs of 10 billion human beings that we shall number in 2050. Its potential is not only immense but also well distributed, unlike fossil fuels: let us not forget that 65 per cent of oil is concentrated in the Middle East. Be it the sun, the wind, rivers, the sea, the heat of the earth, the forest and agricultural and industrial residues, each country on Earth has resources.

 

In India alone — the only country in the world to have a ministry dedicated to renewable energy and a founder-member of IRENA – the potential is immense. Electricity from renewable energy already accounts for 9 per cent of installed capacity. Globally, India is the 5th largest producer of wind energy; national champions, such as Suzlon, have been created and the resources are far from having been completely exploited. Today, exploiting the potential of solar energy - “Solar India” – constitutes the next challenge. I am pleased with India’s ambitious solar energy plan, which targets a 20GW capacity by 2020. New norms and regulations will be incorporated in it. Well gauged and effective, they could serve as an example for other countries.

 

With India and all member-States, IRENA will work hand in hand to develop renewable energy. Together, we will pool expertise for laying down the most effective regulations which will help increase the share of renewable energy. Together, we will interconnect research centres in the world and create a global database so that each country may be aware of the resources at its disposal. Together, we will invent new products so as to render solar technology accessible to the poorest. Together, we will finance exemplary cooperation projects and meet the vast existing training needs.

 

But we must also accomplish a Copernican revolution together. For years we have been living with a centralised energy system; we will now move towards a decentralized system wherein there will be numerous production sources. We are used to a rigid, non communicating electricity network, which should instead be made flexible and intelligent. We had thought that electricity could not be stocked – tomorrow the batteries of millions of electric vehicles will drastically reduce the need for large stocking capacity. The energy transformation supported by IRENA will also be that of a change in mindset.

 

(Helene Pelosse is Interim Director General of IRENA.)

 

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THE HINDU

NEWS ANALYSIS

A CASE OF MISTAKEN PATERNITY?

NOBODY, INCLUDING JINNAH, NEHRU, PATEL, OR LORD MOUNTBATTEN, HAD ANY IDEA OF WHAT PARTITION WOULD ENTAIL. WOULD THEY, WITH THE BENEFIT OF HINDSIGHT, HAVE CHOSEN A DIFFERENT COURSE?

MAHIR ALI

 

Success has many fathers, as the familiar proverb puts it, while failure is an orphan. In the event, conjecture about Pakistan’s possible progenitors comes across as a decidedly odd phenomenon.

 

The one striking feature about former Indian foreign minister Jaswant Singh’s political biography of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, relentlessly cited in reports about the controversy spawned by the book, is the author’s supposed contention that Pak istan would not have been born but for the supportive stance adopted by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel.

 

Given the broadly positive reception accorded to the book in Pakistan, does it follow that Pakistanis are happy to acknowledge the Pandit and the Sardar’s pro-creative role in the birth of their nation? Or is their enthusiasm based chiefly on the childish ire generated by Jaswant Singh’s version of history on the Indian side of the border?

 

As far as I am concerned, it’s entirely a question of blame rather than credit. He is by no means the first person, or even the first Indian, to point out that Jinnah’s demand for Pakistan was primarily a bargaining ploy and that the leaders of the Indian Congress could have thwarted Partition had they agreed, for instance, to a federation based on a weak centre.

 

Their intransigence effectively blocked feasible alternatives and propelled the two-nation theory towards its illogical conclusion.

 

This hardly qualifies as a novel thesis, and there can be little question that Jaswant Singh’s petulant expulsion from the Bharatiya Janata Party reflects poorly on the latter’s viability as a political force in a secular country. The Congress, too, has reacted importunately to the book, possibly because of its reluctance to countenance criticism of India’s first Prime Minister by a prominent opposition figure (notwithstanding the party’s own drift away from what is regularly derided as “Nehruvian socialism”).

 

The fact is that more than six decades after independence, the blame game is still being played in the subcontinent. Barring honourable exceptions, the general impression in India seems to be that Partition was a fulfilment of Jinnah’s dream; a perhaps inevitable corollary of this view is that he was a closet Islamic fundamentalist.

 

The Pakistani equivalent of this phenomenon is the inability to make a distinction between the Congress and the Hindu Mahasabha. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi’s endeavours to forge communal harmony seldom find mention in Pakistani history books. Nor is there any mention of the fact that in the charged atmosphere of 1947, Nehru routinely risked his life to protect Muslim refugees — as did the great love of his life, Edwina Mountbatten, whose empathy with the victims of violence, regardless of their caste or creed, contrasted with her vain husband’s obsession with his own place in history.

 

Jaswant Singh dwells time and again on the mutual antipathy between Nehru and Jinnah, implying that the former was ill served by his rancour. Both leaders were secular Indian nationalists before Jinnah dedicated himself to communal leadership. Nehru was able to prevent India from lapsing into an identity focused on religion. “As long as I am at the helm of affairs,” he declared, “India will not become a Hindu state. The very idea of a theocratic state is not only medieval but also stupid.”

 

In his oft-quoted speech to Pakistan’s Constituent Assembly in the run-up to Partition, Jinnah offered the impression that a citizen’s faith would bear no relation to his or her status. But did he wonder whether it could indeed be so, given that Pakistan had been founded on an unequivocally communal basis? And would it not have made infinitely more sense to strive for such an undertaking in an undivided India?

 

To his credit, Jaswant Singh concedes that, after the event, Nehru regretted Partition and held out the hope that it may be reversed. Based on a perusal, rather than a complete reading, of his book, he does not cite indications, insufficiently corroborated though they may be, that Jinnah was similarly inclined.

 

“According to his doctor,” writes Alex von Tunzelmann in Indian Summer: The Secret History of the End of an Empire, “Jinnah [in his last days] saw Liaquat [Ali Khan] and told him that Pakistan was ‘the biggest blunder of my life’. Further yet, he declared: ‘If now I get an opportunity, I will go to Delhi and tell Jawaharlal to forget about the follies of the past and become friends again.’”

 

The evidence, admittedly, is circumstantial, but it complements the impression Jinnah created when, during a Pakistan Times-sponsored flight to survey the extent of the refugee crisis in the Punjab, he held his head in his hands and reputedly remarked, “Oh my God, what have I done?”

 

Nobody, including Jinnah, had any idea of what Partition would entail. Would he, with the benefit of hindsight, have chosen a different course? Almost certainly. So would have Nehru and Lord Mountbatten. And Patel, notwithstanding his pro-Hindu slant. Radcliffe’s boundaries tend to be derided, and not without cause. But no possible division of India could have been entirely satisfactory to anyone.

 

That view does not, however, solve the problem of Pakistan’s antecedents. There is even an unexpected intruder. “There can be no doubt,” writes von Tunzelmann, “that his public championing of the Muslim League’s cause in the House of Commons throughout 1946 and 1947, and of Pakistan’s thereafter, was crucial both to the creation of Pakistan and to the British government’s support for its interests over the years to come. If Jinnah is regarded as the father of Pakistan, [Winston] Churchill must qualify as its uncle; and, therefore, as a pivotal figure in the resurgence of political Islam.”

 

That last bit is, arguably, a bit of a stretch. In 1947, hardly anyone could have suspected that a nation carved out on a confessional basis would lead to a country obsessed with jihad. However, there can be little doubt that it is Jinnah — rather than Nehru or Patel — who ought to have known that the country he left behind 61 years ago was not destined for secularity.

 

(Email: mahir.dawn@gmail.com )

 

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THE HINDU

NEWS ANALYSIS

CLIMATE: STUDY WARNS OF EARLIER SPRING

SEVERIN CARRELL

 

It is a discovery which should delight Britain’s gardeners: by 2050 spring will start before Valentine’s day (Feb. 14). Cherry and pear trees will blossom in late January, while flower beds will be crowded with blooming buttercups, irises and geraniums long before winter has officially ended.

 

A study on the impact of our warming climate has found that in 40 years’ time across most low-lying coastal areas of the globe spring will begin for many plants at least a month earlier than it does now and end several weeks later.

 

The predictions are based on a detailed study of plant records from the Royal Botanic Garden in Edinburgh (RGBE) dating from 1850, and weather records for Edinburgh dating back to 1775.

 

Malcolm Clark, of Monash University, Australia, and Roy Thompson, at the University of Edinburgh, who studied the records, confirmed that the “botanical calendar” had altered for scores of plants in the RBGE collection — plants that are now flowering earlier as average air temperatures slowly but steadily rise.

 

The most affected plants, they say, are ornamental cherries, peach and pear, as well as anemones, saxifrage, irises and perennials such as three-leaved bittercress. They warn that an ever earlier spring is likely to create significant problems for the plants, for birds and insects relying on them, and for farmers. As flowering plants move out of step, or “desynchronise,” with normal seasons, serious problems could emerge with the pollination. Plants could flower before the birds and insects that feed on them or the mammals that carry their pollen are at large. Most animal behaviour is guided by the length of the day rather than temperature.

 

The scientists believe that the places worst affected by the warming temperatures will be the low-lying coastal parts of the world and regions with maritime climates, such as the British Isles and western Europe, the Atlantic coast of north America as far south as Florida, Chile, New Zealand and north Africa.

 

CONTESTED

The start of spring is already contested. Traditionally it starts with the vernal equinox on March 20 or 21 and ends with the summer solstice on June 21, but for statistical and record-keeping purposes the Met Office states that spring starts on 1 March and ends on May 31. With continued global warming these dates are likely to become less meaningful.

 

In maritime areas, for every 1{+0}C of warming flowers will bloom as if spring had begun 16 days earlier and ended 11 days later. According to widely accepted predictions that the world’s climate will warm by at least 2{+0}C by 2050, leading to warmer winters, spring in the British Isles will start in late January, and then finish in late June.

 

In continental regions, further from the warming effects of the oceans, the impact will be lessened but still significant, with the flowering starting seven days sooner and ending 11 days later for every degree of warming.  © Guardian Newspapers Limited, 2009

 

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THE HINDU

NEWS ANALYSIS

WHERE FOREIGN STUDENT ABUSE PROVES EXPENSIVE

NICK BRYANT

 

When Indian students arrive in Australia, probably the last thing they think they will end up doing is taking to the streets in a series of boisterous protests.

 

First, they were voicing anger over a spate of muggings and attacks in Melbourne, Sydney and Adelaide. Police confirm there have been 97 attacks since late-May, although the true figure is probably much higher since many assaults go unreported.

 

Now, the ranks of disgruntled Indian students have been swelled by those who believe they are being ripped off by a private system keen to take their money, but unable to offer value for money or even a proper education.

 

Twin demands of protection from attacks, and safeguards from unscrupulous private education providers are now motivating what has fast become a student movement.

 

And it has drawn multiracial support not only from Australian students but also from Chinese and other nationalities too.

 

For the Australian government it is a particularly sensitive issue.

 

Australia is an educational powerhouse, with 70,000 Indian students alone.

 

After coal and iron ore, it is the country’s third most lucrative industry, worth around 7.5 billion pounds ($14.35 billion AUD).

 

It was the beauty of Sydney that drew Sumit Purdani from Delhi to study for an MBA, but he will remember his time here for the ugliness of the welcome.

 

Less than a month after arriving Sumit was set upon by a gang of three youths of Middle Eastern descent while he was on his way to a Hindu temple in broad daylight.

 

He was punched and kicked in an attack that lasted 10-15 minutes. His attackers only ran off when a local football team, who had just finished a match, came into view.

 

I asked him how he could be sure he was attacked because of his nationality.

 

There was no doubt, he said, “because of the comments they made, because I was carrying a bag with an Indian logo and because of the comments they made of my country and background.”

 

‘CURRY DIPLOMACY’

Back in India — a country determined to assert itself much more forcefully on the international stage, and unwilling to sit back while its citizens experience trouble abroad — the Indian student attacks have received extensive coverage on both cable news channels and special programmes devoted to the issue.

 

“So what will it take to get Mr Kevin Rudd to finally wake up?” asked one commentator, reproachfully.

Alert to the diplomatic, as well as the economic, fall-out from the controversy, Prime Minister Rudd spoke to Indian reporters, and tried to convey his respect and admiration for a country which Australia has traditionally tended to ignore.

 

“Our Indian community has been such a vital contributor to our culture, to our life, to our food, to our music,” he said. He even opted for some curry diplomacy:

 

Since Mr. Rudd made those comments, in the midst of the southern winter, the debate has moved on.

 

LACK OF EQUIPMENT

The assaults against Indian students have received less attention than concerns over the quality of education being offered.

 

These concerns were crystallised following the closure of Sterling College in Sydney, a private education college offering vocational qualifications which went into administration in late July.

 

Sterling College shut its door on 500 mainly overseas students, all of whom had spent thousands of dollars in tuition fees. The controversy brought to the fore the issue of financial mismanagement in this lucrative sector, and substandard courses.

 

I spoke to former lecturers at Sterling College who complained about not being given even the most rudimentary teaching tools, like overhead projectors, hand-outs and textbooks.

 

GLOBAL AMBITIONS

With student interest from India already showing signs of trailing off, it has also mounted a diplomatic offensive.

 

The Australian Deputy Prime Minister, Julia Gillard, visited India this month. Mr. Rudd plans to make his own visit before Christmas.

 

At a protest march in Sydney this month, the Australian authorities might have been unnerved by the presence of so many camera crews from China, another lucrative market in the overseas student industry.

 

Australia is often stereotyped as an unusually racist country, partly because its White Australia immigration policy lasted until the early 1970s. But perhaps the bigger story of the post-war years is how a mono-cultural society became a successfully multi-cultural society, without much of a backlash.

 

Geographically and diplomatically, it is well placed to have an enhanced international role in what is likely to be an Asia-dominated century. But alienating students from the emerging giants of India and China could impede its global ambitions. — © BBC News/Distributed by the New York Times Syndicate

 

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THE HINDU

NEWS ANALYSIS

MIGRANTS AT SEA: A CLARIFICATION

WILFRED KENELY, HIGH COMMISSIONER OF MALTA, NEW DELHI, WRITES:

 

I refer to the article ‘Migrants at sea are not toxic cargo’ by Navi Pillay in The Hindu, September 9.

 

This reply incorporates excerpts from press statements given by the Maltese authorities following the incident of death of migrants on the Mediterranean referred to in the article.

 

The tragedy of 75 migrants who allegedly went missing, assuming that it happened, occurred outside the search and rescue(SAR) zone of Malta and Italy, namely in Libyan SAR and at no moment in time did the Maltese authorities have any knowledge or information relating to such incident. It is preposterous to assume that Malta should be held responsible for incidents occurring without its knowledge outside its search and rescue zone. When the Frontex aircraft based in Malta spotted the rubber dinghy for the first time it was still in Libyan SAR zone and there were only the five immigrants on board. This statement was made by the Maltese Minister of Foreign Affairs Tonio Borg.

 

Brigadier Carmelo Vassallo, Commander of the Armed Forces of Malta (AFM), explained the sequence of events. A maritime patrol aircraft operating a FRONTEX Joint-Operation Nautilus 2009 mission had spotted the five Eritrean migrants in Libyan SAR zone on Wednesday 19 August afternoon, and directed one of the AFM’s surface assets towards it. When the AFM vessel reached the illegal immigrants’ dinghy, it found that the five migrants were in good spirits and in good health, and that their dinghy was in a good condition and with its outboard motor running. When asked if they wanted to be brought to Malta, the five refused and insisted in continuing on their North-West course to their intended destination. The AFM, whilst providing humanitarian aid as per its international obligations, eventually informed the competent Italian authorities accordingly, through the European Patrolling Network (EPN).

 

It must be noted and stressed that until such time as the AFM was in contact with these Eritreans, they were in a good state of health, and refused to be picked up by the AFM and brought in to Malta.

 

It is also pertinent to highlight that the AFM informed their Italian counterparts about the presence of the dinghy early enough on Thursday morning, and that enabled the Guardia di Finanzato send out a rescue launch to pick them up when the immigrants dinghy was still 10 nautical miles from Lampedusa. It is to be stressed that at no time did the AFM patrol boat lose contact with the dinghy from the moment it was intercepted until the immigrants were recovered by the Italian Guardia di Finanza.

 

Furthermore, it is to be noted that an aerial patrol spotted 8 corpses at sea spread over a large area astride the Maltese and Libyan search and rescue regions. The sighted corpses were noted to be in an advanced state of decomposition and, till present, none of the evidence related to these corpses points towards their having originated from the same boat as the five Eritreans who where recovered off Lampedusa by the Italian Guardia di Finanza.

 

The article by Pillay implies that when the dinghy was spotted by the AFM it was carrying the ‘scores of migrants’ and argues that the position taken by the AFM ‘falls woefully short of international human rights obligations and standards of conduct at sea.’ To date there is no evidence that there were other people on board the dinghy before it was spotted by the Maltese patrol. The only known facts are explained above. Anything else amounts to speculation.

 

It is also to be emphasised that over the last years 12,500 persons who were in distress were rescued and received in Malta – the smallest member of the European Union. All these immigrants did not have any intention of stopping in Malta, an island, and yet Malta accepted them in line with its international obligations.

 

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THE ASIAN AGE

EDITORIAL

MISBEHAVIOUR JUST CAN’T BE CONDONED

 

Poor public conduct by sportspersons is nothing new. Its incidence may only have grown in recent times as the sporting arena came to be married to mass international audiences through the phenomenon of television, raising not just the star value of successful players but also making them uber-rich. Brat behaviour by many glam sporting figures does appear to be somewhere linked with bulging pockets. It is hard to brush away the sense that heavy cash flows have taken a toll of the gentleness, grace, and fair play traditionally associated with the protocols of the playing field. These characteristics have been replaced with arrogance and caprice. "Being a sport" is not necessarily on these days. Even taking into account the changes that have marked the sporting universe in our times, the violent reaction of cricketer Harbhajan Singh toward a television cameraman at Bengaluru airport on Wednesday, as the Indian team was leaving for Sri Lanka, appears excessive. Mr Singh’s behaviour was not just inappropriate, it was boorish. Not surprisingly, the repulsive image of the cricketer lunging out with his fist for the minor infraction on the cameraman’s part of unintentionally nudging the spinner in a throng, was flashed on TV screens across the world, drawing sighs of disapproval everywhere.

 

Sportspeople known to throw tantrums — the legendary American tennis champion John McEnroe comes to mind here — have not been generally known to behave insultingly toward the paying public or the media. Mr Singh, of course, is not the McEnroe of cricket. Even so, he can do himself no harm by keeping in mind that the tennis legend frequently argued with umpires and banged his racket on the ground in frustration. But he did not challenge match referees in the final analysis. Nor did he abuse his opponents. Mr Singh, on the other hand, has gone well beyond all that. On one occasion, after one of his spell-binding Wimbledon triumphs, the American star was pointedly not invited to the traditional dinner by the All England Club when the winning champion is meant to be the star of the event. So, what should we do with Mr Singh, who is clearly a cricketer but evidently not a sportsman? Should the BCCI or his team appoint a counsellor to shadow the Punjab lad so that he is restrained from being a further disgrace? Or should he be just taken off the playing roster until such time as his temperament improves?

 

Celebrities, especially those from the world of sports, are media creations in the end — the product of image makers, not necessarily of their sporting prowess. Ask any Indian footballer or hockey player. That’s why it is foolish of a Harbhajan Singh to get ideas. Like in any endeavour, in sports too people are expected to behave with greater responsibility and sobriety as they go up the ladder, and a part of this is to show more generosity and grace under pressure. There are several among his own contemporaries that Mr Singh could seek to emulate. For a start we can recommend Tendulkar, Dravid and Kumble.

 

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THE ASIAN AGE

OPED

A PLATE FULL OF TOXINS

VANDANA SHIVA

 

In times when food is genetically manipulated and chemically contaminated, the metaphor "food for thought" can also stand for manipulated information and be toxic food for thought. Unfortunately, Dr M.S. Swaminathan’s GM: Food for Thought (August 26), is as manipulated as the genetically-modified (GM) foods which were the subject of his article.

 

Dr Swaminathan’s first scientific manipulation was the argument that conventional plant "breeding methods are very time consuming and often not very accurate. However, with the recombinant DNA technology, plants with the desired traits can be produced very rapidly and with greater accuracy". This is scientifically false. Genetic engineering is a crude and blind technology of shooting genes into an organism through a "gene gun". It’s like infecting the organism with a "cancer". It is not known if the transgene is introduced, and that is why antibiotic resistance markers have to be used. Nor is it known where in the genome the transgene gets introduced. This is not "accuracy", it is literally shooting in the dark.

 

Further, the genetically engineered construct is introduced into existing crops that are bred by conventional breeding methods. Thus Bt Cotton (Bt stands for Bacillus Thuringenesis) is the introduction of Bt genes into existing hybrids in the case of Mahyco (a company that produces and markets a broad range of seeds developed with biotechnology), and into a selection in the case of the Central Cotton Research Institute. GM technology does not substitute conventional breeding, it is dependent on it. Thus the arguments of "speed" as well as "accuracy" are false.

 

The second scientific inaccuracy in Dr Swaminathan’s article is the claim that through GM technology "we can isolate a gene responsible for conferring drought tolerance, introduce that gene into a plant, and make it drought tolerant".

 

Drought tolerance is a polygenetic trait. It is, therefore, scientifically flawed to talk of "isolating a gene for drought tolerance". Genetic engineering tools are so far only able to transfer single gene traits. That is why in 20 years only two single gene traits have been commercialised through genetic engineering. One is herbicide resistance and the second is the Bt toxin trait.

 

Navdanya Trust’s recent report (Biopiracy of Climate Resilient Crops: Gene giants are stealing farmers innovation of drought resistant, flood resistant and salt resistant varieties) shows that farmers have bred corps that are resistant to climate extremes. And it is these traits, a result of a millennia of farmers breeding, that are now being patented and pirated by the genetic engineering industry. Using farmers’ varieties as "genetic material", the biotechnology industry is playing genetic roulette to gamble on which gene complexes are responsible for which trait. This is not done through genetic engineering; it is done through software programs like "Athlete" that uses "vast amounts of available genomic data (mostly public) to rapidly reach a reliable limited list of candidate key genes with high relevance to a target trait of choice. Allegorically, the Athlete platform could be viewed as a "machine" that is able to choose 50-100 lottery tickets from amongst hundreds of thousands of tickets, with the high likelihood that the winning ticket will be included among them".

 

Breeding is being replaced by gambling, innovation is giving way to biopiracy, and science is being substituted by propaganda.

 

One aspect of the propaganda related to GM crops is that they will feed the world. Dr Swaminathan writes, "The world population has crossed six billion and is predicted to double in the next 50 years. Ensuring an adequate food supply for this booming population is a major challenge in the years to come. GM crops promise to meet this need in a number of ways".

 

The claim to increased yield is false because yield, like climate resilience, is a multi-genetic trait. Introducing toxins into a plant through herbicide resistance or Bt toxin increases the "yield" of toxins, not of food or nutrition.

 

Even the nutrition argument is manipulated. Golden rice genetically engineered to increase Vitamin A produces 70 times less Vitamin A than available alternatives. The same applies to the iron-enriched rice that the M.S Swaminathan Research Foundation is working on. The low-cost, high-impact route to reduce anaemia (iron deficiency) in women and children is by growing and making available iron-rich foods such as bathua, methi, shajan etc.

 

The false claim of higher food production has been dislodged by a recent study by Dr Doug Gurian Sherman, a former biotech specialist for the US Environmental Protection Agency and former adviser on GM to the US Food and Drug Administration, titled "Failure to Yield". Sherman states, "Let us be clear. There are no commercialised GM crops that inherently increase yield. Similarly, there are no GM crops in the market that were engineered to resist drought, reduce fertiliser pollution or save soil. Not one".

 

Another aspect of science being substituted by propaganda is the false claim of safety. Dr Swaminathan claims, "Environmental activists, religious organisations, non-governmental organisations, have all raised concerns about GM foods, and criticised agribusiness for pursuing profit without concern for potential hazards, and criticised the government for failing to exercise adequate regulatory oversight. Most concerns about GM foods fall into three categories — environmental hazards, human health risks and economic concerns. Unintended harm to other organisms; reduced effectiveness of pesticides; gene transfer to non-target species are some of the concerns of the environmental concerns of GM crops. There is no scientific evidence to prove any of these concerns as real, since commercialisation of transgenic crops have taken place over the past 10 years in the world".

 

Percy Schmeiser stands as the most important victim of genetic contamination. His canola crop was contaminated by the "Round Up Resistant" canola produced by Monsanto, a chemical company. Monsanto sued him claiming that the genes of "Round Up Resistant" canola were their "intellectual property" and that he was a thief. The "polluter pays" principle has been replaced by the "polluted gets paid" principle.

 

France, Germany and Austria have banned Monsanto Mon 810 corn, a Bt corn, because of scientific research showing risks of genetic instability, allergenicity, infertility, turmorogenecity.

 

Dr Swaminathan’s statement that "there is no scientific evidence" to prove risks and hazards flies in the face of all evidence.

 

Dr Swaminathan is also wrong in claiming there are no socio-economic risks. The concentration of farmers’ suicides in the Bt cotton belt of Punjab, Vidarbha, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka is tragic proof of the high socio-economic costs of Bt cotton.

 

Dr Swaminathan has also manipulated the "safety" of Bt cotton. He states, "One of the best known examples of using non-plant genes to transform crops is the use of Bt genes in cotton and many other crops. Bt, or Bacillus Thuringenesis, is a naturally occurring bacterium that produces crystal proteins that are lethal only to insect larvae, Bt genes are lethal only in the acidic, insect gut environment and do not get activated in an alkaline environment, prevalent in humans and other animals that feed on these plants".

 

While it is true that the naturally-occurring Bt, which is an endo toxin, becomes a toxin only in the gut of insect larvae, the genetically-engineered Bt toxin is a readymade toxin. But Navdanya’s research in Vidarbha, Maharashtra, this has shown that Bt cotton is killing beneficial micro-organisms in the soil. Reports of deaths of animals grazing in Bt cotton fields are also related to the fact that Bt toxin in plants is a broad spectrum, readymade toxin unlike the naturally occurring Bt in the soil organism. (Andhra Pradesh’s animal husbandary department’s report takes note of an increasing number of deaths of animals and pests who graze in Bt cotton fields.)

 

We cannot afford toxic "food for thought" as a diet for our minds, just as we cannot afford toxic, genetically-engineered food as a diet for our bodies.

 

It is time for authentic, unbiased, independent and holistic science to inform the GM data. Not the false propaganda being peddled as science.

 

Dr Vandana Shiva is the executive director of the Navdanya Trust

 

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THE ASIAN AGE

OPED

HARDWIRED LIVES

SHEKHAR BHATIA

 

Personally, I like the digital age. But I also like my Filofax.

 

Every November I place an order for my Filofax refill pages — cream colour sheets, a week over two pages. The packet arrives well before the New Year. Postage from England costs almost as much as the price of the refill, but then there is something sensuous about good stationery.

 

I’ve used the same Filofax since 1994. I also like my Moleskine notebook with its square pages — the kind children use in school for graphs. I prefer it to ruled pages. It has some random notes made at various moments, but most of the pages are still blank. I keep it in my bag, along with my Filofax.

 

Ten years ago, I also had a Rolodex — the rotating card holder — on my desk but abandoned it for no apparent reason. I think it slowly went into disuse when I acquired my first electronic organiser, a Palm Pilot.

 

I bought a Walkman, an original Sony, in the mid-80s around the time I switched from my manual typewriter to an electric one. I loved my Walkman (among the first set of songs I had on it was Lionel Richie’s All Night Long) but the possession I prized the most was my manual typewriter, a portable Olivetti Lettera 32.

 

I had bought it second-hand and it cost me a good part of my month’s salary. I wouldn’t let anyone else use it; not even my wife. Once every few months I would clean it with a brush and wipe the black smudges caused while reversing the ribbon to stretch its life. I loved its elegant design, and the sound of the moving parts. At work I used to like the rugged rawness of the clunky Underwood. The younger generation will call it steampunk. My son grew up as a keyboard kid using a computer from the age of five.

 

Life was very different back in the days before the Internet.

 

We wrote letters with pen or ball-pen on paper. We reserved special stationery for special people and sent birthday and New Year greeting cards. When we were visiting relatives in another city, we sent them a telegram giving details of our train number and time of arrival. We knew the names of the postmen who came to deliver letters. As students, we always tipped the postmen when they came around to deliver that monthly money order from our parents.

 

We could instantly recall the phone numbers of most of our friends; for others, we looked up the two fat volumes of the phone book. When they updated the phone books, we stood in the long queue to exchange it for the new copy.

 

When we were researching a story, or helping our children with their school projects, we went to libraries and asked friends if they had books on the subject. My last resort was my friend Shakti Roy in Kolkata, the world’s best librarian. He would always find something from his archives.

 

At home, we had fat encyclopaedias with names like Family Health Guide for information on ordinary ailments, and DIY books to find out the best way of removing stains from clothes or rust from shower-heads. There were door-to-door salesmen who would sell assorted encyclopaedias in instalments.

 

We had notebooks with conversion charts that we referred to every time the wife wanted to know the equivalent of a quarter cup of maida in grams, or convert the oven temperature from Fahrenheit to Centigrade.

 

In college, we also bought second-hand copies of Playboy magazine and when someone raised an eyebrow, we said we read it only for the interviews.

 

But that was before the Internet and the World Wide Web changed the way we live, work and play. The Net and www are not synonymous: one is hardware, an intricate network of cables linking millions of computers across the globe; the other is software that carries information on the hardware. The first is 40 years old this month; the second came 20 years later.

 

I’m happy I live in the digital age.

 

My appointments and my to-do list are on my Mac, which is almost always on, and so are the birthdays with reminders. Whatever writing I do is saved in folders — though I needn’t do that because I can always Google for it.

 

All my music — some 15,000 numbers — is on my computer, and so are a lot of movies and my photo albums. If I feel like listening to a piece of music that I do not have, I go to a website called Grooveshark. And I have a choice of more stations than did I on my Sony World Band Radio that I used to switch on first thing in the morning for BBC news followed by All India Radio.

 

These days, as we bake brownies, we click on the Net and we know instantly that one teaspoon is a quarter ounce or 7ml. We also know how to make the base for quiche Lorraine: we saw Rachel Allen do it on YouTube when we missed her TV show.

 

And the pleasure of catching up with family and friends, face to face, on Skype! For me, this is one of the greatest conveniences of modern technology. As for phone numbers, why would you want to burden your memory when you can get it at the click of a button?

 

Why would you invest in heavy encyclopaedias when you can access Google, Wikipedia and many more specialised websites? I mean, why would you buy a family health book when you can check the symptoms at "WebMD" for free?

 

And please do not give me that line that the Net and the Web are making us dumb. On the contrary, with all this information at your fingertips, you are better informed. I buy more books now simply because I have access to more reviews.

 

There are huge benefits of living in a digital age. But I also like my Filofax. And I do miss receiving a handwritten letter, or a birthday card, something I would keep and not store in the memory of a machine.

 

Shekhar Bhatia can be contacted at shekhar.bhatia@gmail.com

 

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THE ASIAN AGE

OPED

SET PEOPLE FREE

ROBIN SHARMA

 

The best leaders turn their teammates loose. They clearly communicate the vision, coach and develop their people and, once done, set them free. Free to use their own creativity and ingenuity to get the results needed. Free to do excellent work and find splendid solutions. Free to feel what it’s like to succeed. And free to fail, because making mistakes is part of getting to success.

 

People want to be a part of an organisation that lets them bring their gifts to work and be fully alive. People want to be engaged and feel proud of their contribution. At the deepest level, each of us aches to know the work we do — and the lives we lead — make a difference. Will you let the people around you realise this longing by setting them free? Because if you don’t someone else will.

 

Excerpted from The Greatness Guide 2by Robin Sharma. Published by JaicoPublishing House, jaicopub@vsnl.com

 

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THE ASIAN AGE

COLUMN

CHINA PAINTS NEPAL A SCARY SHADE OF RED

BALBIR K. PUNJ

 

ing incident where two Indian priests were manhandled at Nepal's famous Pashupatinath temple by Maoists underscores three loathsome realities of the current political scenario in Nepal. One, the incident is the latest among many signs that the Chinese dragon is once again baring its fangs against India. Second, the Maoists in Nepal (like their Indian cousins) are no revolutionaries but mere footsoldiers carrying out China's imperial designs, and three, our "secularists" continue to practice double standards - contrast their silence on this sordid episode with the hell they raise everytime a Muslim or a Christian cleric is roughed up.

 

Even as three top Indian Army generals were visiting China at Beijing's invitation, there were reports first of two Chinese helicopters violating Indian air space, followed by reports that the Red Army has come 1.5 kms inside the international border in Ladakh and painted some posts red, claiming it to be Chinese territory. The Chinese dismissed the air intrusion as a pilot error and denied that "incursions into India ever happened". But we in India cannot easily forget the Indo-China border conflict that led to the 1962 war. Then too, China had first denied the land incursions.

 

Clearly, China is using the erstwhile kingdom of Nepal as a pawn in its plan to throttle India. However, the new Nepalese government led by Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal, that replaced the government led by Maoist leader Prachanda, has been more cooperative with India. It has agreed to take action against the Maoists who attacked the two Indian priests. But that is hardly any consolation.

 

There is an all-out plan by Beijing to influence Nepal and its Maoists who, incidentally, are only too eager to help their Chinese co-ideologues and mentors. These are the people who first forced Nepal's democratic leaders to agree to end the monarchy, and then targeted the Nepalese Army, the country's second powerhouse. The once all-powerful Army gave in without a fight. Initially, Maoists refused to lay down arms, thereby violating their agreement with the democratic parties which was the bedrock of their united front against the monarchy. Then they started to cut every single umbilical chord Nepal had with Indian culture.

 

The demand to terminate the age-old arrangement of appointing Indian priests for divine service in Pashupatinath sent shockwaves throughout Nepal. The Army specifically opposed this, along with a large number of people.

 

Nepal has been a transit point for many Pakistan-funded, anti-India activities, including circulation of fake Indian currency notes printed by the Inter-Services Intelligence to destabilise the Indian economy. The fact that after the ouster of the Maoist regime, Indian and Nepalese security forces tracked down many fake currency carriers of Pakistan origin has thrown light on this nefarious activity.

 

Fortunately, political parties of Nepal woke up and took a united stand against the Maoists. Mr Prachanda overplayed his hand when he asked the then Army Chief to quit. President of Nepal Ram Baran Yadav got to know the game the Maoists were playing and refused to validate the order to the Army Chief. It was this firm stand by democratic forces against the machinations of the Maoists to wrest complete power and turn the country into a Communist dictatorship that finally turned the table against Mr Prachanda. He is now threatening to use his armed cadres once again to regain power.

 

In Burma, too, China is playing an anti-India role. Across the world the military junta that controls power in Burma is a much criticised entity, not only for denying democratic rights to its people but also for pushing a naturally-rich country into misery. The Burmese generals are a bunch of frightened, superstitious men in uniform. Their answer to criticism is to further tighten the regime's iron grip on its people - the recent sentencing of Aung San Suu Kyi to house arrest is another indication of their continuing denial of democracy and the intention not to share power with the people, come what may.

 

While the world condemns Burma's military junta, China is wooing it. India has been feeling the heat and that's why during the National Democratic Alliance rule and the United Progressive Alliance's (UPA) government has had to soften its stand towards what is one of the most regressive regimes in the world.

 

It's no surprise that Pakistan continues to ignore New Delhi's demand for credible action on Mumbai terror attacks. Conceivably, Pakistan is playing Washington and Beijing against each other in this game in a bid to bypass international pressure to act and probe Mumbai terror attacks.

 

Union home minster P. Chidambaram's statement before he left for Washington, about Pakistan's "unwillingness" to prosecute Laskhar-e-Tayyaba chief Hafiz Saeed, was like a wail. The UPA government, like Jawaharlal Nehru, is unable to fathom the intentions of countries it deals with. When hurt, it assumes a sort of childish innocence. It is a blot on the conduct of our foreign policy.

 

Pakistan, China, Nepal, Burma, even Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, are taking India for granted. Even in distant Australia, anti-Indian forces are active enough to humiliate and hurt Indian students. All we hear from our own government is oft-repeated words of reassurance. Why is it that the same racist Australians dare not attack Chinese students in Melbourne?

 

The "big achievement" of the 100 days of the UPA-2 government has been to project India as a namby-pamby country at bay. That is why Maoists are beating up Indian priests in Kathmandu, Australians are attacking Indian students, the Malaysian government is jailing Hindus protesting discrimination, China is getting well into the Indian territory and painting it as Chinese and the Pakistani government is ignoring even its international commitment for taking action against 26/11 terror attacks.

 

Balbir K. Punj can be contacted at punjbk@gmail.com

 

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THE TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

SECURITY, OR STATUS?

GOOD, SOME VIPS’ COVER IS BEING WITHDRAWN

 

The list of politicians, civil servants and police officers moving about with gun-toting policemen in tow is so long that it is in urgent need of massive pruning. The Union Home Ministry has taken a step in the right direction by ordering immediate withdrawal of security deployed around 51 VIPs and scaling down protection to another 21 protectees.

 

Even this small move will free up some 377 police personnel who can be better utilised to protect ordinary citizens or vital installations and fighting Naxals and other terrorists. That is what they are meant for but have become status symbols for several VIPs, threat to whose life is more perceived than real. So-called VIPs appropriate them for their ego satisfaction and misuse them liberally.

 

This takes away the best police personnel from the state police, the Central Reserve Police Force and the Central Industrial Security Force. Even the elite NSG has not been spared. The over-stretched force of about 7,500 crack commandos has had to put over 1,700 personnel on VIP duty. It is in the fitness of things that the Home Ministry is also working to have more security categories so that it would be easier to downgrade politically sensitive cases one step at a time. Right now there are only four categories — X, Y, Z and Z plus.

 

The whole exercise would be worthwhile only if the states also follow suit because they have detailed a large number of their own personnel for security duties indiscriminately. For instance, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati has as many as 350 policemen and 34 vehicles for her security.

 

If this is not megalomania, then what is? Incidentally, when there was a proposal in July to withdraw her NSG cover, BSP members created such ruckus in Parliament that the proceedings of both the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha had to be adjourned. What matters is that the government later had to deny any move to downgrade her security or that of other leaders like Mr Murli Manohar Joshi, Mr Lalu Prasad Yadav and Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav.

 

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THE TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

BUMPY RIDE

LET JET AIRWAYS HANDLE ITS PROBLEMS

 

Pilots of Jet Airways have gone on mass sick leave to protest against the sacking of two of their colleagues, who had played a key role in forming a union. Jet Airways has 760 pilots of whom 360 have gone on leave. To escape legal action, they insist it is not a strike.

 

The airline Chairman, Mr Naresh Goel, has responded by sacking three more pilots, approaching the Bombay High Court for a legal remedy and seeking government intervention to break the strike. “They (the pilots) are behaving like terrorists. They cannot hold the country, the passengers and the airline to ransom”, he thundered on TV. He has threatened to shut the airline, treating it as a personal fiefdom and disregarding the other stakeholders’ interests.

 

If the pilots’ action cannot be justified for causing inconvenience to passengers, loss to their employer and disregarding the court orders, the management has incompetently handled a simple labour dispute. And this is not the first time the management of India’s largest airline has bungled. To grow big overnight, Jet Airways started new international flights, recklessly placed orders for aircraft and blundered by purchasing Sahara at a hefty price before the meltdown.

 

The management first sacked 1,900 employees, then took them back after political uproar. It squeezed concessions out of a sympathetic government and still protested against higher fuel prices. With its image in tatters and losses mounting, the airline is on the retreat, thanks to bad administration.

 

Initially, the government got carried away by Mr Naresh Goel’s outcry. It weighed the use of ESMA against the striking pilots. There is a move to exclude pilots from the purview of “workmen” and deny them legal protection.

 

Why should the government interfere in a dispute between a company and its employees when there is a legal mechanism in place for resolving labour disputes? Besides, Air India is among the airlines that have benefited from Jet’s cancelled flights.

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THE TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

WHO IS TO RULE KABUL?

KARZAI CAN’T IGNORE RIGGING CHARGES

 

The presidential election in Afghanistan has been mired in controversy since the day — August 20 — polling was held. The Elections Complaints Commission has received a large number of complaints that the incumbent President, Mr Hamid Karzai, indulged in unfair practices to ensure his victory. 

 

The complainants belong to the camps of almost all the 41 contestants, including, of course, the two main challengers to Mr Karzai’s position, Dr Abdullah Abdullah and Dr Ashraf Ghani Ahmedzai. Dr Abdullah, who is believed to have got over 28 per cent votes, has threatened that his followers will not allow a Karzai-led new government to function if all the rigging charges are not probed thoroughly.

 

Now even the Obama administration has come into the open with the stand that “a rigorous vetting of all of these allegations of fraud” must be done to ensure the legitimacy of the election results.

 

The Afghanistan Independent Election Commission has yet to declare the final outcome of the polls, but its latest announcement has it that Mr Karzai’s vote share has gone beyond 50 per cent of the ballots counted, eliminating the chances of a runoff. This has boosted the morale of the Karzai camp, which has begun working on government formation. However, the international community, particularly the US, is not happy with the conduct of Mr Karzai, who has virtually started behaving as the undeclared winner.

 

The US worry is that it should not be seen to be supporting a government formed on the basis of rigged elections. The number of Americans who want the Obama administration to continue with its Afghanistan mission, aimed at decimating the Taliban and Al-Qaida, has declined considerably.

 

The US administration will have to face more flak at home if the rigging charges against Mr Karzai are not cleared. The Taliban, too, will find a new argument to belittle the Kabul regime in the eyes of the gullible public.

 

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THE TRIBUNE

COLUMN

BJP UNDER THE RSS

MODERATES WILL LOSE GROUND

BY AMULYA GANGULI

 

IF the turmoil in the BJP was a case of the stirrings of a dormant secular conscience, then there would have been some hope for the party. A consideration of some of Mr Jaswant Singh’s remarks can convey this impression. His comparison, for instance, of his former party with the Ku Klux Klan is one of the sharpest criticisms of it by anyone inside or outside the BJP.

 

Even before he was expelled, Mr Singh had called for clarifications on Hindutva. A similar re-evaluation was sought by the two Muslim members, Mr Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi and Mr Shahnawaz Hussain, mainly because of their unhappiness with Mr Varun Gandhi’s speeches. They wanted to know whether the Piliibhit “version” of Hindutva was acceptable to the party.

 

Earlier, too, there had been nuanced approaches to the issue of Hindutva, suggesting a distancing from the party’s hardline positions associated with the Ramjanmabhoomi agitation, which was behind its success in the 1990s. At a post-poll meeting of the national executive, Mr L.K.Advani described Hindutva as an inclusive programme. Besides, the very fact that the BJP had shelved the three key points on its pro-Hindu agenda — building the Ayodhya temple, scrapping Article 370 and introducing a uniform civil code — way back in 1996 meant that it had become wary of its own belligerence.

 

Even then, it would be unrealistic to believe that Mr Jaswant Singh’s views before and after his expulsion represented a new line of thinking in the BJP. The comments of the two Muslim members and of Mr Sudheendra Kulkarni can also be ignored because of their minimal influence on the party’s functioning.

 

Mr Kulkarni had drifted into the BJP from the Leftist camp while the membership of the two others is no more than a token gesture by the party to show that it is not exclusively a Hindu organization. Before Mr Naqvi and Mr Hussain, there was Mr Sikander Bakht. They can be compared, therefore, to Jogen Mandal, who was the token Hindu in Jinnah’s Muslim League.

 

Even if Mr Jaswant Singh was serious about a reassessment of Hindutva, it is unlikely that he would have been too insistent on it if he had remained in the party. The reason is that few others would have shared his enthusiasm if only because such an initiative would have been a direct challenge to the RSS.

 

In any event, Mr Jaswant Singh’s views were very much a reaction to the electoral defeat. Had the BJP fared well, he would have been in all likelihood happy to continue subscribing to Hindutva as before. Second thoughts after a setback suggest an opportunistic and tactical reappraisal and not genuine doubts about a policy.

 

In contrast, Mr Arun Shourie’s views seem to be more in conformity with the BJP’s outlook. He has no qualms about Hindutva. His only grouse is against the leadership. But he hasn’t specified what exactly is his complaint except that the people at the helm failed to deliver. His solution, however, is instructive, for he wants the RSS to take over the BJP. Since the RSS proclaims itself to be a “cultural” organization, those unfamiliar with saffron politics would consider it strange that such an outfit should take charge of a political party even if it is acknowledged as the head of the parivar.

 

But Mr Shourie’s objective is clear. Since the RSS is regarded as more hawkish than the BJP, his message to the party is that it should return to the hardline stance of the 1990s which elevated it to mainstream politics from the margins. This argument is indistinguishable from what the RSS has been saying all along — that the BJP’s reverses are due to its deviations from Hindutva and the consequent toning down of its aggressive rhetoric. There is little doubt that the hardliners in both the RSS and the BJP believe that if the party did not shelve the temple issue, it would have fared much better.

 

The tussle in the BJP, therefore, is not a secular versus communal confrontation, but the familiar one between moderates and hardliners, which has been going on for more than a decade. The only difference this time is that with the RSS taking a more direct interest in the affairs of the BJP, the moderates will gradually be weeded out since no one will dare to oppose the Nagpur bosses.

 

Obedience to the RSS is ingrained in the saffron culture. The supposed autonomy of the Sangh parivar’s various units — the BJP, the VHP, the Bajrang Dal — is a myth. Although the RSS is supposed to provide only advice, as it is said to be doing to the BJP in its hour of trial, its counsel is an order.

 

Since the RSS believes in establishing a “homogeneous Hindu nation”, as its chief, Mr Mohan Bhagwat, has said, the moderates in the BJP with even their token commitment to multicultural tenets do not have any chance of survival. As it is, there are only a few of them. If they once wielded more influence than their numbers warranted, it was because their tallest leader, Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee, articulated an accommodative line, which was why the RSS never liked him.

 

The RSS also thwarted him if it could, as when it vetoed his decision to appoint Mr Jaswant Singh as the Finance Minister in 1998. The former Sarsanghchalak, Mr K.S.Sudarshan, had also called upon Mr Vajpayee to retire from public life in a television interview. He had the same advice for Mr Advani after his favourable comments on Jinnah in 2005. At that time, Advani only lost the party president’s post. Now, the defeats in two successive general elections have given the RSS a chance to pull the rug from under his feet.

 

However, a weakening of the moderates is bad news for the NDA and, therefore, ultimately for the BJP as well. The NDA has already dwindled to five or six members from its high point in Mr Vajpayee’s time when it was a 24-member body. The uncertainty about its present composition arises from the fact that the Asom Gana Parishad had said that its ties with the BJP were confined only to Assam.

 

After the departure of the Biju Janata Dal and the Trinamool Congress, the Indian National Lok Dal, too, is no longer a part of the NDA. In Maharashtra, the split in the Shiv Sena has considerably weakened the NDA.

 

If, on top of this, the RSS is seen to control the BJP more directly than before, then parties like the Janata Dal (United) will have no option but to reassess their membership in the NDA. The JD (U) is already a virtually independent entity, judging from the manner in which it has relegated the BJP and its leader, Mr Sushil Modi, to a secondary place in Bihar.

 

It also approves of the Rajinder Sachar Committee’s report on the minorities. One of its top leaders, Mr George Fernandes, who once said that if the RSS was fascist “I am also fascist”, is fading out. There were even overtures to Mr Nitish Kumar before the elections from the Congress.

 

The anti-Congress elements in national politics, who had their first taste of success in the Janata Party’s victory in 1977, fell apart two years later because the Jan Sangh refused to break its links with the RSS. The result was that the Congress easily returned to power at the Centre in 1980. A replay of the same scene with the BJP once again kowtowing to the RSS will be a shot in the arm for the secular forces.

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THE TRIBUNE

COLUMN

KAAMI MEETS HER KARMA

BY RAJI P. SHRIVASTAVA

 

KAAMI, short for Kashmira, was my neighbour throughout my childhood. She attended the local Gujarati medium school and was indifferent to exams and grades. She had a lovely handwriting but she hardly used it except to copy film songs into a notebook which she then used during Antakshari sessions.

 

She could be moody and cantankerous, but since we were the only girls in the neighbourhood, we were very close. The eldest of her five brothers was 15 years her senior in age, which is how Kaami acquired that object of envy, a bhabhi.

 

Usha Bhabhi, meek as a mouse, was forever engaged in rolling out mountains of rotis, playing nursemaid and nanny to young Kaami or washing the muddy jeans worn by the young men in the house. I remember feeling very jealous of Kaami’s carefree existence. Nobody asked her to study or do a single chore around the house. As latchkey children of working parents, such decadence was unimaginable for my sister and me.

 

Kaami acquired a BA degree courtesy a “bridal university” in which her brother Milan had vital contacts. Such institutions existed primarily to fulfil an essential social function — the degrees were recognised only in the marriage market but not for jobs and the like.

 

I attended Kaami’s wedding to Jignesh three days before I left the city to join the civil service. I accompanied her to the Jain Derasar for the pre-wedding prayers. She did not seem very happy at the prospect of getting married, despite the fact that one of Jignesh’s essential qualifications was that he had no younger sister at home!

 

Eighteen years later, I ran into Kaami at the Dharnidhar Derasar which was always on my worship itinerary in Ahmedabad. It was Jignesh I recognised first. Kaami stood outside the temple with her silver prayer box and red potli bag, squinting into the sunshine at me. My girlhood friend had changed beyond recognition, and evidently so had I.

 

Age usually treats men better than women, especially in the marriage to motherhood phase. “Tusmu kesmem chhesme?” I asked her, in our code language which involved inserting the syllable “sm” into every word of “Tu kem chhe” or “how are you”.

 

She squealed happily in recognition and it was as if we were back in the lane in front of our old homes, playing Thappo (hide and seek). She introduced me to her teenage daughters, Madhuri and Aishwarya, who had divaesque attitudes to match their celebrity namesakes. She told them in colourful Gujarati, “Look, you good-for-nothings, this is the Maasi who became an officer. Shake hands with her and maybe some of the magic will rub off.”

 

She turned to me and cribbed bitterly: “They refuse to study. They watch TV all day and sleep until noon — what a nuisance kids can be. I ferry them daily to tuitions on my Kinetic but they are bone-lazy. I am worried about their future!” I listened politely but my lips twitched in suppressed amusement. She finally saw the irony and said with a wink and a chortle: “See my Karma! I have no Bhabhi to do my tasks for me now, and the marriage university has folded up!”

 

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THE TRIBUNE

OPED

ELECTION IN AFGHANISTAN

NOW POLITICAL FIGHTING BREAKS OUT

BY ANDREW GRICE

 

The British Prime Minister’s strategy on Afghanistan is under mounting pressure from all three of the main parties as the political consensus on the war begins to crack. The Conservatives and Liberal Democrats are preparing to call for the Afghan election to be re-run amid growing evidence of vote-rigging and intimidation. Their move puts Gordon Brown in a difficult position, because Hamid Karzai, the Afghan President, is utterly opposed to holding another election.

 

And Mr Brown is trying to prevent Labour activists staging a debate at this month’s conference demanding that British troops be withdrawn from Afghanistan. Tensions over the war could dent Mr Brown’s plans for a show of Labour unity at the last annual gathering before the general election.

 

If Mr Cameron becomes prime minister, he would send more troops to Afghanistan so that the training of the Afghan army and police could be quickened – and British forces withdrawn more quickly. His approach is described as “send them in, train them up and get out” in Tory circles. Senior Tories believe such a strategy is backed by Britain’s military chiefs, whose call for up to 2,000 extra troops was blocked by the Government earlier this year. An extra 900 were sent for the Afghan election period only.

 

Although the Opposition still supports the mission in Afghanistan, Mr Cameron broke ranks with the Government Wednesday by condemning the way the country’s elections were held.

 

In a conversation with the shadow Foreign Secretary William Hague picked up by a BBC microphone, Mr Cameron said: “The things that seem to have happened are so naked, you know, you just saw the number of votes and the number of people who actually turned up at polling stations, it just couldn’t possibly be right ... We should be very clear about that.”

 

The Tories are expected to call for the election to be re-run after the Independent Electoral Commission has published its findings on the first round of the contest.

 

The Liberal Democrats called for a second round whatever the official result of round one because there were so many doubts about the process. Nick Clegg, the party leader, said: “It now seems very clear that the elections in Afghanistan have been plagued by fraud and we need a second round to establish some credibility in any government. This is necessary to ensure Afghanistan gets a president with legitimacy without which the conflict against the Taliban will be all the more difficult.”

 

Ministers worry that Mr Brown’s autumn fightback is being hampered by controversy over Afghanistan and the release of the Lockerbie bomber.

 

On Wednesday the Prime Minister gave ground to his critics by calling on world leaders to discuss an exit strategy in Afghanistan. He called for “new benchmarks and timelines” to be agreed at an international conference later this year, in a joint letter to the United Nations with the French President Nicolas Sarkozy and the German Chancellor Angela Merkel.

 

Senior Labour sources confirmed that the party’s high command is trying to head off a special debate on Afghanistan at the Brighton conference. But the grassroots Campaign for Labour Party Democracy has circulated a motion to constituency parties urging them to call for a “contemporary issues” debate, stating: “The Government should withdraw British troops from Afghanistan.”

 

In a message to local parties, the campaign says: “Rather than keeping terror from the streets of Britain, the war is fuelling hatred and increasing the possibility of future attacks. Afghanistan must be guaranteed a future without the threat of war and foreign domination. Our Government should bring the British troops home immediately.”

 

Labour officials are pressing the trade unions, who, like party members, hold half the votes at the conference, not to call for a debate on Afghanistan. A party source said: “There is concern at the top [of the party] about this. But there is also growing concern among party members about what is happening in Afghanistan.”

 

The Prime Minister’s spokesman admitted people were “anxious” to know the result of the elections but said it was important to let the counting process run its course, with only preliminary results announced so far. Describing reports of fraud as “no surprise”, he added: “We always knew there would be potential difficulties with these elections and that fraud was a possibility.”

 

Mr Hague said: “If the commission requires some elections to be re-run, that should happen. Nor should a full second round of the election be ruled out if that proves necessary.”

 

Mr Brown, Mr Sarkozy and Ms Merkel said their proposed UN summit should set “new prospects and goals” for governance, rule of law and human rights in Afghanistan, as well as security and social and economic development.” They added: “We should agree on new benchmarks and timelines in order to formulate a joint framework for our transition phase in Afghanistan, ie to set our expectations of ownership and the clear view to hand over responsibility step-by-step to the Afghans, wherever possible.”

 

By arrangement with The Independent

 

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THE TRIBUNE

OPED

A SOLUTION TO PUNJAB POWER CRISIS

BY VIRINDER SINGH

 

A workable solution to the Punjab power crisis is possible through energy conservation and the execution of power generation projects in the public sector as the global meltdown has affected the private investor badly.

 

It is heartening to note that of late the management of the Punjab State Electricity Board has decided to implement three major energy conservation projects envisaged during 2006-08. The result of their implemention will be visible within one to three years.

 

The first project relates to the replacement of all incandescent lamps in Punjab with CFLs through Bachat Lamp Yojna (BLY) in collaboration with the Bureau of Energy Efficiency (BEE), the Government of India nodal agency for energy conservation.

 

Under this project, CFLs will be provided to consumers at Rs 15 per piece, i.e. at the cost of an incandescent lamp. The implementation of this project will reduce the peak demand by 660 megawatt, save about 1,400 million units worth Rs 560 crore annually.

 

The second project is to conduct low-cost maintenance on about 1,500 11Kv feeders supplying power to about 27 lakh domestic and commercial consumers in the rural and suburban areas.

 

Under this project, load balancing — fixation of consumer meters in pillar boxes — maintenance of distribution transformers, improvement of the earthing system by using strip with earthing electrode embedded in Bentonite or thermal plant fly ash and tightening of loose joints nuts and bolts will be undertaken.

 

This project will reduce the peak demand by 700 megawatt and save 1000- million units worth Rs 400 crore annually, thereby recovering the project cost of Rs 750 crore sanctioned by the REC within two years.

 

The third project involves the replacement of 11 lakh agricultural pump sets and motors with efficient ones. A pilot project on two agricultural feeders will be implemented in collaboration with BEE and then the project will be implemented across Punjab through ESCO companies.

 

This is likely to save 1,400 million units worth Rs 560 crore annually recovering the project cost of Rs 1,700 crore in about three years and reduce the peak demand by about 660 megawatt.

 

Besides, the currently implemented HVDS project for agricultural consumers is likely to save about 2,500 million units worth Rs 1,000 crore annually. In addition, the installation and ensuring working of LT and HT capacitors can save about 1,200 million units annually and implementation of the restructured APDRP schemes launched by the Union Ministry of Power, covering 25 lakh town and city consumers will save about 500 million units annually.

 

The energy conservation projects, put together, can save 8,000 million units worth Rs 3,200 crore annually, thereby making the PSEB earn a profit of Rs 1,200 crore annually, which can be invested in power generation, transmission and distribution systems of Punjab.

 

 

The present plan to add 9,480 megawatt generation capacity in Punjab constitutes 6,480 megawatt power through coal-based thermal plants exclusively in the private sector. The government plans to buy 2,000 megawatt installed capacity through a competitive bidding process at the national level and execute the 500 megawatt extension projects, each at Bathinda and Lehra Mohabbat, departmentally.

 

The signals for this targeted generation capacity addition in Punjab through the private sector are not positive. The Vedanta group, executing the 1980 megawatt project at Talwandi Sabo, has announced a cut in investment, the 1320 megawatt project at Rajpura settled at a rate of Rs 3.32 per unit is under re-bidding and coal linkages are yet to be finalised for the 2,640 megawatt Gidderbaha project. The 540 megawatt GVK project at Goindwal Sahib has of late been undertaken for execution.

 

Under an alternative plan to execute generation works in the public sector, the Gidderbaha thermal project, costing Rs 13,200 crore, can be executed through a joint venture of NTPC and the PSEB. Thirty per cent equity of the total cost will have to be borne by Punjab and NTPC equally, the balance 70 per cent will be loan.

 

NTPC is executing similar joint sector projects in Haryana, Karnataka, Bihar, UP and Tamil Nadu. Punjab will thus need to invest Rs 495 crore annually over four years. This joint venture project can come with 100 per cent certainty within 48 months of the agreement with NTPC.

 

With all clearances already obtained, the Rajpura thermal project, costing Rs 6,600 crore, can be executed in the state sector by Punjab by investing 20 per cent equity of Rs 1,320 crore spread over four years. Similarly, the 500 megawatt extension projects each at Bathinda and Lehra Mohabbat can be executed departmentally within next 48 months by investing Rs 375 crore annually as equity.

 

Punjab should press for one 2x2000 megawatt nuclear power plant in the Twelfth Plan through equitable 20 per cent equity participation with the Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd. It will take eight years and call for a capital investment of Rs 32,000 crore. Punjab will need to invest Rs 400 crore annually in this project, ensuring 3,000 megawatt nuclear power to the state by 2017.

 

Thus to execute power generation projects in the public sector, Punjab needs to invest about Rs 1,600 crore annually as equity. Implementation of the energy conservation projects supported by power sector reforms and managerial measures can save about Rs 1,200 crore annually for investment.

 

Levying 50 paise per unit on agricultural power or a power cess on foodgrains exported out of Punjab can generate Rs 550 crore annually. The electricity duty of Rs 650 crore annually should be pumped in power generation exclusively.

 

All these put together will leave Rs 2,400 crore annually for investment in the generation, transmission and distribution systems of Punjab after wiping out the present PSEB annual losses of Rs 2,000 crore.

 

The determination of the state government and the PSEB management to take these measures and execute generation projects in the public sector can lead Punjab from darkness to light.

 

The writer is a former Engineer-in-Chief of the Punjab State Electricity Board

 

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THE TRIBUNE

CONFESSIONS OF A BAD PARENT

BY SIMON CARR

 

When Simon Carr lost his wife, he had to raise his sons alone. His no-rules approach – not found in any parenting manual – resulted in chaos, and inspired both a bestselling book and a major British film. But did it work?

 

Every family is happy in a different way, so how do we know what to do for the best? There is no Unified Theory of Parenting. Some children with all the advantages become drug addicts; others are brought up by wolves and go on to run merchant banks.

 

The underlying fact is, we do what we can. Or, to resist generalising (that won’t last), I did what I could.

 

My attempts at fatherhood have just been made into a film. The three of us went to see it recently at a private screening. It was absolutely shattering. I’m not sure if any of us want to go through that again. The film is terrific with handsome, cool, clever Clive Owen taking the lead and two young actors creating a very lifelike impression of the two boys.

 

Seeing yourselves up there, seeing your secret life turned inside out, seeing yourself starring in your own tragedy ... a lot of it looked out of focus, and none of us saw it all.

 

But there we were. The three of us. A father and two boys, an all-male household. We have been marinaded in our own essence, like nouvelle cuisine.

 

We went through the boys’ formative years with a male view of the world, of family, of daily life. It looked like that National Lampoon cartoon entitled The World Without Women. That showed pandemonium in the neighbourhood with boys on the roofs, battle formations in the streets and footballs being thrown from one house to another.

 

That was us. That’s what we did. It’s all there on the screen. Except the swing has been replaced by a zip-wire. They may not have been able to get insurance for the swing.

 

Our swing, as we’re on the subject, was attached to the upper trunk of a 30ft tree on a bank above the house. I’d had to get professionals in with spiked boots to climb up there. When a boy gripped the crossbar at the end of the rope and launched himself he’d swing in a fantastic arc to the level of the first floor balcony. What a rush – it was like a fairground ride.

 

I never dared go on it myself. If it thrilled children it terrified their mothers, and that, I fear, was part of the thrill of the swing. There was a certain political point to some of our ways. It was important to show that we could do it our way.

 

We live largely in a mother’s world these days. Childcare has gone a long way in the other direction; it’s public policy now. Health and safety. Coursework. The official way of doing things. The fact that so much we do – even as adults – now has to be pre-approved. Those policemen who wouldn’t go into the water to search for a drowning boy? That behaviour wasn’t “on the list”. That’s how it is these days.

 

 

They’ve leached the untidy spontaneity out of public life. For good or ill, our family life did it the other way. My boys were given space to grow up according to their natures. Provided they followed the few, large rules I had in place, they grew up without the pruning and training that mothers like to do. Somewhat carelessly, I now see.

 

By arrangement with The Independent

 

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THE ASSAM TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

CENTRAL FORCES

 

Over-dependence of Assam on Central paramilitary forces to deal with the law and order situation lands the State in trouble from time to time as very often such forces are withdrawn to be deployed in other parts of the country whenever necessary, leading to shortage of forces in Assam. At present, more than 140 companies of Central forces are deployed in Assam in addition to the Army to deal with the situation and it seems that the dependence will continue for some time to come as it will not be possible for the State Government to increase the strength of the police force to reduce dependence on Central forces. Of course, the burden of keeping Central forces may be less than that of raising new battalions of police force as because of special concessions given by the Centre to the north eastern States, Assam has to pay only 10 per cent of the expenses for deployment of such forces. However, efforts should be made to reduce over-dependence on Central forces and the State Government should learn the lessons from the problems it faced because of such dependence. The Central Government has its limitations and there were instances when forces had to be withdrawn from Assam and on some occasions, the Centre could not provide required forces to Assam. Moreover, language barrier and lack of knowledge of the local terrain of the forces brought from outside lead to misunderstanding and other problems, leading to unnecessary harassment of innocent persons. If the State Government has to depend on Central forces, a mechanism should be evolved to launch a crash course for the personnel of such forces so that they have a little bit of knowledge about the local languages and culture and steps should be taken to ensure that personnel of such forces are always accompanied by police personnel of the State during operations.

Despite growth of population and presence of a number of militant outfits, the State Government failed to increase the strength of the State Police force to deal with the situation and according to reports, the force now has around 11,000 vacancies. Under the present circumstances, the ambitious project of increasing the strength of the force by at least 50 per cent within the next five years will remain on paper, but immediate steps should be taken to fill up the vacancies. During any recruitment drive, the Government must ensure that the selections are done only on merit as any complaint of irregularity in the selection process will not only affect the morale of the men in uniform, but also delay the process of appointments. At present, the training facilities available with the Assam Police are not adequate as only around 2,000 personnel can be trained up in the training facilities in Dergaon and though training facilities have also been created in the bases of a few battalions, efforts should be made to create more such facilities so that in addition to the new recruits, in service training of all ranks of police personnel can be made mandatory.

 

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THE ASSAM TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

DOHA MEET CONSENSUS

 

The Union Commerce Minister Anand Sharma as well as 35 Trade Ministers of key negotiating WTO member nations from both developed and developing countries of the world certainly deserve praise for the consensus arrived at in their two-day informal meet at New Delhi during 3-4 September, 2009 over the decision to take Doha round negotiations further ahead from the Geneva talk meet of July, 2008. After the conclusion of the meet India’s Commerce Minister was more than happy to see the impasse over resumption of Doha round talks broken. It may be recalled here that after the collapse of Doha negotiation twice in the course of two years in July, 2006 and July, 2008 due to its failure in meeting a ground of unanimity with respect to agricultural subsidy and industrial tariff between the developed and developing countries. India and USA who were disputing the issues all along, had in their Indonesian bi-lateral meet in early June, 2009 agreed to reset the stalled Doha round of trade liberalisation talk. The ongoing global financial crisis and all round economic slow down have perhaps contributed much to the change of mind in developed world and also the 19-member group of farm product exporting countries. As it stands after the breakthrough is evolved in the two-day Delhi meet, the chief negotiator and senior officials will resume the talks on September 14 in Geneva. It may also be noted here that under the Hong Kong ministerial meet in 2005, an understanding was reached between member countries that a sequential approach would be adopted with negotiations on agriculture and non-agricultural market access (NAMA) being prioritised. The Commerce and Industry Minister, Anand Sharma took the opportunity to ask the Trade Ministers of 35 countries in the recent Delhi-meet if they would be willing to deviate from the already tried and tested process since Doha approach to multilateral negotiations has also to look at various possibilities to feed the process to reach a lasting and satisfactory conclusion. The US-based Peterson Institute of International Economics calculated that a successful Doha trade deal could boost the global economy by $300-700 million a year.

In the context of his concern over global crisis that has led to higher tariff and trade barriers by certain countries, the Director General of World Trade Organisation, Pascal Lamy thinks that the Delhi ministerial meet could be the beginning of the end game leading to conclusion of the Doha round for a global pact. It is important to note that a joint communique issued by BRIC nations including Brazil, Russia, India and China endorses India’s stand on protectionism which in its opinion, remains a real threat to global economy and has to be avoided both directly and indirectly. However, the breakthrough achieved in Delhi meet does not by itself solve the Doha issue. The achievement is only with respect to intensification of negotiation and the need to resist protectionism. It would certainly not be easy to find unity among all the 153 WTO member countries. Various issues in agriculture and NAMA have remained to be sorted out. This will certainly take time. Since most of the nations are willing to arrive at a successful conclusion and since there is a crisis-ridden economic compulsion now, one might hope that the negotiations would be successfully concluded by 2010.

 

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THE ASSAM TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

PAKISTAN’S HARPOON MISSILE AND US CONCERN

SHIBDAS BHATTACHARJEE

 

In a news report published on August 30 the New York Times, quoting an unnamed American official, said that the US administration accused Pakistan for alleged illegal modified anti-ship missile to expand its capacity to strike land targets which is a potential threat to India. That was supplied between 1985 and 1988 by the then Ronald Reagan’s administration. According to the report and the subsequent press-briefing by the top officials of the present Washington administration it was evident that US took very seriously the reports about illegal modifications made in the American-made Harpoon anti-ship missile by Pakistan, despite Islamabad’s repeated assurance to abide by the norms chalked out by the leadership of Pakistan and the United States of mutual inspections of the entire nuclear programme of Islamabad and the Harpoon missile as well. The news report, however, suggests that Pakistan has exceeded earlier estimates, and from being able to build 30-40 nuclear weapons it actually could possess as many as 70-90–a disturbing figure from India’s point of view and that of the US, currently debating financial and military aid to its friend in keeping with the Af-Pak agreement. Moreover, if this report is true Pakistan is clearly going beyond the moratorium existing as an unwritten code of conduct in South Asia to halt the arms race.

The spat between Washington and Islamabad over allegations that Pakistan illegally modified US-supplied missiles to improve its ability to target India reveals a deeper schism in the relationship between Washington and Islamabad. It further highlights the fact that Pakistan’s military establishment remains unmoved by Washington’s best efforts to persuade it that the Taliban, rather than India, is the primary threat facing Pakistan. Nevertheless what ever the truth may be, it is a matter of serious concern for New Delhi and quite expectedly India expressed concern over the matter saying this was against India’s national and security interests.

But as far as the reality of this particular incident and overall US-Pak relations are concerned, the truth lies somewhere else as the quarrel centres on Harpoon antiship missiles sold to Pakistan during the 1980s by the Reagan Administration as part of a broader strategy to counter Soviet influence in the region. If the allegations are true, Pakistan could be in violation of US law– a point that was reportedly raised by Obama Administration officials with Pakistani Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani in June. On the other hand, the charge was made at an awkward time for Islamabad as legislation that would provide Pakistan with $7.5 billion (£5 billion) in non-military US aid is currently stuck in the US Congress, which has longstanding concerns about Pakistan’s development of nuclear and conventional military capability. Washington believes that Pakistan is still not doing enough to combat Taliban extremists on its soil, remaining fixated on the Indian threat instead. So also, the Obama Administration has been keen to revive the peace process between Islamabad and New Delhi after it was derailed by 26/11 Mumbai massacre, believing that taking the relationship between the two countries off on a war footing could be a key factor in helping stabilise Afghanistan.

As far as the present domestic politics of Pakistan is concerned, there is a calculated strategy of the Pak-administration behind this move of developing the Harpoon missile this time. In fact, the beleaguered Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari is looking for ways to make himself more acceptable to an increasingly hostile and powerful army, which he apparently believes is out to oust him from his position. For the last few months, there appears to have been a campaign to cut out Zardari from the Pakistani political scene. PPP politicians have gone on record to express fears of a “minus-one” policy being worked out– to remove Zardari from office by focussing on his corrupt ways and endemic corruption in the government. While the political party has officially rallied around the President, and Prime Minister Gilani too appears to have resisted temptation, the move has prompted Zardari to look at options to make himself more acceptable to the army. And presumably the best way of feeding the beast is by being a facilitator for arms supplies from Pakistan’s most willing supplier, the US.

In fact, since the last part of 2001 the United States has provided material assistance to aid Pakistan in guarding its nuclear material, warheads and laboratories. The cost of the programme has been almost $100 million. Specifically the USA has provided helicopters, night-vision goggles and nuclear detection equipment. Pakistan turned down the offer of Permissive Action technology, a sophisticated “weapon release” programme which initiates use via specific checks and balances, possibly because it feared the secret implanting of “dead switches”. But at present it seems that” Pakistan is collapsing into civil war. International observers are afraid that the world is about to confront a nuclear nightmare. They are afraid, Pakistan’s super-violent, militant outfits and the Talibans as well might be able to get their hands on one of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons. Pakistan has the second-most bad track record on nuclear issues since atoms were invented. In 2003, Libya gave up nuclear weapons-related material including these centrifuges that were acquired from Pakistan’s AQ Khan nuclear “black market”. In August 2003, reports emerged of dealings with Iran; it was claimed that Khan had offered to sell nuclear weapons technology to that country as early as 1989. The Iranian government came under intense pressure from the US and the EU to make a full disclosure of its nuclear programme and, finally, agreed in October 2003 to accept tougher investigations from the International Atomic Energy Agency.

In fact, alarmist stories in the US media actually undermine any possibility of positive US assistance. US speculation about contingency plans and pre-emptive weapons seizure leads to greater Pakistani distrust of the United States. What the United States can do is to explain to Pakistan its own experience with nuclear security management. The United States cannot boast of a perfect security record itself. Nevertheless, as the most experienced nuclear power, the United States can share its nuclear security practices, performances of the system, and the likelihood of mishaps as it better serves the US interest in this region and more importantly to prevent nuclear technology going to the insurgent outfits through Pakistan, the breeding ground of international terrorism.

 

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THE ASSAM TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

LORD KRISHNA’S TEACHINGS AND SANKARDEVA

BINA GUPTA

 

Krishna, who is regarded by Sankaradeva as God Himself and not merely an incarnation of Visnu, is a historical figure of great antiquity. Sometime ago, in the last century, a group of euro-centric academicians, expressing grave doubts over the historicity of Krishna, had tried to project the character as the handiwork of some impostor who had simply substituted ‘Krishna’ for ‘Christ’. This perverted theory did not last long, however, and was finally shattered to bits with the discovery of the famous Heliodorus Inscription on an ancient pillar in Besnagar (MP). The pillar was dedicated to ‘Devodeva Vasudeva’ and was embellished with a quote from the Mahabharata. It was inscribed on the orders of Heliodorus, the Greek diplomat from Taxila, who had evidently converted to the religion of the Bhagavata. The first known record of a foreigner taking to an Indian cult, it was placed 100 years before the birth of Christ.

Even earlier, Panini, the great grammarian of the 5th century BC, while illustrating the usage of a certain grammatical rule, wrote that ‘Krishna killed Kamsa a long time ago’. Quintus Curtius, the ancient Roman biographer of Alexander, wrote that, in the battle with Porus, there was a special posse of soldiers in front of the army of the Indian king, carrying the statue of ‘Heracles’. This ‘Heracles’ is none other than ‘Hari-Krishna’. Megasthenes, the famous Seleucid ambassador to Chandragupta Maurya’s court, records how, in the 3rd century BC, the personality of Krishna was well-embedded in the peoples’ minds, especially among the ‘Sorasenoi’ (Surasenas or the Satvatas) who held the twin cities of ‘Methora’ (Mathura) and ‘Klesbora’(Krishnapura). There is reason to believe that Krishna was a Vedic figure as well. The Chandogya Upanishad clearly refers to Vasudeva Devakiputra. And if the writing on the Indus seals claimed to be deciphered by scholars Rajaram and Jha are correct, then the antiquity of Krishna will be pushed back even further [the seals contain words like ‘Yadu’, ‘Akrura’, etc]. As it is, according to the puranic accounts, the age of Kali began 3102 BC, and therefore, the historical Krishna may be assigned that period in time.

Thus, the saguna sakara conception of Krishna by Sankaradeva and the other saints of India - that of a historical personality with human attributes - has been found to be not only correct, but also indisputably and undeniably so.

But whatever led the indeterminate, attributeless Supreme Reality to assume a historical (human) form in the first place? What is the mission of Krishna? Madhavadeva, the foremost disciple and successor of Sankaradeva, puts it brilliantly in his Nam-Ghosa when he says that the philosophy of the Self being highly unintelligible (parama durbodha), God assumes incarnations in order to apprise His creatures of it and, through His activities (lila), makes the higher metaphysical truths easily understandable for the common man. This view on the mission of God is not incompatible with Krishna’s own utterance in the Gita, that He descends for the the re-establishment of dharma on earth. Infusing God consciousness into the minds of those taking refuge in Him (eg Arjuna) by explaining to them the subtleties of atma-tattva, is certainly the best establishment of dharna. God, out of His love for the jivas (life), came in the form of historical Krishna, as the supreme Teacher, and taught the highest truths to mankind.

Now, coming to Sankaradeva, there has not been a greater authority on Krishna and Krishna-ism in India than this great Saint from Assam, ever since the days of Suka Deva and Narada. Nor has there ever been a more dedicated and faithful servant of Krishna. He did not budge an inch from the original teachings of Krishna. But before elaborating further, we need to understand Sankaradeva’s conception of Krishna. Why does Sankaradeva exhort us to take sarana (refuge) in Him?

Krishna, according to Sankaradeva, is the One-Eternal-Absolute, the root and the essence of not only this universe, but of countless universes of which He is the guardian. Nothing lies above Him. From the philosophical angle, He is the Supreme Spirit (Param-Brahma). As the controller of the senses, the Yogis call him Paramatma. When connected with this world, He assumes the name of Bhagavanta. Similarly, on the psychological plane, He is the presiding deity of the conscience (citta) following (Whom the jiva secures the highest good. Based on different angles of vision, the same Reality Krishna takes on different names. As a historical person, He is Vasudeva-Devakiputra. Just as ice, water or vapour is the same thing basically, so also there is not difference between Krishna, Visnu and Narayana. As the only Conscious Spirit, He pervades every item of His creation. He is at once both immanent and transcendent.

But perhaps the most important truth from the point of view of the jiva is that only Krishna is above maya and its 3 gunas (qualities). Hence it is only by taking shelter at Krishna’s feet that the jiva can free itself from the clutches of maya. Sankaradeva cites from theological sources to show that even gods like Brahma and Siva are not above the 3 gunas of Prakriti. Only Mahapurusha Krishna who is above both Purusa and Prakriti is above maya, He being its controller. It is in the light of this truth that Sankaradeva exhorts the people to seek refuge only in Krishna. For, by worshipping those who are themselves under Krishna’s maya, one cannot obtain salvation. Thus is grounded the doctrine of eka-sarana the same philosophy expounded to Arjuna by the Lord at Kurukshetra.

Ekam-saranam is the key message of the Gita and Sankaradeva also repeatedly exhorts us to take eka-sarana in Krishna, discarding allegiance to all other gods and goddesses. Indeed the worship of any deity other than Krishna, in the religious system of Sankaradeva, constitutes a definite breach of faith in the Lord. What one must realise is that Sankara’s uncompromising monotheism, which is something unique in the Vaisnavism of India, and his firm insistence upon unadulterated devotion forming the cornerstone of his faith, is not due to any ‘practical’ consideration, as many writers would have us believe, nor is it an inference derived from abstract reasoning. It is the word of Krishna himself and Sankaradeva would never compromise on it.

Many people find it impossible to grasp the rationale behind the absence of an idol or statue of Krishna as the object of worship in Sankaradeva’s system. But, this arrangement was provided for or by Krishna Himsel! In the Padma Parana, one of the main Visnuite texts, there is a section called Srimad-Bhagavata-mahatmya containing 504 slokas. Here it is recounted that when the Lord, after completing His mission on earth, was about to depart for His own Abode, His closest and most beloved disciple Uddhava came up to Him and questioned Him thus: “In Thy absence, how will Thy devotees spend their time in this world? Kindly ponder over this and provide a solution.”

Hearing these words of Uddhava, the Lord thought, “What kind of an arrangement must I provide for the purpose of adoption by My devotees that will be the most suitable?” Thinking thus, Bhagavanta decided. He reposited all His energy into the Bhagavata and merged into that scripture completely. That is why the Bhagavata is the very Word-Image of God. Even in the 21st century, it is this Bhagavata which is being worshipped by the devotees in the countless Namghars and Satras of Assam!

(Published on the occasion of Krishna Janmashtami.)

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

ACTION, NOT COMMITTEES

 

It is unfortunate that the issue of pricing of the main petro-products like diesel and petrol remains seemingly intractable as ever, riddled with opacity, open-ended subsidies and sheer populism.

The Centre has set up yet another expert committee to suggest reform in the pricing of oil-products like petrol, diesel etc — to be headed by Dr Kirit Parikh — and also recommend how public sector oil marketers are to be compensated for “under-recoveries” in retail sales. And never mind that two other recent expert panel reports on the same vexed issue are already with government.

Yet it cannot be gainsaid that oil sector reforms can no longer remain on the policy backburner given the huge volumes and monies involved, and the fact that government finances are way too over-extended. The way ahead is to have competitive prices right across the board in the oil economy, so as to shore up efficiency levels and to cut down on costs and markups.

Yet the fact remains that we have a formula-based pricing — with notional import parity prices and all — which, for instance, yields refinery gate prices that are higher than that quoted at the main international petro-goods markets, as per last year’s High Power Committee on Financial Position of Oil Companies. Actually, there are rigidities galore in domestic retail oil prices.

The Centre tends to keep retail prices of automotive and domestic fuels unrevised by fiat, never mind the rising costs of crude oil — much of it imported. In parallel, there is no real transparency when it comes to markups like refinery-gate prices, distribution and marketing costs, ‘metro extra’ et al. Also, central and state taxes on oil products can add up to half the retail price, or even more, which is plain distorting.

The extant oil price regime has meant recklessly compromising, for years into the future, limited budgetary resources via the issue of bonds to oil PSUs. The subsidy regime has bulldozed private retailing out of the market, and so nipped competition in the bud. It makes no sense to effectively ‘ring-fence’ retail oil sales. Yet issuing oil bonds to private players would be sub-optimal. Instead, we need a level playing field in the oil sector — which makes up over 10% of GDP — and clean up the Augean stables in oil.

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

SAIL SHOULD RAISE EQUITY

 

The hardening of domestic demand in steel and buoyant stockmarket conditions makes the current rally an opportune time for the Centre to unlock value and part divest its 85.82% equity stake in Steel Authority of India (Sail), India’s largest steel producer.

In parallel, Sail would need to tap the capital market to part finance its biggest expansion/modernisation since the mid-nineties, the cost for which is reportedly estimated at Rs 77,000 crore. So divestment riding piggyback on a Sail public issue would make perfect sense.

The government needs to promptly firm up plans for offloading stake in Sail and give the go-ahead for the latter to raise risk capital. Note that Sail is in the process of expanding its annual production capacity to about 23 million tonnes by 2012, from the present 14 MT. Sail chairman S K Roongta is on record that the company “is firming up plans to take it to 26 MT” thereafter.

Given the steady expansion plans of the steel major, the government can hardly dither when it comes to deciding on Sail’s quantum of funding requirement including its debt:equity mix. For the current fiscal, Sail has a capex programme of about Rs 10,300 crore, half of which is to be in the form of debt.

The point is that overtly relying on debt funding may prove much too costly for Sail, as it certainly did in the nineties when a combination of high-cost debt finance and lacklustre demand meant years of red ink on its bottom line. It is true that for Sail there seems ample room to borrow this time round, as its current ratio — the ratio of current assets to current liabilities, a measure of a company’s ability to pay off debt — has gone up from 0.70 in March 2004 to 1.68 in March 2008.

Yet Sail faces stiff competition, both at home and abroad — 99% of the world’s steel is made by rival producers. Besides, it is possible that steel makers in China, the world’s largest steel market, may be finally giving up their domestic focus. Which is why Sail needs to control interest expense, raise equity funds instead and step up output of value-added products like special, high-grade steels to constructively shore up returns.

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

SMALL FOIBLES

 

French President Nicolas Sarkozy’s sensitivity about his height — or, more precisely, the lack of it — has caused much amusement in western circles. His standing tip-toed next to his wife Carla Bruni, stepping onto a little stool to look as tall behind a podium as US President Barack Obama and British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and even his elevated shoes have provided plenty of grist for this particular mill.

The latest example, however,ends up highlighting how far officials are willing to go to pander to their bosses’ insecurities rather than further diminishing Sarkozy’s stature. It was noted that during a visit to the Faurecia motor technology plant in in Normandy last Thursday, the French leader was surrounded by employees who seemed to be roughly of the same height as he was. It was claimed (and stoutly denied by the firm) that presidential aides made sure that only workers of a certain height were chosen so that in comparison, Sarkozy’s reported 5’5” did not seem quite as dimunitive.

It sounds like a prime case of officials exceeding their brieff — of making their leader feel comfortable. Moreover, it has once again demonstrated that the malaise no government or political party is immune from is fawning officialdom. The idea of surrounding one’s self with people of lesser stature so as to appear taller in the metaphorical sense has a certain logic for those who set great store by image.

Sarkozy’s fixation and his coterie’s willingness to accommodate it, causes mirth merely because it is literal and therefore more obvious. In other countries and cases, the predilections of leaders have been far less innocent and not funny at all, and much of their excesses had been fuelled by aides and friends who were willing to let them have their way.

Compared to such cases, height-sensitivity — or even the emerging phenomenon of Obama-worship by the western media — are minor foibles. All it takes to keep them within the limits are a few well-timed media jibes and general laughter. Chamchagiri is the real danger.

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

REMEMBERING LEHMAN’S COLLAPSE

 

Saumitra ChaudhuriIt is a year since Lehman Brothers did duty as the financial equivalent of the 50 megaton Tsar Bomba. The Soviet plane that dropped the bomb in 1961 barely escaped the fireball. The seismic shock went thrice around the earth; nobody lived on Novaya Zemlya in the Arctic Circle and Soviet engineers had tamped the Tsar Bomba down from its 100 megaton yield to reduce the fallout.

Forty seven years later, the crew who dropped the Lehman Bomba certainly got away alive, but unlike the Soviets,leave alone tamping it down, they were clueless about its explosive yield. And of course, it was not barren, remote Novaya Zemlya that was the target, but New York City – the very heart of global finance. The fireball scorched the citizens of the world, governments and taxpayers, and will continue to do so for years, as bills for bailouts and stimulus programmes come due for payment.

The strangest part is that last September when Lehman Brothers failed, few saw it for what it was – a disaster. Even fewer went on record (this author was one such) with this view. Letting Lehman go was presented as an act of virtue and worse still, of prudent regulation. In the hothouse of impending elections, the take was that the US government was not going to bail out Wall Street fat cats. Likely that counted for Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson who took the decision to let Lehman go – as a prelude to his 859-word Draft Proposal for Bailout Plan requesting Congress to authorise the Treasury to buy $700 billion of mortgage-related assets.

Maybe it was a variant of the “Shock and Awe” theme: Shock them with the failure of Lehman, awe them with the fear of another Great Depression and zap them into authorising $700 billion with limitless freedom. It was a daft idea, a terrible one. These were grown men, sharp and very successful ones at that. The head honcho had made $500 million, if proof be needed for just how smart he was. One cannot but help wonder what on earth were they thinking.

Two separate threads run through this global crisis. One is the cyclical downturn due in the advanced economies and, to an extent, in a world over-heated by five years of very strong growth. Central bankers since mid-2004 were tightening monetary policy in response. The world has seen several recessions in the developed world and while the bite may well have been deeper and more prolonged this time round, this was not what caused the train-wreck.

It was the second thread – the one that lived and breathed in the world of finance; that was the train wreck. Sub-prime mortgages were transformed into securities that were regarded as being as good as treasuries. And this alchemy of turning lead into gold was mediated through the sordid magic of diluted standards, abandonment of previous good practice and prudence; and fuelled by huge deal flow and fees in an environment of dysfunctional regulation.

For three decades the idea had been assiduously championed that markets were self-regulatory, since self-denial was implicit in rational behaviour. All that was needed for the theory to hold was that we remain in thrall of its cleverness and elegance. Never mind that this bastion of rational self-denying behaviour has the world’s largest prison population, including one Bernard Madoff. The illusion, like many others, lasted a while and all those who made hundreds of millions must surely have thanked the architects of such a fruitful theory that provided endless gain to the well-placed.

But illusions come to a rude end and this one did too. The complex securities were revealed to be crafted not from gold – but an alloy of base metal and gold, with a tag that read ‘24 carat gold’. That was the summer of 2007. Even then the world of finance did not come to its knees. It rallied and tried to deal with all the fool’s gold that it held, paid for by short-term loans taken from the capital market.

The US administration launched a scheme to refinance sub-prime mortgages on the last day of August 2007. It bombed; so they launched another in December 2007 which too did not go far. There was time and opportunity to prevent a meltdown and contain the damage – but it was wasted.

Banks went on a capitalisation drive. Sovereign wealth funds in Asia bought shares of US banks at what they must have reckonedwere bargain prices. They are wiser and poorer today. The US Federal Reserve slashed interest rates. Never mind high inflation, they seemed to say, we will save the banks by recapitalising them through higher bond prices. Inflation lent both ears, but the spirits that sustain bank solvency paid no heed.

And then in March 2008, Bear Stearns, on the point of bankruptcy, was sold to J P Morgan Chase at the intervention of officialdom. The US Federal Reserve had begun to finance the illiquid assets after a haircut, but this repo window was accessible only to commercial banks, not investment banks.

Richard Fuld, former Lehman boss, says that he tried to convince Treasury to permit access to the repo window and was repeatedly refused. By early September the last strength of investment banks – certainly Lehman and Merrill – was sapped. At the behest of Treasury, US and British commercial banks looked the two over for acquisition. After a hectic and yet unclear sequence of negotiations, Merrill went to Bank of America and Lehman was let go.

Within days, investment banks (and several others) were allowed to convert to bank holding companies and access the repo window. Some say that there was personal ire involved that led to Lehman’s failure. If true, then not only was the failure of Lehman a global disaster, it was also a tragedy in the classic sense of owing to flaws and frailties of character in leading members of the cast.

The rest of the world has learnt much from the financial crisis. Among them (hopefully) is to trust their own judgement first and last, and entertain healthy doubt regarding fanciful ideas that, apparently by sheer coincidence, enrich its advocates.

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

COSMIC UPLINK

CHANGING EVOLUTION BY COMPASSION

MUKUL SHARMA

 

Compassion for all living creatures doesn't come easy because scale matters. A squished ant will not evoke the same visceral response as a squashed human being. Swatting flies or mosquitoes, for instance, is routine and emotionless whereas the sight of a mangled hit-and-run accident victim makes us recoil in fear, disgust and sorrow. Enlarge the ant, however, to the size of a person and it would suddenly make things change a little; just like if we saw the remnants of a bug-sized human obliterated by the stamp of a boot, probably wouldn't.

But, again, not quite. Compassion for all living creatures also doesn't come easy for another reason: we're having to constantly fight conditioning and evolutionary biology because we're hardwired to be fond of smaller, softer versions of us who have large eyes in a head that's largely out of proportion to the rest of the body. This inbuilt compassion is important.

After all in order to ensure the survival of the species we have to love, look after and nurture our helpless young till they're able to fend for themselves. Only after that, and by extension, the default programming spreads to liking those things that resemble babies in structure, size and perceived vulnerability such as koalas, kittens and, of course, teddy bears.

Now take passionate animal lovers. Operating out of generally unfeeling cities, they do a truly remarkable job taking in and caring for starving street dogs, abused cats, injured birds, dying cattle and even, on many occasions, the odd battered snake or sick tortoise. Sometimes they get together in big groups and thanklessly attempt to rescue beached whales; sometimes they form powerful associations to protect endangered seals and tigers. But how come — one needs to understand this — they never take in their care a blind slug or a wasp with a broken wing?

How absurd is it really to pose a question like that when sages of some of the greatest religions of the world never compromised on their compassion? To them "all creatures" often included microbes. Yes, we need to eat living things, but vegetarians also know there aren't enough certified naturally dead cabbages to go around. Instead, if we can just begin to extend our compassion to creatures that don't resemble us in the least, like a cockroach or spider, then we will have freed ourselves from a binding biology and begun approaching a newer phase of evolution.

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

COLUMN

WTO TALKS: WAITING FOR GODOT

MANOJ PANT

 

‘Another one bites the dust.’ This line from a rock song by a popular band of the nineties might well become the national anthem of the WTO ministerials since Doha.

 

Once more a ministerial has gone by in New Delhi and, if media reports are anything to go by, there is now a ‘consensus’. All the members agree that WTO negotiations must continue particularly in the context of the current world recession which has been on for about two years. And rightly so. The memories of the last recession of the 1930’s informs us that unilateral actions on tariffs led to a decline of world trade by as much as 30% in those days. From all reports, the decline today is no longer of that magnitude. The fact that a multilateral organisation for trade negotiations exists today is surely a contributing factor here.

While developed countries in particular are bound to go through some protectionism, the mere existence of the WTO has put some limits to obvious methods of protectionism like tariffs and non-tariff barriers like new domestic regulations. At least countries have to be inventive in their protectionism which makes the actual impact on trade less than an all out tariff war.

Then why do we still have a feeling of ‘déjà vu’? After the recently concluded ministerial in New Delhi, the media reported that while all major countries like the EU, the US, China, etc, feel that successful conclusion of the Doha round is now possible, India’s commerce minister Anand Sharma said that there is still work to be done. Where are we now then?

It is now clear that ministerials are no longer going to take talks forward at least in the Doha round. Ministerials are mainly meant to clear the political air about forward movement in negotiations. What is the actual position? First, as far as agriculture is concerned, we now know that no country can obtain complete exemption from exposing its agricultural sector to imports.

India cannot be an exception. Short of dropping the AOA ( Agreement on Agriculture) from the WTO negotiations (which I have strongly supported in these columns) the ‘single undertaking’ of the Uruguay round of 1995 (reiterated in the Doha round) makes opting out of the AOA an impossibility. Developing countries like India will have to use the gaps between their bound and actual tariffs to keep out imports. We now have special and differential treatment (SDT).

In the Uruguay round, the trigger mechanism (for import restrictions) kicked in when agricultural imports exceed 3% of domestic consumption. Developing countries like India are now arguing for the trigger to apply when imports exceed 20% of the average of the previous three years’ imports. Countries like the US (I suspect this is actually a Brazilian demand) would want this to be higher.

There are other issues like special products. There is the US position (or lack of it!) on cotton imports. But the main point is that conclusion of the Doha round is in the technical phase and this cannot be sorted out in ministerials where politics intrude. So maybe the commerce minister is making a political statement.

Second, in NAMA there seems to be some agreement on the formula for tariff reductions. Developed countries have now added the issue of sectorals—zero duty agreements on selected sectors which go beyond the usual tariff cutting formula. These could be bilateral agreements which are currently permitted only for developing countries. So, in this sense, a new agenda item calling for significant research work by developing countries has been introduced.

Third, and this is I think what the commerce minister is talking about, is the issue of service negotiations. He is right ( if media reports are correct) that forward movement here is really where India’s interests lie. India’s favourable foreign exchange balance owes more to service sector exports (remittances, software, and tourism) than to trade in manufactured goods.

But the problem is that service negotiations will necessarily impinge on a country’s domestic legislation and I doubt if countries like the US would ever agree to this. For service imports are not subject to traditional border restrictions but are determined by domestic legislation like immigration rules, taxation of foreign companies, etc,. The positive list approach to service sector negotiations makes it possible for countries to avoid commitments on politically difficult issues.

So, ‘waiting for Godot’ I think is a correct description of the current ministerials. Yet, even the current state of development of the WTO rules offer useful restrictions on obvious protectionism. As I have argued earlier, the current fight in agriculture is between the agricultural producers (the CAIRNS group) , the US and the EU. Why should India be proactive?

(The author is professor, Centre for International Trade and Development, JNU)

 

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                                                                                                               DECCAN CHRONICAL

EDITORIAL

MISBEHAVIOUR JUST CAN’T BE CONDONED

 

Poor public conduct by sportspersons is nothing new. Its incidence may only have grown in recent times as the sporting arena came to be married to mass international audiences through the phenomenon of television, raising not just the star value of successful players but also making them uber-rich. Brat behaviour by many glam sporting figures does appear to be somewhere linked with bulging pockets. It is hard to brush away the sense that heavy cash flows have taken a toll of the gentleness, grace, and fair play traditionally associated with the protocols of the playing field. These characteristics have been replaced with arrogance and caprice. “Being a sport” is not necessarily on these days. Even taking into account the changes that have marked the sporting universe in our times, the violent reaction of cricketer Harbhajan Singh toward a television cameraman at Bengaluru airport on Wednesday, as the Indian team was leaving for Sri Lanka, appears excessive. Mr Singh’s behaviour was not just inappropriate, it was boorish. Not surprisingly, the repulsive image of the cricketer lunging out with his fist for the minor infraction on the cameraman’s part of unintentionally nudging the spinner in a throng, was flashed on TV screens across the world, drawing sighs of disapproval everywhere.

 

 Sportspeople known to throw tantrums — the legendary American tennis champion John McEnroe comes to mind here — have not been generally known to behave insultingly toward the paying public or the media. Mr Singh, of course, is not the McEnroe of cricket. Even so, he can do himself no harm by keeping in mind that the tennis legend frequently argued with umpires and banged his racket on the ground in frustration. But he did not challenge match referees in the final analysis. Nor did he abuse his opponents. Mr Singh, on the other hand, has gone well beyond all that. On one occasion, after one of his spell-binding Wimbledon triumphs, the American star was pointedly not invited to the traditional dinner by the All England Club when the winning champion is meant to be the star of the event. So, what should we do with Mr Singh, who is clearly a cricketer but evidently not a sportsman? Should the BCCI or his team appoint a counsellor to shadow the Punjab lad so that he is restrained from being a further disgrace? Or should he be just taken off the playing roster until such time as his temperament improves?

Celebrities, especially those from the world of sports, are media creations in the end — the product of image makers, not necessarily of their sporting prowess. Ask any Indian footballer or hockey player. That’s why it is foolish of a Harbhajan Singh to get ideas. Like in any endeavour, in sports too people are expected to behave with greater responsibility and sobriety as they go up the ladder, and a part of this is to show more generosity and grace under pressure. There are several among his own contemporaries that Mr Singh could seek to emulate. For a start we can recommend Tendulkar, Dravid and Kumble.

 

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DECCAN CHRONICAL

EDITORIAL

CHINA PAINTS NEPAL A SCARY SHADE OF RED

BY BY BALBIR K. PUNJ

 

The shocking incident where two Indian priests were manhandled at Nepal’s famous Pashupatinath temple by Maoists underscores three loathsome realities of the current political scenario in Nepal. One, the incident is the latest among many signs that the Chinese dragon is once again baring its fangs against India. Second, the Maoists in Nepal (like their Indian cousins) are no revolutionaries but mere footsoldiers carrying out China’s imperial designs, and three, our “secularists” continue to practice double standards — contrast their silence on this sordid episode with the hell they raise everytime a Muslim or a Christian cleric is roughed up.
Even as three top Indian Army generals were visiting China at Beijing’s invitation, there were reports first of two Chinese helicopters violating Indian air space, followed by reports that the Red Army has come 1.5 kms inside the international border in Ladakh and painted some posts red, claiming it to be Chinese territory. The Chinese dismissed the air intrusion as a pilot error and denied that “incursions into India ever happened”. But we in India cannot easily forget the Indo-China border conflict that led to the 1962 war. Then too, China had first denied the land incursions.

Clearly, China is using the erstwhile kingdom of Nepal as a pawn in its plan to throttle India. However, the new Nepalese government led by Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal, that replaced the government led by Maoist leader Prachanda, has been more cooperative with India. It has agreed to take action against the Maoists who attacked the two Indian priests. But that is hardly any consolation.

There is an all-out plan by Beijing to influence Nepal and its Maoists who, incidentally, are only too eager to help their Chinese co-ideologues and mentors. These are the people who first forced Nepal’s democratic leaders to agree to end the monarchy, and then targeted the Nepalese Army, the country’s second powerhouse. The once all-powerful Army gave in without a fight. Initially, Maoists refused to lay down arms, thereby violating their agreement with the democratic parties which was the bedrock of their united front against the monarchy. Then they started to cut every single umbilical chord Nepal had with Indian culture.

The demand to terminate the age-old arrangement of appointing Indian priests for divine service in Pashupatinath sent shockwaves throughout Nepal. The Army specifically opposed this, along with a large number of people.

 

Nepal has been a transit point for many Pakistan-funded, anti-India activities, including circulation of fake Indian currency notes printed by the Inter-Services Intelligence to destabilise the Indian economy. The fact that after the ouster of the Maoist regime, Indian and Nepalese security forces tracked down many fake currency carriers of Pakistan origin has thrown light on this nefarious activity.

Fortunately, political parties of Nepal woke up and took a united stand against the Maoists. Mr Prachanda overplayed his hand when he asked the then Army Chief to quit. The President of Nepal, Mr Ram Baran Yadav, got to know the game the Maoists were playing and refused to validate the order to the Army Chief. It was this firm stand by democratic forces against the machinations of the Maoists to wrest complete power and turn the country into a Communist dictatorship that finally turned the table against Mr Prachanda. He is now threatening to use his armed cadres once again to regain power.

In Burma, too, China is playing an anti-India role. Across the world the military junta that controls power in Burma is a much criticised entity, not only for denying democratic rights to its people but also for pushing a naturally-rich country into misery. The Burmese generals are a bunch of frightened, superstitious men in uniform. Their answer to criticism is to further tighten the regime’s iron grip on its people — the recent sentencing of Aung San Suu Kyi to house arrest is another indication of their continuing denial of democracy and the intention not to share power with the people, come what may.

While the world condemns Burma’s military junta, China is wooing it. India has been feeling the heat and that’s why during the National Democratic Alliance rule and the United Progressive Alliance’s (UPA) government has had to soften its stand towards what is one of the most regressive regimes in the world.

It’s no surprise that Pakistan continues to ignore New Delhi’s demand for credible action on Mumbai terror attacks. Conceivably, Pakistan is playing Washington and Beijing against each other in this game in a bid to bypass international pressure to act and probe Mumbai terror attacks.

The Union home minster, Mr P. Chidambaram’s statement before he left for Washington, about Pakistan’s “unwillingness” to prosecute Laskhar-e-Tayyaba chief Hafiz Saeed, was like a wail. The UPA government, like Jawaharlal Nehru, is unable to fathom the intentions of countries it deals with. When hurt, it assumes a sort of childish innocence. It is a blot on the conduct of our foreign policy.

Pakistan, China, Nepal, Burma, even Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, are taking India for granted. Even in distant Australia, anti-Indian forces are active enough to humiliate and hurt Indian students. All we hear from our own government is oft-repeated words of reassurance. Why is it that the same racist Australians dare not attack Chinese students in Melbourne?

The “big achievement” of the 100 days of the UPA-2 government has been to project India as a namby-pamby country at bay. That is why Maoists are beating up Indian priests in Kathmandu, Australians are attacking Indian students, the Malaysian government is jailing Hindus protesting discrimination, China is getting well into the Indian territory and painting it as Chinese and the Pakistani government is ignoring even its international commitment for taking action against 26/11 terror attacks.

 

Balbir K. Punj can be contacted at punjbk@gmail.com [1]

 

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DECCAN CHRONICAL

EDITORIAL

SO MUCH ACRIMONY FOR OBAMA’S CIVILITY

BY BY GAIL COLLINS

 

Let me go out on a limb and say that it is not a good plan to heckle the President of the United States when he’s making a speech about replacing acrimony with civility.

 

Most of the Republicans listening to Mr Barack Obama’s healthcare address on Wednesday followed the normal rule about sitting in stony silence while the President’s party leaps up and down in rapturous applause. But there were a few exceptions, notably Mr Joe Wilson, a member of Congress from South Carolina who called the President a liar.

This was when Mr Obama said illegal immigrants would not be covered by healthcare reform. It seemed like a pretty tame remark for so much disrespect, given all the recent uproar over the President’s alleged ability to brainwash elementary school students. You might have expected Mr Wilson to hold his tongue and wait to see if Mr Obama would yell “Marxism is a good thing!” and send the commerce committee racing off to give workers control over the means of production.

I always wonder what the members of Congress are actually thinking while they listen to a presidential address. Maybe Senator Max Baucus, the chairman of the finance committee, was thinking about the healthcare reform bill he has yet to pass, although it is equally possible that he was just daydreaming about his recipe for huckleberry pie or that time he walked all the way across Montana, just because it was there and he was running for re-election.

Mr Baucus has become central to healthcare reform, through the classic dithering technique. Finance has been so slow off the dime that in his speech, Mr Obama gave it kudos for having announced “it will move forward next week”. The problem, according to Mr Baucus, is that he wants a bipartisan bill that meets the cost-control demands of his Republican colleagues.

Sure, Mr Obama talked the fiscally responsible talk Wednesday night. But he cannot hold a candle to Mr Baucus and Mr Chuck Grassley, the committee’s lead Republican. These guys are really, really, really concerned about balancing the Budget. And that seems only fair since they were basically the ones who unbalanced it in the first place when they worked in bipartisan concert in 2001 to pass Mr George W. Bush’s first $1.6 trillion in tax cuts.

We do not know exactly what Mr Grassley was thinking while the President was talking. Perhaps he was mentally composing a twitter about the speech. The senator has been tweetless since last weekend, when he recorded the memorable: “Saw Ia U beat my school 17/16. UNI played best I proud of my team Pres Mason came up 22pts short of her prediction 4 victory. She good Prez”.

All summer we have heard reports that a special bipartisan group of six senators, including Mr Baucus and Mr Grassley, were working on a healthcare reform deal. Having a conversation. Talking on the phone. Posting on each other’s Facebook wall. Still, no bill and the definition of “bipartisan” shrank from 70 votes in the Senate to “Olympia Snowe seems to like it”.

We do not know exactly what Senator Snowe of Maine was thinking during the President’s speech. Probably about the President’s speech. She is really, really diligent. It’s always possible that the Republicans will realise that their virulent opposition is not doing the country any good, and at least be obstructionist in a more cheerful way. Although Wednesday night, when the TV cameras caught the House minority leader, Mr John Boehner, he looked as though he had just swallowed a cough drop.

Mr Boehner got the day off to a fine start by telling reporters he expected the President would “try to put lipstick on this pig and call it something else”. It was a stunning development, suggesting that a new page in American politics was turning, one in which members of both parties could once again come together and toss around that lipstick-pig metaphor without being accused of a sexist attack on Ms Sarah Palin.

The speech sounded fine to me, although I have to admit I’m still disappointed that Mr Obama’s people have not done enough to start interesting rumours on their side of the debate. “Security and stability” is not quite as exciting as stories about old people being executed or registered Republicans being stripped of their Medicare.

I was hoping the reform side would do some groundwork before the big address and start floating stories about how universal healthcare would save the car industry or combat hair loss.

I envisioned Mr Robert Gibbs getting up at the next press conference and saying: “Look, I know it’s all over the Web that under healthcare reform every family will get a new wide-screen plasma TV. It’s just not so. That provision was merely proposed by the House Commerce Committee”.

“However, I can confirm that the public option has been renamed the Captain Sully Sullenberger Julia Child Oprah option”.

 

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DECCAN CHRONICAL

OPED

A PLATE FULL OF TOXINS

BY BY VANDANA SHIVA

 

In times when food is genetically manipulated and chemically contaminated, the metaphor “food for thought” can also stand for manipulated information and be toxic food for thought. Unfortunately, Dr M.S. Swaminathan’s GM: Food for Thought (August 26), is as manipulated as the genetically-modified (GM) foods which were the subject of his article.

Dr Swaminathan’s first scientific manipulation was the argument that conventional plant “breeding methods are very time consuming and often not very accurate. However, with the recombinant DNA technology, plants with the desired traits can be produced very rapidly and with greater accuracy”. This is scientifically false. Genetic engineering is a crude and blind technology of shooting genes into an organism through a “gene gun”. It’s like infecting the organism with a “cancer”. It is not known if the transgene is introduced, and that is why antibiotic resistance markers have to be used. Nor is it known where in the genome the transgene gets introduced. This is not “accuracy”, it is literally shooting in the dark.

Further, the genetically engineered construct is introduced into existing crops that are bred by conventional breeding methods. Thus Bt Cotton (Bt stands for Bacillus Thuringenesis) is the introduction of Bt genes into existing hybrids in the case of Mahyco (a company that produces and markets a broad range of seeds developed with biotechnology), and into a selection in the case of the Central Cotton Research Institute. GM technology does not substitute conventional breeding, it is dependent on it. Thus the arguments of “speed” as well as “accuracy” are false.

The second scientific inaccuracy in Dr Swaminathan’s article is the claim that through GM technology “we can isolate a gene responsible for conferring drought tolerance, introduce that gene into a plant, and make it drought tolerant”.

Drought tolerance is a polygenetic trait. It is, therefore, scientifically flawed to talk of “isolating a gene for drought tolerance”. Genetic engineering tools are so far only able to transfer single gene traits. That is why in 20 years only two single gene traits have been commercialised through genetic engineering. One is herbicide resistance and the second is the Bt toxin trait.

Navdanya Trust’s recent report (Biopiracy of Climate Resilient Crops: Gene giants are stealing farmers innovation of drought resistant, flood resistant and salt resistant varieties) shows that farmers have bred corps that are resistant to climate extremes. And it is these traits, a result of a millennia of farmers breeding, that are now being patented and pirated by the genetic engineering industry. Using farmers’ varieties as “genetic material”, the biotechnology industry is playing genetic roulette to gamble on which gene complexes are responsible for which trait. This is not done through genetic engineering; it is done through software programmes like “Athlete” that uses “vast amounts of available genomic data (mostly public) to rapidly reach a reliable limited list of candidate key genes with high relevance to a target trait of choice. Allegorically, the Athlete platform could be viewed as a “machine” that is able to choose 50-100 lottery tickets from amongst hundreds of thousands of tickets, with the high likelihood that the winning ticket will be included among them”.
Breeding is being replaced by gambling, innovation is giving way to biopiracy, and science is being substituted by propaganda.

One aspect of the propaganda related to GM crops is that they will feed the world. Dr Swaminathan writes, “The world population has crossed six billion and is predicted to double in the next 50 years. Ensuring an adequate food supply for this booming population is a major challenge in the years to come. GM crops promise to meet this need in a number of ways”.

The claim to increased yield is false because yield, like climate resilience, is a multi-genetic trait. Introducing toxins into a plant through herbicide resistance or Bt toxin increases the “yield” of toxins, not of food or nutrition.
Even the nutrition argument is manipulated. Golden rice genetically engineered to increase Vitamin A produces 70 times less Vitamin A than available alternatives. The same applies to the iron-enriched rice that the M.S Swaminathan Research Foundation is working on. The low-cost, high-impact route to reduce anaemia (iron deficiency) in women and children is by growing and making available iron-rich foods such as bathua, methi, shajan etc.

The false claim of higher food production has been dislodged by a recent study by Dr Doug Gurian Sherman, a former biotech specialist for the US Environmental Protection Agency and former adviser on GM to the US Food and Drug Administration, titled “Failure to Yield”. Sherman states, “Let us be clear. There are no commercialised GM crops that inherently increase yield. Similarly, there are no GM crops in the market that were engineered to resist drought, reduce fertiliser pollution or save soil. Not one”.

Another aspect of science being substituted by propaganda is the false claim of safety. Dr Swaminathan claims, “Environmental activists, religious organisations, non-governmental organisations, have all raised concerns about GM foods, and criticised agribusiness for pursuing profit without concern for potential hazards, and criticised the government for failing to exercise adequate regulatory oversight. Most concerns about GM foods fall into three categories — environmental hazards, human health risks and economic concerns. Unintended harm to other organisms; reduced effectiveness of pesticides; gene transfer to non-target species are some of the environmental concerns of GM crops. There is no scientific evidence to prove any of these concerns as real, since commercialisation of transgenic crops have taken place over the past 10 years in the world”.

Percy Schmeiser stands as the most important victim of genetic contamination. His canola crop was contaminated by the “Round Up Resistant” canola produced by Monsanto, a chemical company. Monsanto sued him claiming that the genes of “Round Up Resistant” canola were their “intellectual property” and that he was a thief. The “polluter pays” principle has been replaced by the “polluted gets paid” principle.

France, Germany and Austria have banned Monsanto Mon 810 corn, a Bt corn, because of scientific research showing risks of genetic instability, allergenicity, infertility, turmorogenecity.

Dr Swaminathan’s statement that “there is no scientific evidence” to prove risks and hazards flies in the face of all evidence.

Dr Swaminathan is also wrong in claiming there are no socio-economic risks. The concentration of farmers’ suicides in the Bt cotton belt of Punjab, Vidarbha, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka is tragic proof of the high socio-economic costs of Bt cotton.

Dr Swaminathan has also manipulated the “safety” of Bt cotton. He states, “One of the best known examples of using non-plant genes to transform crops is the use of Bt genes in cotton and many other crops. Bt, or Bacillus Thuringenesis, is a naturally occurring bacterium that produces crystal proteins that are lethal only to insect larvae, Bt genes are lethal only in the acidic, insect gut environment and do not get activated in an alkaline environment, prevalent in humans and other animals that feed on these plants”.

While it is true that the naturally-occurring Bt, which is an endo toxin, becomes a toxin only in the gut of insect larvae, the genetically-engineered Bt toxin is a readymade toxin. But Navdanya’s research in Vidarbha, Maharashtra, this has shown that Bt cotton is killing beneficial micro-organisms in the soil. Reports of deaths of animals grazing in Bt cotton fields are also related to the fact that Bt toxin in plants is a broad spectrum, readymade toxin unlike the naturally occurring Bt in the soil organism. (Andhra Pradesh’s animal husbandary department’s report takes note of an increasing number of deaths of animals and pests who graze in Bt cotton fields.)

We cannot afford toxic “food for thought” as a diet for our minds, just as we cannot afford toxic, genetically-engineered food as a diet for our bodies.

It is time for authentic, unbiased, independent and holistic science to inform the GM data. Not the false propaganda being peddled as science.

 

Dr Vandana Shiva is the executive director of the Navdanya Trust

 

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DECCAN CHRONICAL

OPED

DEFINED BY BIRTH ORDER

BY BY PERRI KLASS

 

The older girl was smart, neat and perfectly behaved in school; in her spare time, she won dance trophies. At every check-up, her mother would tell me what a good girl she was.

She is the oldest, her mother would say, so she gets lots of attention, and she works very hard. When her younger sister turned out to be an equally good student, the proud mother explained that naturally she wanted to be just like her older sister.

Then a long-looked-for baby boy was born. When he was a toddler, I began to worry that his speech seemed a little slow in coming. His mother was perfectly calm about it. He is the only boy, she said, so he gets lots of attention, and he doesn’t have to work very hard.

Everyone takes it personally when it comes to birth order. After all, everyone is an oldest or a middle or a youngest or an only child, and even as adults we revert almost inevitably to a joke or resentment or rivalry that we’ve never quite outgrown.

Children and parents alike are profoundly affected by the constellations of siblings; it is said that no two children grow up in the same family, because each sibling’s experience is so different.

But that doesn’t mean the effects of birth order are as clear or straightforward as we sometimes make them sound. Indeed, birth order can be used to explain every trait and its precise opposite. I’m competitive, driven — typical oldest child! My brother, two years younger, is even more competitive, more driven — typical second child, always trying to catch up!

I surveyed some experienced paediatricians about when parents are likely to bring up birth order. Many cited the issue of speech, especially when a second child doesn’t talk as well or as early as the first.
And parents are likely to talk about mistakes they think they made the first time around. This time, we’re going to solve the sleep thing good and early. This time, we’re going to get it right with potty training. This time, we’re going to sign the child up for soccer.

“Too many parents are haunted by experiences both good and bad that they identify with their birth order”, said Dr Peter A. Gorski, a professor of paediatrics, public health and psychiatry at the University of South Florida. And that might lead them to classify their own children according to birth order, he went on, which in turn can lead to a sense of identification or even rejection and to “self-fulfilling prophecies”.

Frank J. Sulloway, a visiting scholar at the University of California, Bekeley, and the author of Born to Rebel: Birth Order, Family Dynamics and Creative Lives (Pantheon, 1996), points out that second-born children tend to be exposed to less language than eldest children. “The best environment to grow up in is basically two parents who are chattering away at you with fancy words”, Sulloway said.

He cited a huge and well-publicised Norwegian study, published in 2007, which found that eldest siblings’ IQs averaged about three points higher than their younger brothers’. (The study made use of Norwegian military records, so all the subjects were male.)

Those differences in verbal stimulation, like the differences in IQ, are “relatively modest”, Sulloway continued, and unlikely to result in clinical speech delays. But in a child who is already vulnerable, a child who may be temperamentally less likely to evoke adults’ attention, or a child growing up in a less stimulating home — well, then, being the second child might be the added risk that makes the difference, he said.

“Birth order doesn’t cause anything”, Sulloway said. “It’s simply a proxy for the actual mechanisms that go on in family dynamics that shape character and personality”.

We can all cite examples and counterexamples, from our own families, our friends, history and literature. There are plenty of families where the younger child is brighter or more academic, and plenty of literary and historical examples (Jane and Elizabeth Bennet, Meg and Jo March, Dmitri and Ivan Karamazov — and you can think about those authors and their older siblings as well, and draw any comparisons you like). And then there are plenty of examples of brilliant eldest siblings, but given my own eldest status, I will refrain from citing any. (I told you this always gets personal.)

And IQ, though it does grab headlines, might shape family life less than personality and temperament. “It’s a part of a bigger picture that really involves family dynamics”, Sulloway said. “Child and family dynamics is like a chessboard; birth order is like a knight”.

And then there are all the other influences to consider, from family size to socio-economic status. “Typically firstborns tend to boss their younger siblings around, but what if you’re a very shy person?” Sulloway said. “Napoleon was a second-born and his older brother was a very shy guy, and he usurped the older-sibling niche because his older sibling didn’t occupy that niche.”

“And why didn’t he occupy that niche? Temperament.”

Now, of course birth order played into my patients’ patterns, but so did gender and birth spacing and, above all, temperament. That little boy was more even-tempered, more placid than either of his sisters, easily soothed, and I think he would have shown that temperament no matter what.

But temperament also helped define his relationship to the four larger people in his immediate circle. “I wouldn’t discount the impact of birth order”, Gorski told me. “It sets up the structure of one’s place in relation to others from the beginning, as we learn how to react to people of different ages and different relationships”.
Paediatricians are always being warned not to let a speech delay slip past because of parents’ beliefs that boys talk later or that youngest children talk later. I did eventually insist on a hearing test and speech therapy for this little boy. As it turned out, his hearing was fine, and his sisters drilled him over and over with “use your words” exercises until his speech improved. That is one of the advantages of having hardworking older sisters.

 

By arrangement wit the New York Times

 

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DECCAN CHRONICAL

OPED

TWITTERING IS NO JOURNALISM

BY BY ROGER COHEN

 

Two mullahs gaze out on a crowd of protesters in Tehran. One says, “Arrest the correspondents”. To which the despondent reply is: “But they’re all correspondents!”

This story, recounted by Mahasti Afshar, an Iranian-American scholar, during a debate at the University of Southern California, captures the post-election coming-of-age of new social media like Twitter that have provided critical information and images on the post-electoral upheaval even as the authorities have driven out mainstream networks and newspapers.

Iranian citizen-journalists have tweet-transformed the American image of their country (online youth have supplanted mad mullahs); globalised the protest movement by drawing a vast and previously apathetic Iranian diaspora into the struggle (albeit with still debilitating divisions); and provided an effective organising tool in the absence of strong leadership. These are not small achievements.

Still, the mainstream media — expelled, imprisoned, vilified — is missed. Iran has gone opaque. Its crisis is seen through a glass darkly. Its cries are muffled, its anguish subdued. President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad rides roughshod. Nuclear calculus silences Western capitals.

After I left Iran, in early July, I wrote that Iranians “have borne witness — with cellphone video images, with photographs, through Twitter and other forms of social networking — and have thereby amassed an ineffaceable global indictment of the usurpers of June 12... Never again will Ahmadinejad speak of justice without being undone by the Neda Effect — the image of eyes blanking, life abating and blood blotching across the face of Neda Agha-Soltan”.

We now know that the 26-year-old student was among more than 70 people killed in the post-election violence. But who is there to investigate these deaths — or allegations of wholesale rape of hundreds of arrested men and women — and so shed light?

In the same column, I wrote that “To be a journalist is to bear witness. The rest is no more than ornamentation. To bear witness means being there — and that’s not free. No search engine gives you the smell of a crime, the tremor in the air, the eyes that smoulder, or the cadence of a scream”.

This was too much for Arianna Huffington of the eponymous Post who fumed that I had chosen “to attack the tools of new-media-fuelled reporting by citing the very event that highlights the power of those tools” and opined: “The truth is, you don’t have to ‘be there’ to bear witness. And you can be there and fail to bear witness”.

Huh? You can’t bear witness from afar any more than you make an omelette without cracking eggs. Seeing is different and has a price, sometimes even the ultimate price. As for being there and failing to bear witness, well, yes, you might be in a Hafez-induced trance or off climbing the Alborz mountains, if so inclined, but that’s hardly material.

Twitter’s pitch is “Share and discover what’s happening right now, anywhere in the world”. That’s what it does — up to a point. It’s many things, including a formidable alerting system for a breaking story; a means of organisation; a monitor of global interest levels (Iran trended highest for weeks until Michael Jackson’s death) and of media performance; a bank of essential links; a rich archive; and a community (“Twitter is my best friend”).

But is it journalism? No. In fact journalism in many ways is the antithesis of the Here Comes Everybody — Clay Shirky’s good phrase — deluge of raw material that new social media deliver. For journalism is distillation. It is a choice of material, whether in words or image, made in pursuit of presenting the truest and fairest, most vivid and complete representation of a situation. It comes into being only through an organising intelligence, an organising sensibility. It depends on form, an unfashionable little word, without which significance is lost to chaos. As Aristotle suggested more than two millennia ago, form requires a beginning and middle and end. It demands unity of theme. Journalism cuts through the atwitter state to thematic coherence.
In the making of the choices I have described, presence is required. Because part of the choice lies in something ineffable — the air you breathe, the sounds you hear, the shadow light as a bird’s wing that falls across fearful eyes — something that cannot be seized or rendered at a distance.

Technology has enriched journalism by expanding the means to deliver it and the raw material on which it is based. But technology has also diminished the incentive — and the revenue — to get out of the office. Understanding without the trained “view from the ground” (Martha Gellhorn) remains impossible. Nature abhors a vacuum, journalism even more so, and so it fills absence with windiness.
Iran expelled or imprisoned the mainstream media for a reason: to blind the world, to bewilder it, to make it forgetful.

But do not forget. Newsweek’s Maziar Bahari still languishes incommunicado in prison more than two months after his arrest. The dead are still dead. The seething still seethe. Ahmadinejad will address the United Nations in New York on September 23. He must be reminded that the world demands the truth as seen and distilled from the ground.

 

By arrangement with the New York Times

 

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THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

FROSTY SCENARIO ~ UNCERTAINTY DEEPENS IN AFGHANISTAN

 

THE real test of democracy is in real doubt. At home and abroad, it will not be easy for Hamid Karzai to savour the triumph of having crossed the 50 per cent benchmark in the recent election. Theoretically, he appeared to be firmly on the presidential saddle on Tuesday with the perceived 54.1 per cent of the votes and his rival, Abdullah Abdullah’s 28.3 per cent. In reality, though, the declaration merely deepens the crisis in a volatile and fractious nation. Most importantly, because the UN-backed Election Complaints Commission, in which the Western powers are predominant, has demanded a recount. Ergo, the recognition of the incumbent President by the influential bloc within the comity of nations is open to question. His credibility may prove to be rather fragile in the conduct of foreign policy, and will almost inevitably have a bearing on the pursuit of the USA’s Af-Pak strategy.

The ECC has taken a decidedly firm stand after monitoring, for the past few weeks, the state-sponsored fiasco as much as the challenge from Abdullah. At another remove, the Afghanistan-backed Independent Control Commission has responded to the UN challenge by publishing the result, which gives Karzai a margin that is clear at first sight, but actually spurious. There is little doubt that the victory has been declared on the strength of disputed ballots, whose number is legion. In a statement that is at once comical and crass, the ICC has pleaded that the appeal from the world body was “lost in translation”. It has reportedly been sent back to the ECC because “the Persian version of the document did not match the English version”.

The fact of the matter lies buried beneath this contrived linguistic dispute. Karzai and the average Afghan may have a genuine grouse in resenting the Anglo-American interference in the electoral process. But there is no denying that the democratic process has been brought to disrepute. The election has placed the country in a flux with 600 polling stations quarantined and more than 700 major charges of fraud which could lead to a large number of votes being declared as invalid. Should Karzai eventually lose his majority, a run-off with Abdullah is inevitable. With the bleak winter closing in, the uncertainty may persist till next spring.

 

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THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

NOT AGAIN! ~ MAKING A MOCKERY OF MEDALS

 

SO come this weekend and we are in for another round of ex-servicemen returning their medals in support of the one-rank one-pension demand. Since the previous surrender of some 15,000 awards has failed to pressure the government ~ rightly has it refused to yield to this dubious line of action ~ it would be valid to ask for whose benefit are these simple veterans being exploited, misled? A couple of former Generals seeking to make questionable heroes of themselves? Nobody can argue against the best possible deal for old soldiers, and the complex (crafty?) manner in which the government has been revising pension and other benefits does give valid cause for protest. But denigrating the awards that are still coveted by many more than the numbers in the picket line, and for which our serving personnel are prepared to make the ultimate sacrifice is despicable. Doing so invalidates the cause.

The end does not justify the means: that is something that every soldier is taught, and only the craven can “dump” that lesson. Prior to the recent Lok Sabha polls a major political party tried fishing in those troubled waters, that the voter rubbed its nose in the dirt ought to have convinced the men leading this particular form of agitation that they were on the wrong track. But no, having taken that line false prestige comes in the way of backtracking: actually a mere course-correction.

Thus far the government has been restrained, perhaps even weak. It would not be an over-reaction if it was to consider stripping the awards from those who return their medals, and making it clear that pension-revision will be kept on hold till this unseemly form of protest is abandoned. It could also ask the Chief of Staffs Committee to take a call on whether future awards should be kept in abeyance until due honour is restored to medals. What is most disturbing is that, with the upright exception of a lone vice-admiral, none of the very media-active retired brass have come out openly against the devaluing of the decorations they continue to flaunt. Are they trying to enjoy the best of both worlds?

 

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THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

UNAVOIDABLE GUSH ~ PROTECTIVE MEASURES AS IMPORTANT AS RELIEF

 

AS South Bengal battles the annual scourge of floods, the Damodar Valley Corporation is in a damned-if-you-do, damned-if-you-don’t predicament. Having released a massive dose of 3 lakh cusecs of water from its Maithon barrage till Tuesday night, the spreading calamity would at first sight appear to be the immediate consequence of the water discharge. This is beyond dispute, but the West Bengal government is right only partially when it attributes the floods to the DVC’s release.

That having been said, river technology would confirm the risk of a bursting of the dams and barrages if the stored water is not released when its volume attains a literally explosive level. The impact on land and life can be much too devastating even to imagine. The finance minister, Dr Asim Dasgupta, may have an issue with the DVC when he cavils that the water was released without informing the state. The corporation may have erred on protocol. The Chief Minister has written to the Prime Minister, holding the DVC responsible for the floods. The Centre-State kerfuffle, raging in direct proportion to the rise in the river levels, can only exacerbate the calamity.

The DVC’s discharge is a necessity, one that assumes alarming proportions during the monsoon. Tangible action towards mitigating the hardship is imperative and both the state and the DVC will have to get their act together. River technology needs to be harnessed and embankments constructed to minimise the impact of the gushing discharge at this time of year. Proper construction of the embankments is primarily the state’s responsibility; the floods get more and more acute as the embankments get washed away when the river water overflows the banks. The release of water from the dams cannot be avoided during the monsoon; protective measures will call for a comprehensive effort, a task that ought not to be forgotten during the dry season. This is as essential as the relief effort, which thus far has been prompt and swift in politically restive South Bengal.

 

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THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

THE RIOT ACT ~ BJP STILL CANNOT AVOID COMMUNAL PROVOCATION

AMULYA GANGULI

THE eagerness with which the saffron camp tried to provoke and then exploit communal sentiments in Sangli and elsewhere in Maharashtra was typical of its incendiary tactics. Riots have always been the easiest way for the Sangh Parivar to enthuse its cadres. The cynical ploy is not dissimilar to the recourse to strikes by the Communists to make their presence felt. Given the BJP’s current woes, it may not hesitate to fall back occasionally on the time-honoured gambit of minority-baiting in a desperate attempt to recover the lost ground.
Maharashtra is an ideal testing ground for such devious manoeuvres with the prolonged Ganapati festivals offering an opportunity to flaunt the party’s and the Parivar’s Hindu identity. It may not be besides the point to recall that Tilak initiated the Ganapati celebrations to wean Hindus away from participating in Muharrum and other special occasions in the Muslim calendar. Since then, the aggressive elements among the Hindus have always looked forward to the Ganapati celebrations less with piety than with the intention of challenging the minorities if any such chance presented itself.

SANGLI FLARE-UP

IT wasn’t surprising, therefore, that the spark which lit the communal fires in Sangli was a depiction in some of the puja pandals of Afzal Khan being killed by Shivaji. The intention of the saffron organizers was to keep the “blazing history” of the Maratha warrior alive, as the Shiv Sena’s mouthpiece, Saamna, noted. It doesn’t take a keen student of Hindutva politics to decipher why this aspect of Shivaji’s life was sought to be highlighted instead of the fact that he also had Muslim generals in his army. Clearly, it isn’t their interest in history which drives the saffron zealots. Instead, they prefer to pick and choose those facets which can play a divisive and inflammatory

 role.
The success of this ploy with the outbreak of violence must have been a source of satisfaction to the BJP in the midst of the all-enveloping gloom which surrounds the party today. To fish in the troubled waters, its leader in Maharashtra, Gopinath Munde, lost no time to decide to fly to Sangli. When he was not allowed to board the flight, he started out by road. His interest is perhaps all the greater not only because of the challenge which he faces to his position from the party’s chief of the state unit, Nitin Gadkari, especially now that Munde has lost his powerful brother-in-law, Pramod Mahajan, but also because of the impending state assembly elections.
That the saffron camp is on a weak wicket is no secret. Not only did it lose the recent parliamentary elections in Maharashtra, it cannot hope to recover its position as long as the Shiv Sena remains divided between uncle Bal Thackeray and his estranged nephew, Raj, who has floated his own outfit, the Navnirman Sena. What is more, the latter’s attacks on north Indians in Mumbai and elsewhere, some of whom may have been expected to vote for the BJP, cannot but make them turn to the ruling Congress-NCP combination.

In addition, while Mahajan’s untimely death has robbed the BJP of an energetic campaigner, Bal Thackeray has not been as enthusiastic a supporter of the BJP in recent years as before, judging from his decision to support Pratibha Patil rather than the NDA’s Bhairon Singh Shekhawat for the President’s post, and his expressed preference for Sharad Pawar as Prime Minister instead of the NDA’s LK Advani. Thackeray’s attitude was evidently a case of Marathi parochialism trumping Hindutva affiliations.

At a disheartening time like the present, therefore, a riot is just what the doctor can be said to have ordered for the BJP. The Sena, of course, has always been at the forefront of such outbreaks, for its politics for the last four decades of its existence has been geared round street violence. Moreover, as its aging patriarch, Bal Thackeray, shows signs of fading away, and his son, Uddhav, is outsmarted in the choice of a new target of attack ~ mainly the Biharis ~ by his cousin, Raj, the Sena may depend on a communal flare-up to boost its spirits on the eve of the elections.

AFZAL KHAN EPISODE

IT has accused the Congress-NCP government of hypocrisy by arguing that it was against the depiction of the Afzal Khan episode although the ruling alliance was erecting a giant statue of Shivaji on the Mumbai seafront. But the answer should be clear even to the simple-minded. The statue is a tribute to the 17th century hero’s military and administrative achievements ~ he is known as the “father of the Indian navy” ~ and non-sectarian politics. In contrast, the purpose of the saffron lobby’s focus on one episode in Shivaji’s long and colourful career is too obvious to be stated.

Although the saffronities have partially succeeded in achieving their objective of setting off a riot, the BJP may not like to pursue this confrontationist agenda for much longer lest it should revive all the familiar fears about the party, especially at the national level. The Sena may not mind carrying on further with its mischief. Its base and influence are limited to parts of one state and sections of one community. The party has little interest, therefore, in widening its appeal. The BJP, on the other hand, has to keep a larger audience in mind, including the NDA’s virtually only remaining “secular” component, the Janata Dal (United). Even then, its role in Sangli has shown that there has been no change in its essentially anti-minority instincts.

 

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THE TELEGRAPH

EDITORIAL

WRONG NUMBER

 

The prime minister’s office has asked the department of telecommunications to get more active in extending mobile banking into rural areas. This is not surprising, coming as it does from a prime minister who sets so much store on innovation. If his dream were to come true, every villager would be able to pay for his daughter’s wedding on his cellphone. It is an enticing prospect, and one worth pursuing. But his office has made two mistakes. It is not the remit of the department of telecommunications to promote rural banking. Left to itself, it will ask its favourite daughter, Bharat Sanchar Nigam Limited, to do it. People have forgotten how, when asked to do the same thing some years ago, the same BSNL had wheeled a few huge discs into a handful of villages, and called it the triumph of rural telephony. It was only when private operators had to compete with the well entrenched BSNL that they ventured into villages and lent cellphones to teashops for commercial operation. Perhaps since he has no competition, the prime minister does not see merits in competition. It is not BSNL he should turn to, but the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India. Admittedly, Trai, being a proper Indian regulator, is better at stopping initiatives than starting them. But this dog is still young, and can learn new tricks.

Second, the prime minister’s office is obviously unaware of the obstacles the Reserve Bank of India has put in the way of mobile banking. It had a great beginning in this country; a number of operators, not all connected to a telephone operator, had begun local services. Then the RBI swooped in and told them to stop. It allowed a handful of first entrants to continue. But it issued “operative guidelines”, which gave a monopoly of all future business to its favourite daughters, the banks.

 

The RBI is mistaken. First, banks are an oligopoly. They are not driven to extend their business. There are many other entrepreneurs, brimming with the animal spirits the prime minister so admires, wanting to serve villagers; but the old lady of Mint Street looks down on these energetic youngsters. Second, the mobile payment business is likely, at least in the beginning, to be local; it would tie together local shops and businesses with customers. The banks are national monoliths; they are not attracted to local business. The RBI has signally failed to persuade them to extend rural banking; it is now determined to see that rural mobile payments also fail. Finally, mobile payments would need the same kind of prudential regulation, involving cash reserves and capital requirements, as banks; in its zeal for monopolizing them, the RBI has failed to think about the right regulatory mechanism. It has proved itself entirely unfit to regulate this new business; it should have nothing to do with mobile payment operations.

 

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THE TELEGRAPH

EDITORIAL

TRUST MATTERS

 

From Gujarat to Jammu and Kashmir to the Northeast, complaints about killings in fake encounters come at regular intervals. Some of these turn out to be politically motivated. But official responses to these complaints are often too unreal to carry conviction. In Manipur, the fight against militants has frequently forced the administration to face charges of fake encounters. It is still unknown if the killing of two people, including a pregnant woman, in July was due to a fake encounter. And now the state administration faces the same charge over the killing of six people in Imphal. The fight against ethnic militancy has to use unconventional methods, because the militants are known to use innocent civilians for strategic cover. But that precisely is the reason why the police and other forces fighting the militants need to win the trust of the local people. Suspicions of fake encounters alienate the people from the law-enforcing agencies. That certainly is no way to win either the people’s confidence or the battle against insurgents.

The official version of the circumstances behind the latest killings in Imphal may or may not be true. Only an impartial inquiry can reveal what actually happened. The government has nothing to gain by shying away from ordering the inquiry that residents of the area have demanded. More important, however, is a strategy to regain public confidence in the administration’s intentions. Militants everywhere try to destroy the people’s faith in the rule of law. Governments in the Northeast need to convince the people that the militants themselves are the worst threat to their lives. True, the police and other forces in Manipur have their own schemes to help the local people in healthcare and other areas. But deaths of innocent people in police actions can undo the effects of these goodwill missions. Successful battles are always a mix of aggression and caution.

 

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THE TELEGRAPH

SQUEEZE CAPITALISM

NANO’S FAILURE HIT THE STATE GOVERNMENT HARDER THAN THE TATAS

CUTTING CORNERS - ASHOK MITRA

 

Aftershock of a non-occurence: it still refuses to die down.

 

The supreme boss of the Tata Group of Industries was stopping in Calcutta. This was his first visit since his decision last year to abandon the small car project in Singur, West Bengal. The gentleman had a meeting with the state industries minister, which was followed by a joint press conference. The state minister was a feeble, very feeble, master of ceremonies at the press briefing. It was the Tata czar all over. He was in an expansive, even forgiving, mood; the fiasco over Nano notwithstanding, he had no animus towards West Bengal; the Tata Group’s other involvements here will continue: why, a cancer hospital sponsored by the Tatas will be soon ready to open, it will have 50 free beds for poor people.

 

The Tata supremo made a further statement. No, he will not mind handing back the 1,000 acres of land the state government had given to the Tatas for setting up the small car plant at Singur in case it had any alternative scheme for using it, but Tata Motors must first be paid adequate compensation for the money it had spent to convert that vast stretch of agricultural land into an industrial site. The Tata boss had an almost a proprietorial air when he mentioned the Singur land.

 

There is legitimate reason to feel uneasy. The land in question is not Tata property. The state government had given that land to Tata Motors on long lease. The lease involved a commitment on the part of the Tatas to use the land to build a small car factory. Since the project has been given up, that underlying condition has not been fulfilled. At the time the Tata supremo announced the cancellation of the project, he did not blame the state government for the denouement; he blamed a third party. Therefore, the responsibility for the non-fulfilment of the project, and thus breaching the most crucial condition in the lease deed, technically devolves on Tata Motors. Such being the case, doubt can be raised over the justifiability of the Tatas continuing to occupy the land. In any event, the land was requisitioned by the state government in the “public interest”. It was explained to the judiciary that the specific “public interest” was the establishment of the car factory which was expected to create income and employment and contribute generally to the state’s economic development. Since the factory did not come up, the claim of “public interest” does not, as they say, hold water, and the acquisition has been rendered mala fide. A further point is worth mentioning. In terms of a proviso in the lease agreement, Tata Motors were to pay the state government a rental of only one crore rupees each year for the first 20 years of the lease period. One does not know whether the Tatas have paid even the first of such instalments. Even if they did, is it not a bit too much to claim proprietory rights over a lease in property — nearly one thousand acres of lush, rich arable land — by paying only one crore of rupees?

 

That apart, the ambit of “public interest” can be pretty open-ended. Suppose the Tatas are in a dog-in-the-manger mood and hold up the return of the land. The state government, according to one view, could then apply the same colonial law which was used to acquire the land for the Tatas to take it away from them by issuing a further notice of acquisition, again in the “public interest”. Yet another, somewhat breathtaking, suggestion is for the state government simply to move in and occupy the 1,000-acre tract. The Tatas might at best cry foul and go to court. The law would then take its own course.

 

Aside from issues of legality, there are of course other considerations. For example, why should there be no scope for a civil discourse? True, the Tatas did incur some expenditure to transform fertile agricultural land into an industrial site, including that for construction of sheds and buildings, laying of roads and sundry other necessary purposes. All this outlay has now become infructuous. The total sum involved cannot, however, but be peanuts to a global entity such as the Tatas. Since they do not propose to use the land any more, they could, without standing on ceremony, hand back the land to the state authorities. It could then have forwarded a quiet memorandum to the State Industrial Development Corporation, listing the expenses they had incurred and that have now gone to waste, leaving the matter of some compensation to the judgment of the state authorities.

 

For the state government, too, can have a point of view. Who is going to compensate it for either the financial losses and other sacrifices it has borne for the sake of ensuring the successful completion of the Nano project or for the discomfiture the abortion of the project has caused it? It had spent roughly Rs 150 crore to acquire the land for the Tatas. While acquiring the land, it had to face intense hostility from different quarters. A most difficult situation arose, which led to the deployment of the forces of law and order. This in turn led to yet more public outcry. The Tatas abandoned the project and the state government lost at both ends: it had no car factory to crow about and its support base shrunk ominously. The costliest damage has been political. The severely disappointing electoral reverses the parties constituting the state government have of late been experiencing one after another are — no question — partly the outcome of developments around the small car project.

 

This is where the aspect of civility and grace comes in. In a mature capitalist system, risk-bearing is one of the important functions an industrial entrepreneur is expected to perform. There is always an element of uncertainty in a given line of production or in the general economic climate. The entrepreneur is expected to take into account the risk factors attendant upon it while undertaking a new venture. The circumstances which induced the Tatas to give up the Singur project belong to the genre of such risks. These were in the nature of a force majeure which neither the Tata Motors nor the State government had anticipated. Given the fact that wounds inflicted by the slings and arrows of fortune have been immeasurably much more severe for the state government, the Tatas could have been gentlemanly enough not to make compensation of their losses a prior condition for returning the land over which their right of tenure is indeed tenuous. But it is a new breed of capitalism — squeeze capitalism — from where grace has departed. Civilization and squeeze capitalism obviously do not go together.

 

Finally, a query, with humility, for the West Bengal industries minister. Is the opening of a new cancer hospital such a giant stride in the state’s industrialization that he had to sit together with the Tata boss at the press briefing? Or was he there to be told that encroachment on state property will not end until some money is first forked out? A minister represents the sovereignty of the people; that sovereignty is diminished when a minister fails to guard the dignity of his position.

 

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THE TELEGRAPH

COLUMN

LESSONS NOT LEARNT

BONA FIDE - MALVIKA SINGH

 

Kapil Sibal has stepped out of the box and thank the Lord for that. ‘Experts’, educationists and ‘specialists’ are cautioning him and putting doubts in the minds of the uninitiated schools that would prefer the stagnation and status quo because they are comfortable and because those at the helm of these institutions of learning are intellectually lazy. In the last 60 years, the academic community should have got its act together and endorsed a system of learning rather than one that encourages rote without thinking. This has created a large mass of students who can read and write, but are unthinking and unable to structure an essay, argument or analysis on any subject.

 

Bright, lively, curious and impatient minds have no place in the education system that operates in India today. The excitement of learning and exploring ideas from the past, debating those of the present and thinking about the future is something that an entire generation has been denied by the curricula and the methodologies, which are intended to create robots instead of geniuses. The dumbing down has been responsible for the lack of self- esteem which, in turn, has generated deep-seated insecurities. The personality disorders that confront our society stem from this faulty ‘learning’ system that prevents the creative use of the mind and forces an alarming homogeneity.

 

Educationists and experts have let us down by spending more time on committee-baazi, recommendations, and by delaying endlessly the implementation of ideas that could have brought the change years ago. The argument that nothing as important as this should be rushed through does not make sense anymore. It is better to break out of such restrictive confines and fine-tune the changes as we go along. Rigid, turgid and boring texts, one-dimensional arguments, a flat rendering of history sans the layered nuances, which make the subject more interesting, have made school a chore rather than a wonderful space to explore and question.

 

BREAK FREE

Parents infuse in their children values, ethics and social truths. Similarly, teachers in schools need to embrace the minds of students even if the numbers in class are large and unwieldy. As a young student, I was extremely happy in school, loved contradicting my teachers who always debated with me and gave me much confidence in myself. When I failed in an examination, I was never put down nor accused of being a failure. The subjects that I did well in were emphasized, and I was encouraged to read more in those particular areas. I was an average student, but I had a voracious appetite for books and I had taught myself well beyond the prescribed kunjis, developed new interests and was always pushed along in the direction I had opted for. That was a different system, and it was not the sausage machine that our children are put through.

 

There are many innovative exercises that can be experimented with to make learning exciting, even when there is a shortage of teachers with the required skills. With new-age information technology and a wide variety of disciplines to choose from, extra-curricular courses, workshops and suchlike could assist in identifying special interests and latent potential in students. These additions make for wholesome learning and open the mind to a very important ingredient — general knowledge. It should be made mandatory for both science and arts students. Choices should be based on interest and aptitude. Teaching design, photography, theatre, music, art, environment studies, to name a few subjects, should be part of the curriculum. We need to think out of the box as we structure our education process and adjust to a changing world to equip a new generation with skills that can get them work in a changed market.

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DECCAN HERALD

EDITORIAL

THE LONGEVITY OF TOTALITARIANS

SOME ARGUE THAT THE AUTHORITARIAN MODEL CAN DELIVER STABILITY, BUT THERE IS A SIGNIFICANT COST.

BY CHRISTOPHER WALKER

 

Among the heads of state expected to descend on New York City for the United Nations General Assembly this autumn is an elite subset of their ranks — leaders distinguished by unparalleled longevity in office and general intolerance for dissent.

Muammar el-Qaddafi, 67, will have the privilege of speaking at the opening session. It was 40 years ago this month that Qaddafi, then a young army captain, led a coup against King Idris of Libya.

Later that same afternoon, Equatorial Guinea’s President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo (two days older than Qaddafi) will address the General Assembly. Obiang seized control in 1979 after deposing and executing Francisco Macias Nguema.

The exceptional staying power of Qaddafi and Obiang is a political curiosity, but comes at a steep price. Despite enormous windfalls from abundant natural energy resources, both Libya and Equatorial Guinea remain deeply impoverished. And after decades of erratic rule, key institutions are largely incapable of meeting ordinary people’s needs.

These two are hardly atypical: The leadership longevity list includes some of the world’s most ruthless and ossified governments. In Cuba, the Castro brothers have held power for four decades. In Venezuela, President Hugo Chávez has held power now for ‘only’ 10 years. This decade may just be a warm up: In February, Chávez engineered a referendum victory to abolish term limits.

SOVIET UNION AND AFRICA

The former Soviet Union is well represented on the list, including the likes of Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. In Africa, Libya and Equatorial Guinea are part of a large group that also includes Egypt, Angola, Cameroon and Sudan.

Although none of these countries are formally monarchies, some of them feature dynasties in the making. Azerbaijan and Syria, for example, have already undergone father-to-son transfers of power, and others, including Egypt and Libya, are signaling similar successions.

Despite differences in political tradition, culture and history, all of these countries today share at least two critical common features: heavy restrictions on political expression and participation. The bottom line in these settings is political influence, and the economic benefit that accompanies it remains within a well defined circle. Those who challenge the status quo find themselves in jail or worse.

A particularly bleak picture emerges when leader-for-life regimes are placed alongside their respective rankings for media freedom and corruption.

Of 20 countries fitting the leader-for-life mold, all are designated as Not Free in Freedom House’s annual media freedom survey. Egypt, whose 81-year-old president, Hosni Mubarak, is serving his fifth six-year term, looks the best of a group of dreadfully poor performers. It ranks 128th out of 195 countries on media freedom.

The story is similarly grim for corruption, where virtually all of these countries are in the bottom quarter of the 180 countries reviewed by Transparency International.

 

While some argue that the authoritarian leader-for-life model can deliver stability, there is a significant cost. Scholars and policymakers have long understood the relationship between free and independent news media and reduced levels of corruption, greater governmental effectiveness, stronger rule of law and generally better development results.

Early on in his rule, Robert Mugabe was considered by some as a case study for ‘strong-handed’ leadership that, the thinking went, could deliver benefits for ordinary Zimbabweans. Three decades later, Mugabe has driven Zimbabwe into abject poverty and misery.

Similar strongman arguments are made today in Russia’s case, where Vladimir Putin has pursued a ‘dictatorship of law’ while putting in place the building blocks to remain paramount leader indefinitely. Putin choreographed a handoff of the presidency last year to Dmitry Medvedev, through which Putin, as prime minister, continues to wield enormous influence. There is widespread speculation that Putin may next return to the presidency. In the meantime, Russia’s governance leaves a great deal to be desired.

The refusal of these regimes to allow the emergence of authentic political alternatives and independent watchdogs means that official mismanagement goes unchecked.

At the same time, competing ideas that could help improve government policies and the lives of ordinary people are suppressed.

The New York Times

 

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DECCAN HERALD

EDITORIAL

MEETING JOHN ABRAHAM

YOU NEVER KNOW WHO IS GOING TO MAKE IT BIG IN FUTURE.

BY BHARATHI PRABHU

 

I don’t have a photograph with him, not even an autograph”. Sighed my friend Radhika.” “When you introduced him, I could have shaken hands with him at least, no? Instead I just nodded like a fool”. I joined in the lament.

My friend and I were reminiscing about an incident that took place about 11 years ago. The guy with whom Radhika just missed being photographed and I just missed shaking hands was none other than the current heartthrob, the dimpled John Abraham!

Radhika had managed to contact him and request him to inaugurate a fashion show in aid of children with hearing impairment. He inaugurated the fashion show and complimented all the models who happened to be hearing impaired for putting up a very good show. Some of us were introduced to him after the function was over. John Abraham was politeness personified. After he left, I remember asking my friend who he was. “He is one of the leading models in Bangalore. Besides, he readily agreed to do this. He is very modest, you know”, my friend had replied.

We don’t recall whether he had his famous long locks even then, perhaps he did and that’s why we didn’t think much of his looks at that point of time! We forgot all about him till he started slowly becoming a Bollywood heartthrob. And then we started recounting our encounter with him in regretful tones.

Just goes to show you never know who is going to make it big. Be it in filmdom or any other profession, sincerity, hard work and having your feet firmly on the ground can take you far.

In John Abraham’s case, the guy comes across as a very sincere and hard working person. No starry airs about him. The guy can’t dance and also can’t act but who cares? With his macho looks he has most women swooning over him. Even women who normally don’t write about films or film stars are somehow impressed by him and are tempted to write middles on him — that in spite of ‘Dostana’.

 

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THE NEWYORK TIMES

EDITORIAL

A CLEAR RESPONSIBILITY

 

In the moving peroration of his speech to Congress Wednesday night, President Obama cast health care reform as a moral issue that reflects on the character of our country. He also made clear that there are some problems that are too big for individuals to solve on their own — and that guaranteeing that all Americans have access to health care is one of them.

 

“Our predecessors understood that government could not, and should not, solve every problem,” he said. “But they also understood that the danger of too much government is matched by the perils of too little.”

 

Any critic who still questions the need for health care reform or rails against a “government takeover” of health care should look at the latest Census Bureau estimates of the number of people without health insurance in this country — and the number who have avoided disaster precisely because of government help.

 

The overall number of the uninsured rose from 45.7 million in 2007 to 46.3 million in 2008. The fact that tens of millions of Americans may be one major illness away from bankruptcy is unacceptable. But there is also some heartening news: The increase was relatively small considering the depth of the economic crisis. That is only because government programs helped offset the decline of private insurance and employer-based coverage.

 

An aging population made more people eligible for Medicare, that much-maligned “single-payer” government program that provides coverage to almost all of the nation’s elderly, usually to their deep satisfaction. And deepening poverty rates made more people eligible for Medicaid, a joint federal-state program to cover the poor.

 

A strong push to enroll children in either Medicaid or S-chip, the state health insurance program for children from low-income families, has driven the number and rate of uninsured children to its lowest levels since 1987, the first year comparable data were collected. This is a stunning achievement — courtesy of your federal and state governments.

 

The most worrisome trend is that the number of adults under age 65 who lack insurance is high and rising, reaching 20 percent of that age group last year. The number of uninsured adults increased by 1.5 million in 2008. The toll in 2009 is likely to be worse as unemployment rates continue to rise, depriving workers of their group coverage, and more companies drop or shrink health benefits.

 

The health care reform plan that President Obama and many Democrats in Congress are calling for could do a lot to reduce Americans’ vulnerability and stem that tide. Likely reforms would require employers to provide health benefits to their workers or pay a fee to help cover them elsewhere, thus slowing the erosion of employer coverage. Reform would also expand Medicaid to cover more poor people, create exchanges where people without group coverage at work could buy affordable policies and receive subsidies based on their incomes and prohibit insurance companies from denying coverage or charging exorbitant rates based on medical conditions.

 

Critics of health care reform have done Americans two great disservices. They have obscured and denied the very real suffering of tens of millions of uninsured Americans and the very real danger that millions more could soon join them. And they have twisted and denied the goal of health care reform when they rail against a fictitious government takeover.

 

As Mr. Obama said in his speech, when facts, reason and civility are thrown overboard, he said, “we don’t merely lose our capacity to solve big challenges. We lose something essential about ourselves.”

 

This editorial is a part of an ongoing series by The Times that is providing a comprehensive examination of the policy challenges and politics behind the debate over health care reform. Read all of these articles.

 

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THE NEWYORK TIMES

EDITORIAL

IMMIGRANTS, HEALTH CARE AND LIES

 

Illegal immigration is an all-purpose policy explosive. Toss it into any debate and, boom, discussion stops because you’ve got people afraid that benefits or services might be going to those who don’t deserve them.

 

The bomb went off again on Wednesday night when President Obama told Congress that his reforms would not apply to illegal immigrants. Representative Joe Wilson of South Carolina then blurted his way into talk-radio immortality with two words: “You lie!”

 

Mr. Obama didn’t lie. The bills before Congress declare illegal immigrants to be ineligible for subsidized benefits. It is impossible to imagine any final bill doing otherwise. Mr. Wilson was a boor, but some Republicans still insist that he was right because the bill doesn’t ensure that the undocumented have no insurance.

 

Time for a reality check. Illegal immigrants are here. They are not eligible for Medicaid, but many still get sick and many get care, often in emergency rooms. The current proposals would likely not stop them from using their money to buy coverage through an insurance exchange, without subsidies. Just as they can do now.

 

Should we take a harder line? Force people to prove citizenship in emergency rooms? That’s illegal, for good reason. Make verification requirements so onerous that not a single illegal immigrant slips through? Very expensive, and not smart. It would be highly likely to snag deserving citizens — like old people who don’t have their original birth certificates. And besides, we’ve tried that: A House oversight committee reviewed six state Medicaid programs in 2007 and found that verification rules had cost the federal government an additional $8.3 million. They caught exactly eight illegal immigrants.

 

In the case of an epidemic, like swine flu, should illegal immigrants go untreated so they can infect legal residents and American citizens?

 

Hard-line Republicans insist that they will fight for citizenship verification. They could, in theory, get the country to spend whatever it takes to do that and proudly report back to their voters. But there is a line beyond which antipathy to the undocumented can be damaging to those voters’ health, not to mention the federal budget. Mr. Wilson and his admirers seem to have crossed it.

 

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THE NEWYORK TIMES

EDITORIAL

THE COURT AND CAMPAIGN FINANCE

 

In the Supreme Court this week, Elena Kagan, the new solicitor general, eloquently defended the longstanding ban on corporate spending in political campaigns. But the conservative justices who spoke showed a disdain for both Congress’s laws and for the court’s own prior rulings. If the ban is struck down, as we fear, elections could be swamped by special-interest money.

 

Conservative jurists talk about judicial modesty and deferring to the elected branches. But in the questioning, Justice Antonin Scalia made clear that he considers Congress to be a self-interested actor when it writes campaign finance laws. Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito seemed to put little weight on the fact that the court has repeatedly upheld a ban on corporate campaign expenditures.

 

What the conservatives seemed most concerned about was protecting the interests of corporations. The chief justice and Justice Scalia seemed especially perturbed that what they see as the inviolable right of these legal constructs to speak might be infringed upon.

 

The conservatives also seemed incredulous that vast amounts of corporate money flooding into campaigns could be seen as corrupting the system. We agree with Senator John McCain, who told reporters after the argument that he was troubled by the “extreme naïveté” some of the justices showed about the role of special-interest money in Congressional lawmaking.

 

The more liberal justices — including Justice Sonia Sotomayor, who was participating in her first argument — were far more sympathetic to the ban on corporate expenditures, but they have only four votes.

 

There is still some hope that Chief Justice Roberts may decide his affection for corporations is less important than the reputation of the Roberts court. If he does, there is a chance for a limited, and relatively undamaging, ruling that hews closely to the facts of this case.

 

The underlying dispute is a narrow First Amendment challenge brought by Citizens United, a nonprofit group that wanted to show an anti-Hillary Clinton movie on a video-on-demand service during the primary season. The court could uphold its right to show the movie without opening the door to a new era of political corruption.

 

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THE NEWYORK TIMES

EDITORIAL

EIGHT YEARS LATER

 

The horrors of Sept. 11, 2001, are still vivid for many Americans, especially the families of the victims. So it is tragic that on this Sept. 11, when family members, politicians and visitors go to the ceremonies at ground zero, they will be gathering at an unfinished place.

 

Instead of the two memorial pools designed by the architect Michael Arad, visitors will see their barest outlines. Instead of a circle of skyscrapers, the steel for the tallest tower stretches only five stories high. There are just the first skeletal signs of Santiago Calatrava’s magnificent transportation hub.

 

Why is it taking so long? That is a question that has been asked every Sept. 11. For the first few years, there were too many feuds — the architects Daniel Libeskind versus David Childs, the families versus the designers and builders, the community versus the demolition squads, the developer Larry Silverstein versus the insurance companies. Even now, Mr. Silverstein is locked in arbitration with the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey, the owner of the site, because he wants more of the authority’s money to build more office towers.

 

Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who now supports Mr. Silverstein’s excessive demands for public funds, once recognized the hazards of overbuilding office space in the area. In December 2002, a year after the attack, he bluntly acknowledged that “the twin towers’ voracious appetite for tenants weakened the entire downtown real estate market” — a possibility that today’s real estate experts fear if Mr. Silverstein builds too precipitously.

 

All this infighting — and confusion over necessities like a subway line and bus terminals and walls to keep out the Hudson River — has obscured the original promise to make use of this vital and iconic space beyond simply replacing 10 million square feet of commercial space.

 

The centerpiece of the project properly remains the memorial, its park and, eventually, the underground museum. But around that somber space, there should be more than skyscrapers that grow dark at night. There should be a vibrant, 24-hour community of people who live, work, play and thrive in Lower Manhattan.

 

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THE NEWYORK TIMES

OPED

THE DIME STANDARD

BY DAVID BROOKS

 

On Wednesday night, Barack Obama delivered the finest speech of his presidency. The exposition of his health care views was clear and lively. The invocation of Teddy Kennedy was moving and effective. The rumination at the end about the American character and the role of government was the clearest summary of Obama’s political philosophy that he has yet given us.

 

Best of all for those of us who admire the political craft was the speech’s seductive nature and careful ambiguity. Obama threw out enough rhetorical chum to keep the liberals happy, yet he subtly staked out ground in the center on nearly every substantive issue in order to win over the moderates needed to get anything passed.

 

First, Obama rested the credibility of his presidency on what you might call the Dime Standard. He was flexible about many things, but not this: “I will not sign a plan that adds one dime to our deficits — either now or in the future. Period.”

 

This sound bite kills the House health care bill. That bill would add $220 billion (that’s 2.2 trillion dimes) to the deficit over the first 10 years and another $1 trillion (10 trillion dimes) to the deficit over the next 10 years.

 

There is no way to get from the House bill to deficit neutrality. The president’s speech guarantees that the more moderate Senate Finance Committee bill will be the basis for the negotiations to come.

 

The Dime Standard also sets off a political cascade. Since the Congressional Budget Office is the universally accepted arbiter in such matters, the Democrats have to produce a bill that the C.B.O. says is deficit-neutral, now and forever. That means there will be a seller’s market for any member of Congress, Republican or Democrat, who has a credible amendment to cut costs. It also means the Democrats will have to scale back coverage and subsidy levels to reach the fiscal targets.

 

Second, the president accepted the principle of capping the tax exemption on employer-provided health benefits. The specific proposal he embraced is a backdoor and indirect version of the cap. But what’s important here is the movement and the concession on principle. Soon moderates and Republicans will produce amendments to impose a cap directly. These amendments will credibly raise revenue and reduce costs. The administration will now have no principled argument to reject them.

 

Third, the president accepted the principle of tort reform to reduce the costs of defensive medicine. Once again, the specific proposal Obama mentioned is trivial. The important thing was the concession on principle. There are already amendments being drawn up to create separate malpractice courts and to otherwise reform the insane malpractice system. The president is going to have a hard time rejecting these amendments just because they might reduce campaign donations from tort lawyers to the Democratic National Committee.

 

Fourth, the president introduced the public option to its own exclusive Death Panel. As Max Baucus has said, the public option cannot pass the Senate. On Wednesday, the president praised it, then effectively buried it. White House officials no longer mask their exasperation with the liberal obsession on this issue.

 

Fifth, the president also buried the soak-the-rich approach. The House Ways and Means Committee came up with a plan to raise taxes on the rich to pay for health reform. That’s dead, too. Health reform will be paid for by changes within the health care system. The president underlined his resolve to cut $500 billion from Medicare and Medicaid. This is a courageous move that moderates appreciate.

 

Finally, people in the administration and moderates in Congress would like to beef up the “game changers.” These are the wonky but important ideas like bundling hospital payments and increasing price transparency that might lead to a more efficient system down the road.

 

In short, the president can read the polls just like anybody else. He has apparently recognized the need to pull back to get something passed. He is, characteristically, trying to rise above old divisions in search of a pragmatic sweet spot. He has opened up many opportunities for intelligent Republicans and moderate Democrats to constructively offer amendments to improve the bill and bring it closer to fiscal sanity.

 

Which is not to say that this is effective health reform. The only risible parts of the speech came when Obama said that parts of the system work (they don’t; they’re unsustainable) and when he said he would be the last president to take on health care (we still await a president willing to take on fundamental perversities in the system).

 

For whatever reason, President Obama has decided not to be that president. He has decided to expand the current system, not fix it. His speech on Wednesday, and the coming legislative changes, make it much more likely he will achieve his goal.

 

Paul Krugman is off today.

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THE NEWYORK TIMES

OPED

AFTER THE STORMS, AN ISLAND OF CALM — AND RESILIENCE

BY ERIC SANDERSON

 

IT’S been eight years since the horrors of 9/11. The pain and the loss remain indelible. In New York, at least, the sadness is magnified by the lack of progress at the World Trade Center site. Efforts to reclaim and revive Lower Manhattan with a memorial and a complex of new towers have proceeded at a frustratingly glacial pace.

 

In light of this, it is possible to take some comfort from the past — to know that while the lives lost almost a decade ago will never return, this place on earth has the capacity to be reborn. This week, in fact, brings another anniversary, one that took place 400 years ago and underscores the manifold ways in which Manhattan renews itself.

 

In September 1609, the beach near the tip of the island was surrounded by thickly wooded hills. Passenger pigeons flew overhead; porpoises hunted in the harbor. Around 600 Native Americans lived on the island. And they were the ones who, on Sept. 12, must have watched as a European, Henry Hudson, guided his small wooden ship into the Muhheakantuck (later Hudson’s) River, cleaving the waters with the narrow prow of history that would one day create New York City in its wake.

 

To the native Lenape people, whom Hudson met and traded with, Mannahatta meant “island of many hills.” Modern ecological research has shown that Mannahatta was an island of remarkable biological diversity. Its 55 ecosystems encompassed stately forests, rich wetlands, sandy beaches and rocky shores, eel grass meadows and deep marine waters. This 25-square-mile island had 66 miles of streams and more ecosystems per acre than Yellowstone; more plant species than Yosemite; and more birds than the Great Smoky Mountains National Park does today.

 

There is a process in ecology called succession — the orderly advance of ecosystems from one state to another. There are moments of terror and unfathomable destruction, and then stability returns and life takes hold again, often with a firmer grip. This applies, of course, both to nature and to human society. As Jane Jacobs wrote, “Lively, diverse, intense cities contain the seeds of their own regeneration.” Resilience is a hallmark of any successful system, whether for a forest, a wetland or a city.

 

Today, we honor the memory of all that was lost and sacrificed on 9/11. But in thinking back 400 years, in imagining the Lower Manhattan of the distant past, we can join that memory to another realization: that we, and the world we live in, have a remarkable capacity to recover and renew.

 

Eric Sanderson, a senior conservation ecologist at the Wildlife Conservation Society, is the author of “Mannahatta: A Natural History of New York City.”

 

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THE NEWYORK TIMES

OPED

TO SAVE AFGHANISTAN, LOOK TO ITS PAST

BY ANSAR RAHEL AND JON KRAKAUER

 

NO matter who is ultimately certified as the winner of Afghanistan’s presidential election, the vote was plagued by so much fraud and violence, and had such low turnout, that it is inconceivable the Afghan people will regard the victor as a legitimate leader. And if a majority of Afghans do not consider the president and his government to be legitimate, the military campaign now being waged by the United States and its allies is doomed to fail, regardless of the number of troops deployed.

 

Current discussions about cobbling together mistrustful factions into a new power-sharing government will produce neither enduring democracy nor short-term peace. The slate must be wiped clean. Afghans need to start again from scratch and choose their leader by a fresh process that restores legitimacy to the national government.

 

Fortunately, such a process already exists — one that is both highly respected by the Afghan people and recognized in the Afghan Constitution: the convening of an emergency loya jirga, or grand assembly. The loya jirga has been called in times of national crisis in Afghanistan for centuries. In 1747, such an assembly in Kandahar selected Ahmad Shah Durrani as the first king of Afghanistan, uniting a patchwork of contentious tribal entities into the modern Afghan state. The loya jirga, moreover, is not only deeply rooted in Pashtun tradition, but is also consistent with notions of Western representative democracy.

 

Afghan society remains predominantly illiterate, agrarian and tribal. Indeed, the last king of Afghanistan, Mohammad Zahir Shah, often referred to himself as the “chief of all tribes.” Local disputes are routinely resolved by tribal elders seated on the ground in a circle, a gathering known as a jirga (or a shura in non-Pashtun regions). A loya jirga is, essentially, the same process on a much grander scale: an immense assembly of esteemed tribal leaders designated to debate issues of utmost national importance. Unlike presidential elections, which strike most Afghans as alien and fundamentally suspect, jirgas of all sizes are trusted and utterly familiar institutions.

 

According to the Constitution (which was itself ratified by a loya jirga in 2004), such a council can be convened “to decide on issues related to independence, national sovereignty, territorial integrity as well as supreme national interests.” Doing so does not depend on the support of any particular individual or group, including the president. While historically it was the king who most often initiated the process, the House of People, one of the two houses of Parliament, can directly convene a loya jirga at any time.

 

The Constitution further states that neither the president nor his ministers nor members of the Supreme Court have voting rights in a loya jirga; those are reserved for members of both houses of the Parliament and the provincial and district leaders. While in session, it trumps all other bodies of government. As the Afghan Constitution unambiguously declares: “The loya jirga is the highest manifestation of the will of the people of Afghanistan.”

 

Afghanistan faces a number of crises, any one of which would alone justify convening a loya jirga as soon as possible. But the most compelling reason for doing so is to have Afghans from disparate tribes, regions and ethnicities come together, outside the acting government, to select a president who will be considered legitimate by the people. No other process — not a presidential decree, a special commission, a court ruling, an elections committee, an act of Parliament or an internationally sponsored conference — could accomplish this.

Certainly, a loya jirga is no panacea. The emphasis on achieving consensus can cause discussions to drag on interminably. The process may not be immune from political intimidation or even violence. During the loya jirga that considered the Constitution, ethnic factions argued so vehemently that some Westerners feared the nation would splinter. In the end, however, such worries proved groundless. The Constitution was ratified. The loya jirga worked.

 

The debacle of last month’s election underscores a basic flaw in the efforts by the United States and other Western nations to solve Afghanistan’s problems: the country is simply not ready for direct presidential elections or a presidential system of government transplanted from a Western model of democracy.

 

A political structure like India’s, with a prime minister, would be a much better fit. And the proper mechanism for converting the Afghan government along these or any other lines is the loya jirga, rather than ad hoc political appointments (like anointing a chief executive to serve under the president), as some have suggested.

 

Because it is a unifying, time-honored and uniquely Afghan mechanism, a loya jirga offers the best hope for hitting the reset button and rapidly transforming Afghanistan’s political landscape. This would give the Afghan people a badly needed dose of optimism about the future of their beautiful, ravaged country.

 

Ansar Rahel, a lawyer, advised King Mohammad Zahir Shah’s loya jirga committee. Jon Krakauer is the author of “Into Thin Air” and the forthcoming “Where Men Win Glory: The Odyssey of Pat Tillman.”

 

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I.THE NEWS

DITORIAL

SWAT AFTER THE WAR

 

We are hearing increasingly encouraging reports of a marked change in mindsets and attitudes in Swat. People are quite obviously eager to banish the memories of the Taliban from their minds and have been speaking out about the atrocities committed by them. Several accounts have surfaced of the militants being asked to leave villages and there have been gun battles too between local tribal people and the Taliban. But for some categories of citizens, the shadows of the past still lurk. According to international agencies, women in Swat have still to return to work. Security concerns mean that those who had worked previously have in many cases felt unable to return. This is a particular worry given that there are more households headed by women in the area than ever before. The aftermath of war will always mean an increase in the number of widows and fatherless children. The plight of such families is currently unknown. There must be some attempt to collect data on their numbers and to ensure too that women feel able to take up work once again.

It is a fact too that in Swat the public space for women has been reduced. In the past, in the relaxed environment of the valley, women were free to visit shops, hospitals, tailors and other places on their own. They often did so without donning the 'burqas' imposed by the Taliban. The landscape over the past few years has changed for them. These liberties have been denied. Fear lingers on even after the Taliban defeat. Some report that remnants of the Taliban are still present in towns or villages. Pro-active measures are needed to alter the situation. These women must be restored to their rightful place as equal citizens. Indeed urgent schemes are needed to offer vocational training and other help to these women – and especially to those who must support families. The evil rule of the Taliban was symbolized by their grotesque mistreatment of women. The future will be marked by the degree of ability shown in rehabilitating these women, who make up half of the people of Swat.

 

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I.THE NEWS

DITORIAL

EDUCATING PAKISTAN

 

The new education policy, which had been pending before the Cabinet since April this year, has finally been approved and unveiled. The ambitious policy envisages a dramatic increase in the literacy rate – and also lays out other measures. Among these is 'uniform' education in the private and public sector, the incorporation of grades XI and XII into schools, increased enrolment in higher education and better qualification for teachers. This all sounds good – at least on paper. Of course one must not be cynical, but experience makes it difficult to steer clear of this. Implementation of policies has been an immense problem in the past. One must hope though that this time the raise to seven per cent of GDP for education does happen. This alone would be a significant step in improving the situation and also raising education higher up the rung as a matter of official priority.

One of the problems we have encountered has also been frequent changes in policies. Each government that comes to office appears to find it necessary to tamper with whatever has happened before and sometimes usher in change only for the sake of change. This has proved immensely damaging in the past. The frequent alteration in when the school year is to start is just one example of this. There are many others, linked to curriculums, examination systems and strategies on madressahs. This lack of consistency has held back progress and only added to the basic issues linked to the standards of education imparted at schools. Only when this platform is set up sturdily can the improvements necessary at higher levels come about. The state of affairs Pakistan faces today makes it necessary for governments to think in terms of leaving behind legacies. Even small contributions would be remembered by people desperate for change. A system of education that can meet needs would be one legacy that would never be forgotten. This is something the government needs to keep in mind as it goes about the task of enforcing the policy it has laid out and taking it from paper to cities, towns and villages.

 

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I.THE NEWS

DITORIAL

UNDIPLOMATIC CHAOS

 

Travelling around Islamabad for the ordinary citizen without a car is difficult enough, travelling by car the more so and getting more difficult and tiresome by the day. Planned on a grid system the city was designed for easy movement of people and traffic and among the areas set aside for a particular purpose was the Diplomatic Enclave in Ramna 5. This was where countries having diplomatic ties with us would build their embassies and do diplomatic business – and many have. However, the chairman of the Capital Development Authority (CDA) informed the Senate Standing Committee on Interior on Wednesday that up to 43 diplomatic missions and 48 multinational companies were operating outside the enclave in residential sectors of the city in violation of 'the non-conforming use of residential units' – using houses for things other than living in. Given the precarious security situation that prevails in the capital it is no surprise that these embassies and companies have protected themselves by barricading the streets on which they are situated – to the considerable inconvenience of everybody else.

There seems to be something of a ministerial tangle that is delaying resolution of what has become a serious problem for residents of the city and the police and security services. The chairman of the CDA says he has written 'repeatedly' to the Foreign Office requesting that the countries concerned relocate to the enclave. An FO representative denied receiving any such letter. The chairman of the committee berated the various agencies involved for their lack of coordination; and constituted a committee tasked to report to him in three weeks as to the extent of encroachments and blast walls around missions and companies operating outside the Diplomatic Enclave. Security is expensive – both for us to provide and for foreign embassies and companies to purchase. The Enclave is defensible space that concentrates security risks in a single place and makes the task of guarding them considerably easier – and cheaper. For the sake of the ordinary citizen of Islamabad this diplomatic mess needs clearing up as soon as possible; and passing the buck from ministry to ministry is not the way to go about it.

 

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I.THE NEWS

COLUMN

WHO'S MORE POWERFUL, TALIBAN OR THE SUGAR BARONS?

AYAZ AMIR

The army and air force have taken on the Taliban and loosened the grip of the Taliban on our collective psyche. The threat of terrorism may not have vanished but it has definitely receded. But who will take on the great baronies of industry, commerce and banking against whose clubs, or cartels, the government in all its power and glory is helpless?

The sugar crisis represents only one aspect of the power of this multi-layered mafia. What the people of Pakistan are paying for sugar is a price determined not by the market but by the manipulation of this powerful lobby. When the government, employing some foresight -- admittedly, a hard commodity to come by in our climate -- should have imported some sugar to stabilize domestic prices, it did nothing of the kind. Whose pressure was it which forestalled this move?

In General Ziaul Haq's heyday, a sign of power was to own a sugar mill. So anyone who was anyone sought a licence to set up the same. Today sugar-mill ownership cuts across the political spectrum, the who's who of the sugar industry reading like a who's who of politics. When in the veins of the country's power structure runs not blood or national sentiment but sugar, is it conceivable that this power structure will turn against its kind and devour its own children?

Parliamentary sovereignty is one of the great myths democracies cherish and, in their wilder moments, even promote. But think for a moment: can parliament tinker with the price of cement? The cement cartel is one of the most powerful clubs in the country. Between themselves cement producers -- some of the biggest names on the country's industrial roster -- set the price of cement and there is nothing than anyone can do about it.

The original sin -- and I hate to say this -- was committed in the early 1990s (I will not say who was then in power) when the State Cement Corporation was denationalised. From that fateful moment on the price of cement went up and up. Yes, yes, I know the refrain: it is no business of the government to own and run industry. But denationalisation should not mean complete deregulation, a total absence of check and control, which is what has happened with the cement industry, whose unchecked profits have come at the expense of the Pakistani people.

There is no better museum displaying the power of the cement industry than my district of Chakwal. When DG Khan Cement and a company owned by one of Queen Elizabeth's knights -- I joke not -- wanted to set up cement plants in Tehsil Choa Saidan Shah of District Chakwal, they were backed by the whole might of the Musharraf regime -- from Musharraf himself to Shaukat Aziz, to Punjab chief minister Pervaiz Elahi, down to the district administration.

DG Khan Cement played ducks and drakes while acquiring the land for its project but not as much as the company owned by the Queen's knight which, with the help of the powers that be, misused the Punjab Land Acquisition Act -- one of the most iniquitous pieces of legislation on our statute books -- to forcibly acquire land around Village Tatral, next to the Hindu monuments of Katas Raj.

Because of the unholy incentives given to the cement industry Pakistan now produces more cement than it needs. Which means we are exporting cement at the cost of our natural environment, cement production being one of the biggest degraders of the soil and the environment known to man.

There has been a hue and cry about the damage done to the Margalla Hills by limestone quarrying and by a cement plant with a 1300-acre lease over a part of the Margalla range (this a gift from General Zia). But the devastation to the fauna, flora, soil, landscape and air of Choa Saidan Shah (or, more specifically, the Kahoon Valley over whose creation, so beautiful it is, the Almighty must have paused when He was creating Heaven and Earth) is on a scale much greater than anything happening to the Margallas.

Khalid Mirza, Chairman of the Competition Commission of Pakistan, is to be commended for the hefty fine he has recently levied on the barons of the cement industry. More power to his efforts and may there be more like him in the arid wastes of the Islamic Republic.

Banking is another cartel playing snakes-and-ladders with the country's plight, its gaming skills again totally unchecked. Its patron saint during the Musharraf era was a smart banker himself, Shaukat Aziz (why does his name occur again and again in the roll call of our economic misfortunes?). What this sector received from his hands was not velvet but platinum treatment. While banking profits soared, the people -- as usual -- found themselves ripped off.

This sleight of hand was achieved through a simple mechanism. I've just called my bank to get my facts straight. The rate of return on deposits is five per cent while the interest rate on loans is almost 19 percent. During the Musharraf years the return on deposits went as low as two per cent. This is less sleight of hand than daylight robbery.

The high and mighty of course follow a well-trod route around this conundrum. Whatever the interest rate on loans, they are scarcely bothered because, if sufficiently high and mighty, they manage to avoid the entire inconvenience of having to return their loans.

The loans written off every year by our leading banks would be a scandal anywhere else. Here it is normal practice which doesn't even elicit much comment any more. In Musharraf's early days, after I had once commented on the business skills of Chaudhry Shujat Hussain and Pervaiz Elahi, I was invited to lunch by them so that they could explain their side of the story. With a solemn face Chaudhry Shujat assured me that all their affairs with banks were properly regularised. I said that I did not doubt that for a moment. All their loan write-offs -- and those were massive -- were done by the book.

These two chaudhrys have always been famed for their hospitality. I had written that if I had only a hundredth of the loans they took and never had to pay back, my table would spread from the Himalayas to the Arabian Sea.

The benign practice of doing things by the book remains alive and well. Prime Minister Gilani's respected wife, Madam Fouzia Gilani (widely admired for her grace and charm), along with some business partners of hers took two loans from the Agricultural Bank --71 million and 100 million -- way back in the 1980s. As, quite correctly and entirely in keeping with the prevailing norm, they paid back not a penny of those loans; they had cases for recovery filed against them. Now, Allah be praised, we stand informed that matters have been settled between Madam Gilani and the Agri Bank and the cases have been withdrawn.

Prime Minister Gilani is all for transparent government. Things can hardly get more transparent than this.

The only high-flying banker friend I have is Ali Raza of the National Bank whose smartness and banking prowess can be judged from the fact that so far the only thing I have received from him are compliments, nothing that looks like a loan I would not have to return, the only true status symbol in Pakistan.

Leona Helmsley, the New York billionaire and hotel investor -- later convicted of income tax evasion -- famously said, "We don't pay taxes. Only the little people pay taxes …" In Pakistan, as the example of First Lady Gilani freshly illustrates, only the little people return their loans.

Politicians in Pakistan live under a great illusion. They think they run the country when actually they do nothing of the kind. More than even the red-stripe wearers in General Headquarters, it is the captains of industry, commerce, banking and real estate who run things from behind the scenes and wield real power. Politicians represent the face of things. The string-pullers are different.

Malik Riaz of Bahria Town has been in with every government. Retired military high-rankers are on his payroll. He was thick with Musharraf, thick with the Chaudhrys (the ones famous for their hospitality), and now very thick with President Zardari. And he is only one instance of a phenomenon much greater than him.

 

Email: winlust@yahoo.com

 

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I.THE NEWS

COLUMN

MAKING EDUCATION A PRIORITY

DR MASOODA BANO

On International Literacy Day, Prime Minister Gilani made some verbal commitments to ensuring education for all; President Zardari also emphasised the importance of education. There was nothing unusual about such pledges and commitments being made by the Pakistani leadership on such events. However, what is interesting to note is that in the statements by both the leaders there has been hardly any talk of education reforms by the present government. The statements were too vague to suggest that the government is actually developing an action plan for the education sector. Rather, this rare expression of government commitment to education was actually a reminder that the present government is not even concerned enough about education to attempt to engage in a rhetoric of reform even if is it not pushing any reforms on the ground.

The education sector has suffered from deliberate neglect by all governments in Pakistan. However, due to the pressure from the international community and the public, the governments have always been keen to claim a commitment to this sector. Even under the Musharraf regime, first Zubaida Jalal and then General Qazi, who held the education portfolios, made a lot of noises (whether good or bad) in an attempt to demonstrate the government's commitment to reforming the education sector. The noises were of course not matched with full action.

However, an active discourse had developed around the education sector with numerous consultations and debates being held about education reforms. After the initial Education Sector Plans, a White Paper was produced, which was to feed into the new education policy.

However, neither did the previous government actually finalise the policy, nor is the present government making any serious move towards that. In fact, the trend visible since 2000 is that governments are finding it easy to keep hosting consultative dialogues including NGOs, donors and educationists to discuss education reforms rather than actually implementing them. The result is that when it comes to having the education sector plans, the plans set out all the right objectives, but despite these extensive consultations these plans rarely provide a detailed implementation plans with proper financial costing.

Most planning documents of the ministry of education are a wish list cluttered with ambitious and clearly unattainable targets. Such planning could partly be reflective of a weak planning capacity. However, at a more fundamental level it is also a sign of the government's lack of commitment to the sector where such unrealistic plans are adopted, which have no chances of success. The inclusion of the proposal to move towards English as a medium of instruction in government schools, an idea that was promoted during the previous government, is a classic example of such unrealistic planning. The government does not have enough teachers to teach English at all the levels and to impart knowledge of other subjects in English. Secondly, given the poor quality of teaching in government schools, using English as a medium of instruction in government schools will further reduce the children's ability to actually follow the subject content. There are many other priorities with the education sector that need more urgent attention rather than wasting energy on a strategy which in the immediate future is impossible to implement.

The present government has been in power for close to one-and-a-half-year, but it is showing record low commitment to the education sector, in fact there is hardly any discussion about this sector. This is particularly troubling when situated in the regional context, where Pakistan is now lagging behind all its neighbours in basic education indicators. Pakistan is the only South Asia country, which has been particularly noted in the UNESCO Global Monitoring Report, 2009, which along with Nigeria is predicted to contribute one-third of total out-of-school children by 2015.

Pakistan is at the same time also the country, which has been receiving manifold increases in aid allocations since the Sept 11 attacks with the education sector being one of the main recipients. If on the ground nothing is changing clearly it suggests that the problem is not just linked to lack of resources, the lack of political will has something to do with it. The performance of the NGO sector is also put into question by this poor progress in the education sector. The education sector has seen rapid expansion of NGOs in the last two decades and some of them have developed interesting teaching models. However, NGOs' advocacy and lobby skills are clearly limited, given that the governments get away with doing nothing.

There is urgent need for the civil society sector to mobilise the public to pressure the government to provide Pakistani children access to proper education. An educated population is in everyone's interest. Since the government is not moving on this issue on its own account, the public has to force it to move in that direction. A sustained lawyers' movement got the executive to listen to the judiciary, why should a sustained public movement asking for Education for All, not have similar success?

 

The writer is a research fellow at the Oxford University. Email: mb294@hotmail .com

           

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I.THE NEWS

COLUMN

LEARNING FROM EIGHT ANNIVERSARIES

MOSHARRAF ZAIDI

Today marks the eighth anniversary of the atrocities of Sept 11, 2001. The United States and its allies may have launched a poorly planned war in Afghanistan, and a poorly motivated one in Iraq. However, eight years since almost 3,000 innocent people from 90 different countries were killed in New York City, in Washington DC and in the skies above Pennsylvania, it is Pakistan that is identified as the location of the epicentre of the 21st century global terrorist enterprise. In every major world capital, around every important boardroom, and across the booming security, counter-terrorism and Af-Pak analysis industry, there is almost total consensus and unanimity that the war to secure ordinary people from the horrors of terrorist attacks will be won (and lost) in Pakistan.

On this sombre anniversary of a horrific human tragedy, Pakistanis of all persuasions must begin to embrace some simple facts of geopolitical economy. It doesn't matter who conducted the 9/11 attacks. It doesn't matter that most Pakistani Muslims aspire to be good Muslims, and that a good Muslim cannot possibly support terrorist attacks. It doesn't matter that Pakistan has suffered, especially since 2005, perhaps the most significant death toll, and the deepest scars to its young, immature and undernourished institutions of public life. It does not matter that, at last count, according to the South Asian Terrorism Portal, almost 7,000 Pakistani citizens have been killed in terrorist attacks since 2003. It does not matter that more than 3,500 of those citizens were killed since January 2008 alone. It does not matter, even, that more than 2,600 of Pakistan's brave soldiers, have given the ultimate sacrifice, making up for the mistakes and missteps of a handful of megalomaniac generals. And it matters little that the Pakistani middle class, the military, and the political elite have come together in the war against terrorists in Pakistan to drive them out of Swat and its surrounding areas.

What matters, eight years after 9/11 altered the very DNA of global politics, Muslim identity in the 21st century and Pakistan's sense of itself, is whether Pakistan has a comprehensive strategy to deal with the direct threat of terrorism and the indirect impacts it has had on the country. It doesn't. That should not surprise us, given how poorly served the Pakistani people are by their state. It should however scare us. After all, it scares everyone else.

Instead of measuring and preparing for the elemental challenges that this young nation faces, the Pakistani state is engaged in an almost constant obsession with the news ticker. Like a lost puppy chasing its own tail, Pakistan's military and political elite are constantly engaged in feeding the beast of the news cycle. The ISPR and the Ministry of Information are the Pakistani versions of Dan Rather and Lucille Ball--always on the airwaves, always sharing a snippet or two of breaking news. The news media that enables this obsession, contrary to the myopic criticism that has been piled on it in recent weeks, is one of the only solid urban and middle class institutions that Pakistan has (no wonder the crusty old elite are gunning for it). Feeding the news cycle is vital to the sustenance of a broad-based and democratic public discourse, but it cannot be the only vocation of those that determine how Pakistan's resources--human, financial and military--are deployed.

Beyond the news ticker lies Afghanistan--the place where 9/11 began, and where it will eventually have to be buried. In eight years the Pakistani state has demonstrated no real awareness of its closest and most important neighbour. It seems plausible to conclude therefore that Pakistan is not at all prepared to deal with Afghanistan. Dealing with Afghanistan requires some crucial adjustments in expectations in Pakistan.

 

The first is that national security in Afghanistan and in Pakistan are, for the next generation, and maybe for longer, deeply inter-linked.

The second is that Afghanistan's national security interests, for the foreseeable future, will be tied to fiscal, operational, strategic and instrumental support from two regional powerhouses, namely India and Iran.

The third, by deduction, is that the ambient dysfunction of Islamabad's relationship with New Delhi and with Iran needs to be moderated. With India, in particular, Pakistan needs to get real. It needs to stop pretending that Kashmir is still the core bilateral bone of contention, because it is not. The core bone of contention between Islamabad and New Delhi now, whether either side is able to admit it or not, is Afghanistan.

Underpinning these three deeply interlinked geopolitical realities are some hard-to-digest domestic policy nuts and bolts. Without dramatically improved investments in the capacity of Pakistan's civilian law enforcement infrastructure, the military will have an overwhelmingly important role to play in Pakistan's international political future. As long as the GHQ has a default seat at the table on issues that are primarily of a political nature--such as Kashmir, Afghanistan, Sir Creek, the Indus River--the balance of power among Pakistan's young, immature and undernourished institutions of public life will continue to be entirely out of whack. The police in Pakistan has to be transformed in short order, from a parasitical organ of political patronage to an instrument of thorough professionalism that shoots bad guys and protects ordinary citizens. The best reminder of how good the police in this country needs to be is what has taken place in Swat over the last two years. No army in any country should have to be responsible for the displacement of over two million of its own people. Pakistan cannot sustain this imbalance between civilian and military force capacity.

State capacity, in the minds of many Pakistanis at least, is the real reason why former State Department tough guy Richard Armitage never could have lived up to his alleged threat to former President Musharraf to bomb Pakistan back to the stone age, in those heady days following 9/11. Of course, since 2001 Pakistani state capacity has been exposed for what it is--an enormous and glimmering heap of unrealized potential that has more loose ends than there are counters. The dapper suits, Cambridge accents and razor-sharp wit of its landed politicians, its privileged civil servants, and its Sandhurst-esque generals, all produce the mirage of a Pakistan that is much more capable of both damaging and fixing things than it really is.

An over-reliance on this mirage is what put Pakistan in the position of becoming the handmaiden of the Armitages and Holbrookes, in the first place. The urgency of embracing the realities of the neighbourhood it occupies and the role it must play in it could not be overstated. On this eighth anniversary of 9/11 Pakistan needs to look further into the future than it ever has before.

 

The writer advises governments, donors and NGOs on public policy. He can be reached through his website www.mosharrafzaidi.com

 

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I.THE NEWS

COLUMN

MONITORING PRICES THROUGH FORCE

SHAFQAT MAHMOOD

Let us repeat an elementary economics lesson. In a market, the price is determined by variations of supply and demand. If the supply of a particular item goes up and the demand remains constant, the price will come down. If the demand increases relative to supply, the price will go up.

To change this equation, people try to manipulate the market. This is done through controlling supply or influencing demand. If providers of a particular item, for example sugar, are few, they can conspire to limit the supply so that the price goes up. Or they can fix an arbitrary price because they jointly control the entire supply. Influencing demand is bit more complicated and a little beyond the scope of this discussion. The field of advertising is dedicated to it and suppliers also use a variety of tricks.

Governments have a role in regulating the market. They want to ensure that everyone plays according to the rules. This is normally done through permanent institutions that watch the market closely and take action when someone tries to fix it.

In Pakistan, we have the Securities and Exchange Commission monitoring the stock market and the Competition Commission of Pakistan ensuring that basic elements of a free market remain in place. This is the same institution whose chairman was sacked by the Prime Minister and reinstated within 24 hours when told that he could not do it under the law.

While these institutions exist, governments in Pakistan have always interfered in markets in an arbitrary manner. District and sub divisional magistrates used to fix prices of all kinds of items under the well-known Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code (CPC). This ranged from mutton to fruit to soft drinks.

To enforce these prices, the magistrates and police were used. Even after the abolition of the executive magistracy when the devolution was enforced in 2001, a special dispensation was made later to create price magistrates. Their task was the same. To make sure that the prices do not go beyond the level fixed for what are called essential items.

The justification was that this is being done to protect the consumer and clearly, that was the motive. It had an impact in smaller places, where supplies were limited, for example meat, and the butchers tended to fix a higher price. But the process completely ignored the role of market forces, and to make it even more arbitrary, extended the essential tag to all sorts of items. For example, what was the justification to fix soft drink prices?

There was essentially very little economic analysis done. The traders would go hoarse screaming that their purchase price is higher and that they cannot sell below a particular level. The administration would ignore these pleas and bulldoze a price that it thought was right. This game would be played every few months and if diligently enforced, would see scores of shopkeepers behind bars.

The market was, of course, distorted by these interventions. In the case of meat, for example, two categories of product started were offered. If you wanted it at the official price, what you got was lots of bones and fat, and perhaps entrails mixed in. If you wanted better, you paid a higher price.

It was also an enforcement nightmare. How could magistrates monitor every transaction and ensure that each one got the same quantity of meat and leftovers? It also created opportunities for corruption because inspectors or magistrates had all the power in the world to favour one shopkeeper over the other.

The entire exercise was absurd and other than a slight deterrent effect on monopoly price fixing, was often counter-productive. When this was pointed out to provincial governments, the answer always was that we have to show people something is being done. It did not matter that the people were benefitting little from this exercise.

This was then when the old system of district magistracy was in effect. Things maybe different now but it does not seem that way, given the manner in which the sugar price issue is being handled. Police has cordoned factories and seized all stock. Shops and stores are being raided and managers arrested.

Even the Lahore High Court (LHC) has got into the act and decided to fix the sugar price. Whether it was its business to do so was not considered when taking the so-called suo moto notice. The honourable Chief Justice of the court has gone to the extent of declaring, according to newspaper reports, that if the provincial government does not implement its order, the judges will have to come out of the courts to do it.

It has taken a great struggle to reinstate the real judiciary of Pakistan and is now an institution held by all in the highest regard. But, it is so critically important, as the Chief Justice of Pakistan has declared that all institutions remain within their constitutional domain.

With all due respect, it is not the business of the courts to fix commodity prices. Strictly speaking, it is not even that of the government. Regarding the fixing of the sugar price by the government, the Competition Commission of Pakistan (CCP) has observed in a press note, that Section 4 (2) of the CCP Ordinance lists the prohibited agreements which includes agreements "fixing the purchase or selling price or imposing any other restrictive trading conditions with regard to the sale or distribution of any goods."

The press note goes on to add that "in view of the above, it is really very difficult to condone the involvement of the government in this agreement. The implementation of such agreements under the auspices of the government manifests legitimisation of practices prohibited under law."

For the Lahore High Court, to make an order that is in direct conflict with an existing law is difficult to understand. It is entirely legitimate for the superior courts to hold any law a violation of the constitution but without doing that, it cannot pass an order that manifestly goes against an existing law. And it is not a disrespect of the court to discuss a judgement. It is a part of the freedoms guaranteed under the constitution.

These are some of the pitfalls that occur when an institution or an element of the government goes beyond its strict mandate. Lest it be misunderstood, the sugar barons are quite capable of manipulating the market and since sugar is an essential commodity, the government has every right to ensure that monopoly practice or illegal price fixing does not take place. But, for this, the government has created a lawful body and given it the mandate to do so. It should let this mechanism work.

Prices and inflation are critical for any government but the actions required to make things better have to be economic. Using force to intervene in the markets is a failure economic management. It may create some temporary respite but it is not a solution. If it were, every brutal military regime would create a paradise.

Email: shafqatmd@gmail.com

 

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I.THE NEWSE

COLUMN

SIDE-EFFECT

HARRIS KHALIQUE

Food was awesome. The aircraft was clean and well-kept with a comfortable interior. Flight attendants were courteous and efficient. We were travelling from Rawalpindi to Karachi. I was nine. My younger brother sat with my mother and I got a seat separately across the gangway. Sensing that I was nervous, an airhostess helped me fasten the seatbelt and brought me sweets and airline souvenirs just before we took off. I would never forget the warm and juicy gulab jamuns served as dessert after a generous helping of spicy biryani with succulent pieces of mutton, fresh salad and rich raita.

Then I saw a time when on a flight from Karachi to Sukkur, I asked a flight attendant for a newspaper. She rudely asked me to go to the rear section of the aircraft and get it for myself. Once, while travelling from Lahore to Delhi, neither my seat would adjust to a stationary position nor my meal table would stay in its place and keep falling down into my lap. PIA's rating plummeted from one of the finest airlines to one of the most unpredictable and sloppy. Still, I preferred PIA over other airlines even while travelling abroad. I would love to see an aircraft land on a foreign airport with the name of my country written over its hull or even just the initials of the national flag carrier inscribed on its tail. It has come to take me back home.

Then I saw too many bearded men as stewards, some of them middle-aged. Occasionally, one of them would start preaching the virtues of a pious life. One of them said that if people like me concentrated only on what was written and said in our religion, I wouldn't need to read anything else. My fault was that I turned back to him and said that this was not what the religion taught. Ethics and values can't replace art, science and technology. The attention I received after that was a unique sociological experience.

I must say that there was improvement witnessed some years ago. PIA got itself new aircrafts, upgraded its fleet and became more punctual. Both food and service got a little better. Due to my work engagements in the past few years, I started travelling a lot within the country and got myself a frequent flyer registration. I undertook some international travel on PIA as well. I carry a mixed bag of experience. Some people continue to be nice and decent, generally the flight attendants. They are the least paid of the lot. But the airlines is again deteriorating at a fast pace.

Only a few weeks back, some of the international and domestic flights were being deliberately delayed for hours, perhaps as a part of the tactics employed by the pilots to negotiate better remuneration with the management. Then it was the turn of the engineers to add their bit. PIA is again seen as unpredictable when it comes to operating by announced schedules. The aircraft have unkempt interiors. I know some service, engineering and flying staff. Nobody is happy. Another thing that one fails to understand is why the corporation always shows deficit. Even now, the flights are mostly full, cargo section seems to be thriving and Hajj flights are an additional revenue-earner every year. Most of our institutions are marred by a lack of vision, absence of management skills and unscrupulous practices. Not just the aircraft but PIA itself needs an overhaul.

The writer is an Islamabad-based poet and rights campaigner. Email: harris@spopk .org

 

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PAKISTAN OBSEVER

EDITORIAL

AN X-RAY OF ZARDARI’S ONE-YEAR

 

Asif Ali Zardari’s one-year performance as President of the country is being viewed differently by the ruling PPP and the Opposition parties. While PPP workers and leaders celebrated the occasion citing numerous achievements of the head of the state and the party Chairperson, the Opposition has expressed frustration over avoidable failures.

 

A dispassionate analysis of the last one-year would show that the President fared well, tried his best to take others along and keep the democratic process moving ahead. His policy of accommodating parties that have significant presence in provinces, helped strengthen the federation and removed some of the irritants that marred Centre-Provinces relations. He also went extra mile to take the Opposition on board on different issues, by way of visiting places like Raiwind and making telephone calls to heads of different political parties. He has committed himself to the course of national reconciliation charted by the party leader late Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto. It would, therefore, be not an exaggeration to say that reconciliation, accommodation and tolerance have been the hallmark of his policies. The country was facing extreme challenges when Mr Zardari assumed charge of the Presidency but he took courageous and far-sighted steps to take the country out of economic, political and strategic difficulties. His bold decision to confront the terrorists head-on shows his commitment to put the country on the path of peace and stability. No doubt, the armed forces played a crucial role in this regard and there was also enabling international environment but the success has been achieved mainly because of the solid political backing. However, there are still many areas that need attention of the President and hopefully he would devote his energies for progress in the fields of transparency and good governance. Presently there is totally lack of concern about this and with the passage of time impression is gaining ground that the Government has failed to deliver on this account. Some heads of organizations and public sector corporations are indulging in corruption, kickbacks and victimization boasting their closeness with the President. We believe that national institutions are handed over to professional and competent persons enjoying good reputation. We sincerely wish the President and the Government to complete their constitutionally mandated five years term but for this they will have to make necessary corrections and get rid of those who are bringing them bad name.

 

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PAKISTAN OBSEVER

EDITORIAL

DISAPPOINTING NEW EDUCATION POLICY

 

WE have yet another Education Policy that sets enviable targets and goals, which seem to be unattainable because of ground realities, proverbial apathy towards real implementation, lack of proper coordination and experiences of the past. On the face of it, the new policy presents a rosy picture as it promises free education up to matric, substantial increase in education budget during the next few years, enhancing enrolment, upgrading qualifications of primary and secondary teachers and overhauling of the examination system.

From the reports trickling down during the last few months, it was quite clear that it would not be a pragmatic and futuristic policy and the document made public on Wednesday with somewhat fanfare proved that it was short of expectations. On paper, the policy is OK but wherefrom the resources and the required determination would come to translate it into reality. We have been hearing during the last two decades that the expenditure on education would be raised to 4% of the GDP but this year allocations were only 2.5% and one fails to understand how these would be raised to 7% by 2015. As for political commitment and vision, the incumbent Government in fact slashed the budget for education especially that of the higher education forcing the Higher Education Commission to abandon some of the historic initiatives of its former chief Dr Atta-ur-Rehman including world class universities of science and technology. The Education Minister, who explained salient features of the policy claimed that the standard of public sector institutions would be raised but again we would point out that the public sector system has almost collapsed due to political interference in appointments, postings and rampant corruption in provincial education departments. The plan to set up Education Ministers Forum is nothing but another bureaucratic jargon and instead community based local committees and boards should be established to monitor performance and working of the educational institutions.

 

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PAKISTAN OBSEVER

EDITORIAL

EXTRA SECURITY NEEDED FOR NATO EMBASSIES

 

AN investigative story by a senior Correspondent of this newspaper has warned that there could be reprisal actions from extremists against German interests in Pakistan following the killing of around 90 militants and civilians in Afghanistan’s Kunduz Province in NATO air raids called by a German Commander to destroy the two fuel tankers hijacked by Taliban last week.

There appears to be an element of possibility of such attacks because the track record of the militants is that they follow the policy of revenge wherever and whenever they get an opportunity. The NATO air attack not only killed the Taliban but civilians as well and was criticised by the UN Chief while German Chancellor, NATO Secretary General and ISAF Commander assured a thorough inquiry. The issue of civilian casualties during the battle between NATO forces and Taliban militants has been an enduring source of consternation for both the Afghan authorities and international forces operating in Afghanistan. Though it is for the German Government to take action against its commander in Kunduz, it is incumbent upon the Pakistani Government to ensure full proof security for the German and NAEO Embassies and their interests here. Majority of embassies including those of NATO members are located in a well-secured gated compound reserved entirely for foreign missions and the authorities have raised the security levels, yet a terrorist can slip through all the same. The attack on a Church in the same highly guarded area should be a reminder to the authorities concerned. However, another report in this newspaper states that there are still many foreign embassies and companies operating in the residential areas of Islamabad that could be targeted although the security arrangements in the entire city are stringent. The militants have been targeting the NATO supply convoys, burning oil tankers and other items in the NWFP and Balochistan. In this scenario, the US has already asked its citizens in Pakistan to restrict their movement. It is the moral and diplomatic responsibility of Pakistan to ensure security of diplomats. We would therefore again urge the Government to direct the agencies to be extra vigilant and ensure complete security of Embassies of Germany and other NATO countries.

 

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PAKISTAN OBSEVER

COLUMN

DEMOCRACY, “FAMILY STYLE”

M D NALAPAT

On September 3, a helicopter carrying YSR Reddy, the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh State, crashed in bad weather, killing him and four others. Almost from the hour that the helicopter was located early on September 4, a chorus welled up within the Congress Party in the state to persuade Congress All-India President Sonia Gandhi to anoint his son Jaganmohan Reddy as the new chief minister. Young Jagan, who is a Congress Member of Parliament, has no administrative experience, and his primary qualification is his genetic code. However, in the “Family Style” politics of India, his parentage was enough for the majority of the state’s Congress legislators to press for his selection to the top job in the State.

Although Sonia Gandhi frowned on such a display of loyalty to a politician other than from her own family, the event underscores a critical weakness in Indian democracy, which is the way individual families control the country’s “democratic” political parties. The Nehru family, now led by the Italian-born Sonia, can be said to own the Congress Party. Decades ago, in the 1930s,patriarch Motilal Nehru persuaded M K Gandhi to appoint the farmer’s son Jawaharlal as Congress President, something that M K Gandhi (who loved the dashing young politician with his English manners and mannerisms) eagerly agreed to. Once the Mahatma himself passed away, it was not long before the Congress Party came fully into the grip of Nehru, who promptly appointed his only child Indira Gandhi as Party President in 1959, and subsequently made it clear that he would like “Indu” to succeed him. Although it was L B Shastri who took office as PM after Nehru’s death in 1964, his death the next year opened the way for Indira Gandhi. In 1969, the non-family leaders of the Congress Party sought to hobble Indira Gandhi by getting appointed one of their own, N S Reddy, as President of India. Once the Congress Party officially nominated Reddy as its candidate, (Congress) PM Indira Gandhi began to work against him, finally getting him defeated by her handpicked follower, V V Giri.

From then onwards, there has never been a serious challenge to the total control of the Nehru family over the Congress Party. Indira Gandhi was succeeded in 1984 by son Rajiv, and after his death, his widow selected the ageing, ailing South Indian politician PVR Rao to be the PM. Rao clung on for five years despite Sonia Gandhi wanting to replace him, but after the defeat of the Congress Party in the 1996 polls, sank into oblivion, humiliated even after his death in 1994. Even his body was refused entry into the Congress Headquarters at 24 Akbar Road in Delhi, having to wait outside on the pavement before finally being carted to his home state, rather than given the national burial his status as a former PM entitled him to since 2004, although Manmohan Singh is the Prime Minister of India, actual power is wielded by Sonia Gandhi, the owner of the Congress Party. She runs the party the same way as other “owners” do.

For example, the Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh is completely under the control of M S Yadav and his son Akhilesh, just as the Shiv Sena in Mumbai is run by Bal Thackeray and his son Uddhav, or the DMK in Tamil Nadu is by M Karunanidhi and his family. Indeed, while Karunanidhi is chief minister of Tamil Nadu, his son Stalin is Deputy Chief Minister, son Azhagiri and nephew Dayanidhi are ministers in the Union Cabinet, while daughter Kannimozhi is an MP. A similar situation prevails in almost all the political parties in the country, barring the Communist parties. In the case of the BJP, the Vajpayee-Advani duo have held charge since its inception, and are - because of age - in the process of handing over charge to handpicked nominees.

 

The absence of inner-party democracy is a serious blot on India’s record as a democracy. The Indian voter is, in effect, given the choice of voting for the servant of Sonia Gandhi or any of the other owners and controllers of India’s political parties. A situation such as in the US, where Bill Clinton emerged in the 1990s and Barack Obama took the party away from the Clintons in 2008 would be unthinkable, as would a situation such as in the UK, where Tony Blair was forced by pressure from within the party to make way for Gordon Brown.

Indeed, Blair resigned despite having steered the party to victory. In India, the owners and controllers remain in power, regardless of the electoral verdict. For example, despite two successive losses in the 2004 and 2009 national elections, the Vajpayee-Advani duo have continued to run the BJP. In India, only divine providence changes a party’s leadership. Such a “Leader for Life” status takes away the incentive for improving one’s record. It facilitates a “durbari” culture where only those who flatter the mighty and who spend endless hours hovering around them get noticed and rewarded. Sincere party workers who toil in the grassroots get ignored, while the (usually affluent) hangers-on of the powerful become MPs and ministers. Unless one has demonstrated unconditional, permanent loyalty to the party “owner”, there is little chance of political advancement. Only when there is democratic accountability within political parties will it be possible to call India a healthy democracy.

What the YSR Reddy case illustrates is the way regional leaders appointed by the central leadership themselves seek to perpetuate family rule. In both Congress as well as in other parties, there are numerous examples of regional leaders grooming their children to take over from them. Why? The obvious answer is money. Politics has become the most lucrative career in India, and is even recession-proof. Almost all those prominent in national as well as in regional politics are multi-millionaires, several far wealthier than even that. Obviously, Papa or Mamma would like to keep such fountains of wealth within the family, the more so as influence is usually proportionate to cash. Politics has become such a high-cost career that it usually takes more than a million US dollars to fight a parliamentary election, and at least half of that to fight a state election.

Only those with the money and manpower backing provided by established parties can contest, the rest having to remain by the wayside, despite their quality should young Jaganmohan Reddy seek to challenge the Nehru family by not cooperating with their choice of chief minister, he is unlikely to succeed. The grip of the Nehru family - headed by Sonia - over the Congress Party is total. Should it be clear that Sonia Gandhi looks with disfavour on the late chief minister’s son, support is likely to fall dramatically. Indeed, several politicians in Andhra Pradesh backed the son only because they thought he inherited his father’s close ties with the Nehrus. Once they see that this is not the case, they will peel away, as good opportunists.

And what of Congress Supremo Sonia Gandhi? There is talk in Delhi’s power circles that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh may politely be asked to step down after serving three years of his five year term, getting replaced by Rahul Gandhi, the son of Sonia Gandhi. Although “Family Style Democracy” is not ideal, it must be admitted that Rahul has thus far acquitted himself well. His interventions in Parliament have been well thought out, and his choice of colleagues far better than the political hacks favoured by his mother. Interestingly, should Rahul come as Prime Minister (the way his father did in 1984), the BJP is likely to witness the rise of another Nehru as the counterfoil.

This is Varun Gandhi, now Member of Parliament, the only child of Sanjay Gandhi, the younger son of Indira Gandhi, who died in a airplane crash in 1980. Interestingly, while Rahul is very similar in temperament to his father Rajiv, who was soft-spoken, cousin Varun takes after the far more mercurial and ruthless Sanjay. It looks like the Nehru family will continue to ensure exciting times for watchers of India’s family-style politics!

 

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PAKISTAN OBSEVER

COLUMN

INDIA PLANNING MORE NUKE TESTS

SULTAN M HALI

Following the startling disclosure by Indian top scientist K Santhanam, senior scientist and DRDO representative at Pokharan II, director for 1998 test site preparations, that the yield for the thermonuclear test, or hydrogen bomb in popular usage, was much lower than what was claimed, in the 1998 tests, a lot of hue and cry has been raised in India. The test was said to have yielded 45 kilotons (KT) but was challenged by western experts who said it was not more than 20 KT. It is considered startling since the Indians have admitted after eleven years, what Pakistani and western scientists have been pronouncing all along.

The whole episode appears to be an orchestrated drama for India to plan and execute more nuclear tests. Let us examine the script of this “thriller”. On the heels of Santhanam’s “exposé” R Chidambaram, the then chief of Indian atomic energy and therefore the de-facto chief weapons designer called Santhanam’s claim absurd in a section of the media. Then the former DRDO head and President of India, Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam came out and rubbished his former colleague’s claim as well. The Prime Minister himself found it necessary to declare that the debate over the yield of the thermonuclear device was unnecessary. If that were not enough, Indian National Security Advisor, M K Narayanan, a former RAW operative jumped into the fray with his “two-cents’ worth”; all quoting Dr Kalam’s judgment that the tests were a success. To complete the script, Santhanam or “Santy” as he is euphemistically known as, bad mouthed his former boss through Vicky Nanjappa’s interview of him for Rediff.com in ‘Why K Santhanam said Pokharan II was not a success’. Santy, when asked to comment on Dr. Kalam’s rebuttal, as saying: “I would like to react to that. First of all, Dr. Kalam is not a nuclear scientist. He is a missile scientist and he was not present there at that time. He is blissfully ignorant of the facts. Do I need to say more?” He did go on to add that Dr. Kalam’s doctorate was an honorary degree while he himself had burnt the midnight oil to achieve his PhD.

Now let us get past the “conscientious objectors” and look at what the real actors are miming. Santy’s role was to drop the bombshell while the government and establishment indulged in shadowboxing. Dr P K Iyengar, former head of Bhabha Atomic Research Center, former chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) and secretary, Department of Atomic Energy (DAE), told BBC that he had made it clear in 2002 that India’s nuclear tests were ‘inconclusive and ambiguous’. Three days later, he went a step further. Addressing the Rotarians of the Mumbai Midtown at the Taj Ball Room in south Mumbai, Iyengar said the Pokharan tests were not sufficient to sustain a nuclear weapons programme. He pointed out that the nuclear doctrine clearly called for a second strike capability that would be “unacceptable” to the enemy. For this more tests would be certainly required, Iyengar stressed. Iyengar was speaking in the context of the stand taken by the political establishment that, in the post Pokharan-II environment, there would be now no harm in signing the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). The stand flows from the assertion of the Indian nuclear establishment led by Dr R Chidambaram that the Pokharan tests of May 1998 had met all the objectives and that India now has ALL the data it needs to build a nuclear weapons arsenal of the intensity to back up the stated nuclear capability spelled out by the nuclear draft doctrine.Early this year, addressing a group of BARC scientists, Iyengar openly stated that the thermonuclear device tested on May 11th has not performed as intended. According to him, the actual fusion part of the device has burnt only 10 per cent compared to design expectations and therefore India will have to conduct a few more tests of the thermonuclear device (with better design) in case we want this defence capability.

Iyengar later called for the development of the neutron bomb, which according to another former AEC chairman amounted to “going beyond his earlier call” to rectify the deficiencies in the thermonuclear weapon design. Indian Army chief General Deepak Kapoor, according to “The Times of India” of September 6, 2009 story: ‘May have to revisit nuclear no-first use policy—Army chief’ has opened a fresh discussion on India’s nuclear posture and preparedness with his recent remarks that if reports of Pakistan’s expanded arsenal are correct, then New Delhi may well have to reconsider its strategic stance.

It may be recalled that Kapoor had pronounced that Pakistan has crossed the threshold of nuclear deterrence. As if India can determine what is Pakistan’s nuclear threshold. Kapoor’s implied suggestion that India could have to revisit its no-first use policy in case the strength of Pakistan’s nuclear was close to what had been claimed, will challenge a long held position.

Indian Security expert Brahma Chellaney also echoed there is need to review India’s “deterrence posture” while another analyst Bharat Karnad articulated that no-first-use is not a substantive declaration. Read this in conjunction with the statements by the Indian scientists in the past few weeks, making a case for India strengthening its nuclear capabilities and Kapoor’s remark that ‘‘India shall take a look at its stance’’ has added to the growing perception that the Indian nuclear arsenal needs refurbishing, if not the need to carry out more tests, to maintain its nuclear programme’s cutting edge. Thus the cat is out of the bag. India is planning to have its cake and eat it too ie have itself declared a nuclear power although its 1998 tests were a failure, acquire nuclear fuel from the nuclear suppliers’ group, enjoy a nuclear pact with USA and not sign the CTBT either and conduct fresh nuclear tests.

 

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PAKISTAN OBSEVER

COLUMN

THE LAST TEN DAYS OF RAMADHAN

ATIF NOOR KHAN

Aa’ishah said: “When the last ten days (of Ramadan) would come, the Prophet (Sall-Allaahu ‘’Alayhi Wa Sallam) would spend his night in worship, wake his family (at night), exert himself and tighten his Izaar (waistcloth).”

This Hadeeth is proof that the last ten days of Ramadan have a special virtue over any other (set of days), in which one should increase in obedience and acts of worship, such as prayer, making dhikr (remembrance) and reciting the Holy Qur’an. ‘Aa’ishah has described our Prophet and role model, Muhammad (Sall-Allaahu ‘Alayhi Wa Sallam), with four attributes: He (Sall-Allaahu ‘Alayhi Wa Sallam) would “spend his night in worship”, meaning he would not sleep during it. Thus, he (Sall-Allaahu ‘Alayhi Wa Sallam) would remain awake throughout it in worship and he would liven his soul by spending the night in sleeplessness. This is since sleep is the brother of death.

The meaning of “spend his night” is that he (Sall-Allaahu ‘Alayhi Wa Sallam) would spend all of it in the state of qiyaam (night prayer) and performing acts of worship that are done for the sake of Allaah, Lord of the worlds. We must remember that the last ten days of Ramadan are fixed and numbered. As for what has been reported concerning the forbiddance of spending the entire night in prayer, which has been mentioned in the Hadeeth of ‘Abdullaah ibn ‘Amr, then it is in regards to someone who does that consistently throughout every night of the year. He (Sall-Allaahu ‘Alayhi Wa Sallam) would “wake up his family” meaning his (Sall-Allaahu ‘Alayhi Wa Sallam) pure wives, the Mothers of the Believers, so that they may take part in the profiting of good, the dhikr (remembrance) and the acts of worship during these blessed times. He (Sall-Allaahu ‘Alayhi Wa Sallam) would “exert himself”, meaning he (Sall-Allaahu ‘Alayhi Wa Sallam) would persevere and struggle in worship, adding more to his deeds than what he had done in the first twenty days (of Ramadan). He only did this because the night of al-Qadr occurs during one of these (last ten) days. He (Sall-Allaahu ‘Alayhi Wa Sallam) would “tighten his Izaar (waistcloth) “ meaning he would exert himself and struggle intensely in worship. It is also said that it means he (Sall-Allaahu ‘Alayhi Wa Sallam) would withdraw from women. This seems to be more correct since it inclines with what was mentioned previously and with the hadeeth of Anas: “He (Sall-Allaahu ‘Alayhi Wa Sallam) would rollup his bed and withdraw from women (i.e. his wives).”

Also, he (Sall-Allaahu ‘Alayhi Wa Sallam) would observe ‘Itikaaf in the last ten days of Ramadan and the person who is in the state of ‘Itikaaf is restricted from interacting (sexually) with women. So, O Muslim brother, strive to characterize yourself with these attributes. And guard the prayer you make in the depths of the night (tahajjud) with the Imaam in addition to the Taraweeh prayer (which is prayed in the early parts of the night), so that your exertion in these last ten days may go beyond that of the first twenty. And so that you may achieve the attribute of “spending the night in worship” by praying. And you must be patient in your obedience to Allaah, for indeed, the tahajjud (night) prayer is difficult, but its reward is great. By Allaah, it is a great opportunity in ones life and a profitable thing to take advantage of, for the one whom Allaah grants it to. And a person does not know if perhaps he will encounter one of Allaah’s many rewards during the night prayer, thus serving as assistance for him in this world and in the Hereafter.

The righteous predecessors of this Ummah would lengthen the prayer at night, exerting themselves. As-Saa’ib ibn Yazeed said: “Umar ibn al-Khattaab ordered Ubay bin Ka’ab and Tameem ad-Daaree to lead the people in prayer with eleven rak’at. The reciter would recite one hundred verses, to the point that we had to lean upon wooden staffs due to the long standing. And we would not stop until the early parts of Fajr.”‘Abdullaah ibn Abee Bakr reported: “I heard my father (i.e. Abu Bakr) say: ‘During Ramadan, we would finish (the night prayer) late and we would hurry the servants to present the food (of suhoor) for fear that Fajr (morning) would come upon us’.” There are two struggles of the soul that the believer faces during Ramadan: the struggle by day with fasting and the struggle by night with qiyaam (night prayer). So whosoever combines these two and fulfils their rights, then he is amongst the patient - those who will “be given their reward in full without any reckoning.” These ten days are the last part of the month and a person’s actions are based on his last ones. So perhaps, he will encounter the night of al-Qadr, while standing in prayer for Allaah and thus have all his past sins forgiven.

And one must incite, animate and persuade his family to perform acts of worship, especially in these great times in which no one neglects it except that he has been deprived. What is more incredible than this is that while the people are performing prayer and making tahajjud, some individuals spend their time in forbidden gatherings and sinful events. This is indeed the greatest loss. We ask Allaah for his protection.

Therefore, embarking on these last days means entering into the profiting from righteous deeds in what remains of the month. From the unfortunate matters is to see that some people excel in righteous actions, such as prayer and recitation of the Holy Qur’an, in the first part of the month, but then signs of fatigue and weariness begin to show on them afterwards, when the last ten days of Ramadhan come in. Thus, one must persevere in striving and struggling and increase his worship when the end of the month draws near. And we must keep in mind that a person’s actions are based on his last ones.

 

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PAKISTAN OBSEVER

COLUMN

INDIA’S SILENT SUFFERERS

MAMOONA ALI KAZMI

According to a recent report of National Crimes Records Bureau (NCRB), violence against women is rampant in India, with southern Indian state of Andhra Pradesh having the worst record for crimes against women. For the year 2007-08, NCRB recorded 24,738 cases of crimes committed against women including 1,070 cases of rape, 1,564 cases of kidnapping and abduction, 613 cases of dowry deaths and 11,335 cases of domestic violence in Andhra Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh has also witnessed a stepping of crime against women with the state recording 21,215 cases of violence including 2,066 cases of dowry death, 1,532 cases of rape and 3,819 cases of kidnapping. The NCRB also highlighted many incidents of rape of minor girls committed by the police personnel. Similarly, Haryana a small state has recorded 4,645 incidents of crime with as many as 269 cases of dowry deaths and 488 cases of rape.

Bihar leads in cases of domestic violence with 59 percent of married women suffering domestic violence. The NCRB recorded 7,548 cases of crime with 1,555 rape cases, 1,172 dowry death cases and 1,260 kidnapping and abduction cases in the state. These are the statistics of only the reported cases whereas several cases of violence against women goes unreported due to social stigmas attached to them and due to the fear of reprisals and threats from the culprits.

Women in India suffer at different levels and due to different reasons. Violence against women in India is conducted irrespective of caste and class. Women in general and low caste women in particular are the victims of violence. Even the Hindu religion does not provide any security to this creature. The Hindu Holy text sanctify the killing of infant girls, by parents who deem themselves not capable of shouldering the responsibility of having a girl child. The Hindu holy book Bhagvad Gita calls women embodiment of the worst desires and justifies the killing of women. “Killing of a woman, a shudra or an atheist is not sinful. Woman is an embodiment of the worst desires, hatred, deceit, jealously and bad character. Women should never be given freedom”. Bhagvad Gita (Manu 1X. 17 and V.47, 147).The modern democratic India follows these religious teachings of hatred and enmity towards women. The change does come but only in the techniques of the violence. In past, in Hindu society new born girls were buried alive now new born baby girls are either strangled to death or aborted during pregnancy. According to a UNICEF report released in December 2006, about 7,000 fewer girls than expected are born daily in India, and about 10 million fewer girls than expected were born in the past 20 years due to sex discrimination. Women in India are considered a stigma to honour and are victim of almost all kinds of violence such as rape, domestic violence, abduction, dowry deaths and honour killings. The women living in insurgency infested areas are victims of duel violence. On the one hand they are victimized by army personnel and on the other by rival ethnic groups. Similarly, women other than Hindus particularly Muslims and Christians are victims of hate crime.

Not all sexual harassment and rape cases are reported in India. But by considering the reported cases it becomes evident that in India a women is raped every 29th minute. The NCRB unearthed some extremely disturbing trends in India. Statistics suggest that in 2005 around 50 women were raped and 480 molested and abducted every day. The gravity of the problem is that Indian laws are not very strict for such type of violence against women. No capital punishment is awarded in such cases. Apart from harassment, throwing strong acids such sulphuric acid on the face of the girls and women is rampant in India. This is the most heinous and severe punishment deserving crime. There is no separate law to deal with acid attackers in India. Organizations such as the Campaign and Struggle against Acid Attacks on Women (CSAAAW) are fighting to get acid attacks recognised as a separate crime and an extension of other forms of gender violence. Even a small state like Bangladesh realized the gravity of acid attacks and introduced death penalty against the crime. The Indian government has promised a new law to tackle increasing acid attacks, but that brings no cheer to those who know all too well what they are fighting against a system of hierarchies that rationalises violence. The problem is not acid but the thinking of men that they can control and dictate terms to the women in their lives. There is a need of a law that can restrict the sale of acid and bring offenders to justice. Law only cannot correct these social imbalances there is need that these laws should be implemented in true spirit. Honour killings are widespread in India and 95 percent of victims of such killings are women.

There is a need that Indian government should take urgent measures to create awareness through education on the need to end such social crimes against women and initiate comprehensive measures to curb honour killings, acid attacking, rape and dowry deaths etc. In India, there is no respect for women, Dalits and minorities. The government needs to realise that acid attacks and other brutal assaults on women are a manifestation of an ingrained inequality. These attacks are not just about the women they target, they are also about the society that allows such attacks, the hierarchies it has internalised and the voices of protest it has silenced.

 

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PAKISTAN OBSEVER

COLUMN

THE SPIDERS WEB..!

ROBERT CLEMENTS

How often I’ve noticed that God’s solutions are sometimes the simplest, so simple maybe that you can slap yourself for not thinking of it. I’m sure you’ve heard of the story of the spider’s web, if not here it is, and if you have, let it renew your faith in a God of solutions:

During World War II, a US marine was separated from his unit on a Pacific island. The fighting had been intense, and in the smoke and the crossfire he had lost touch with his comrades.

Alone in the jungle, he could hear enemy soldiers coming in his direction. Scrambling for cover, he found his way up a high ridge to several small caves in the rock. Quickly he crawled inside one of the caves. Although safe for the moment, he realized that once the enemy soldiers looking for him swept up the ridge, they would quickly search all the caves and he would be killed.

As he waited, he prayed, “Lord, if it be Your will, please protect me. Whatever Your will though, I love You and trust You. Amen.” After praying, he lay quietly listening to the enemy begin to draw close. He thought, “Well, I guess the Lord isn’t going to help me out of this one.” Then he saw a spider begin to build a web over the front of his cave.

As he watched, listening to the enemy searching for him all the while, the spider layered strand after strand of web across the opening of the cave.

Hah, he thought. “What I need is a brick wall and what the Lord has sent me is a spider web. God does have a sense of humour.” As the enemy drew closer he watched from the darkness of his hideout and could see them searching one cave after another. As they came to his, he got ready to make his last stand. To his amazement, however, after glancing in the direction of his cave, they moved on. Suddenly, he realized that with the spider web over the entrance, his cave looked as if no one had entered for quite a while.

Lord, forgive me,” prayed the young man. “I had forgotten that in You a spider’s web is stronger than a brick wall.”

We all face times of great trouble. When we do, it is so easy to forget what God can work in our lives, sometimes in the most surprising ways. And remember with God, a mere spider’s web becomes a brick wall of protection..!

 

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THE INDEPENDENT

EDITORIAL

EXTORTION

NEW TACTIC FOR EXTORTION

Extortion continues in its myriad forms  throughout the year but before the great festivals like the Eid-ul-Fitr, it becomes more aggressive and widespread. In the run-up to such festivals, increasing money circulation in the market is too great a temptation to be resisted by the underworld criminal gangs. A drive launched earlier by the caretaker government against the notorious gangs forced their ringleaders to flee the country and for a while the country enjoyed a lull before they found a different way of intimidating the target people and realising toll from them. Followers of some gang leaders now ask for fat toll amounts usually through cell phone calls. It often works when the toll is asked in the name of the feared gang leaders, some reportedly still operate from hideouts abroad.

What all this shows is that the crime refuses to die down. Now the key question is, what refrains the law enforcement agencies from busting the dens of the second-string gang leaders committing the crime by proxy? A high police official threatens to order for permanently putting the SIM card and the cell phone, from which a call is made asking for toll, to disuse. Clearly, this is no way of tackling the problem. Tracing down the criminals is more important than just doing such peripheral duties.

 

CHARITY BEGINS AT HOME

Allowing the underworld to function so unchallenged now takes its heavy toll first by expanding an underworld economy and then by distributing its share among various shareholders, including some members of the law enforcement agencies. Its burden, though, has to be borne by the common people as the prices of essentials and other commodities shoot up. Businessmen have to adjust prices of goods, taking into account the toll money added to transportation cost and the direct toll they pay from their business points. Nur Muhammad, Inspector General of Police, admitted involvement of some members of his force in extortion on highways. Their toll collection is not confined to highways alone, even a small roadside vendor is not spared. The police had better start looking for their own men involved in this crime nexus which will give them a vantage point from where they can renew their fight against the menace of extortion.

 

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THE INDEPENDENT

EDITORIAL

MICROCREDIT REASSESSED

INCREASED COST OF PROVIDING LOANS

Professor Yunus received the Nobel Prize for his microcredit venture. Recently he has received the highest US civilian honour. In presenting the medal Obama said, "with his belief in the self-reliance of all people, Prof Yunus has altered the face of finance and entrepreneurship. In so doing, he has unleashed new avenues of creativity and inspired millions worldwide to imagine their own potential." All this may be very pleasing to us but microcredit was never intended to be just throwing a lifeline to a drowning man and now that the cost of providing small loans has increased, things are changing. Providing small loans at low interest is no longer viable.

The rate of interest charged by the Grameen Bank and others is in the vicinity of 28 per cent, already too high, compared to much lower rates charged by normal banks. As most home-based enterprises have folded within a year, the premise on which microcredit is based, has become suspect. The general inability of the average poor woman to expand her business and create jobs has turned out to be the biggest impediment to success because her lack of knowledge of market requirements kept her firmly bound to a limited number of unsophisticated buyers.

Loans could not serve intended purpose

Therefore if the Grameen Bank and others of its kind are to operate, they must change tactics. Many of the small loans disbursed among poor women could not serve the intended purpose because of non-cooperation by husbands. When men became the de facto clientele of the Grameen Bank and other such organisations, it was at the expense of the women who continued to carry the burden of debt. Fortunately this became known to the dispensers of microcredit and today, no loan is given unless underwritten by the husband.

 

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THE INDEPENDENT

A TALE OF TWO CHILDREN...!

"...EQUAL ACCESS A MUST IN CHILD CUSTODY BATTLES..." TOI, SEPT 9TH 

 

Oh! I'll never forget her face. "Uncle," she'd asked, "Did you know my father?" I looked at her, she was all of twenty-three, pretty, petite, polite, yet a longing look on her otherwise lovely eyes. "Yes," I said, "I knew him and he was a good man! Why?" She hadn't met him in twenty years after the divorce. "Because I want to meet him, please!" and tears came to my eyes as she told me about birthdays when her mother had asked, "Child what do you want for your birthday?" And she'd wanted to scream, "Daddy!" She whispered, "Every birthday, I hoped he'd call!" I found her father, he was old and grey and worked in a travel agency surprisingly near my place. "Would you like to meet your daughter?" I asked and in his tears I saw the yes. I arranged the meeting at my home and saw the father and daughter united after over two decades and in her eyes I saw a closing, the closing of a yearning that had gnawed her heart year after year after year. "Why didn't you try and meet her before?" I asked afterwards. "I tried," he said, "Oh how I tried, but the mother thwarted all my efforts and finally I gave up and moved on!"

The second tale: The doorbell rang in a flat close to my home, the old lady inside opened the door and saw her blind son who lived in Kuwait standing outside alone: "Alwyn!" she cried, "How did you come? Who brought you?" Said the puzzled son, "My wife, She's here with me!" But she wasn't, she'd left her husband at the doorstep, then disappeared. She had gone back to Kuwait. Day after day he came to my house, he couldn't believe what she'd done to him, "She asked me to accompany her back to India for an operation, I didn't know it was to ditch me!" And ditch, she did in the cruellest of ways. "I miss my daughter Bob!" And armed with nothing but his red and white stick, he fought his case and one day they came home, he and his daughter. They sat close to each other in my sitting room, the two of them. I gave him my car and driver that day and he took his daughter all over, showered her with love but she went back to Kuwait that evening. "Sir, what happened to sahib, why was he sobbing in the car?" asked my driver; he didn't see me sitting at the back also sobbing silently for what my friend had gone through the day before.

Fight if you must, separate if you really have to, but for God's sake don't make your children and that 'pushed away' spouse suffer for the anger you bear for each other. If you want to bring your children up well, full and wholesome, let them see their father or mother even if you don't want to, it will be the greatest birthday gift you could give them...!

bobsbanter@gmail.com

 

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THE AUSTRALIAN

EDITORIAL

LET'S LEARN OUR FEDERAL LESSON

CANBERRA CAN PAY, BUT IT'S UP TO STATES TO MAKE IT HAPPEN

 

BEFORE the 2007 election, Kevin Rudd promised to end the blame game between Canberra and the states. But state bureaucracies have stretched the friendship with their atrocious management of Canberra's $14 billion schools handout. A stimulus that should have been nothing but good news for the Rudd government - and Australia's children - has been sabotaged by inefficiencies and rigidities in the states. Proof indeed that the federalism reform agenda which Mr Rudd wants to see happen through the Council of Australian Governments has some way to go.

 

It has been every politician's worst nightmare this week with farcical examples of bureaucratic mishandling. Education Minister Julia Gillard was grilled in parliament yesterday by an Opposition which seems to have finally found its voice on this debacle.

 

Forced to answer criticism over the case of the eight year old flush with what amounts to a personal grant of $250,000; and that of the perfectly good classroom block at a Sydney school which was marked for demolition so a replacement one could be built, the Minister made it clear that while she took responsibility for guidelines and monitoring, Canberra could only work through the states, and the Catholic and independent schools authorities. The federal government could not implement the program.

 

Measured words from the Minister. We would go a lot further in apportioning blame. Ms Gillard says that only 49 complaints have come from some 9500 schools and that a program this size will always have hiccups. But this paper has found widespread bewilderment, frustration and anger among principals and parents. Months of reporting have confirmed that while the program may not have been brilliantly conceived in Canberra, the real problem has been the inability of the states to deliver it without waste.

 

The problems are greatest in Queensland and NSW where the bureaucracies are overdue for a shake up. In Victoria, with a more efficient sector, thanks to reforms in the Kennett years which were maintained by Labor, the roll out is far better.

 

All this should be a salutary lesson for Mr Rudd as he considers whether to take over the nation's hospitals. Pumping in money is one thing, ensuring it is spent effectively is another. Canberra cannot decide what a suburban Sydney or Perth school needs. But nor, it seems, can the states. And double-handling of money offers an opportunity to cream off administrative and consulting costs. Look no further than indigenous housing in the Northern Territory. These recent events demonstrate yet again that communities and boards are often much better placed than centralised bureaucracies to determine program details and ensure efficient delivery.

 

Last year, as part of his COAG reform agenda, Mr Rudd allocated $140 billion over five years to the states to improve services and reduce red tape. It was a statement of faith that the states and Canberra can work together. The prime minister may indeed want an end to the blame game but the schools debacle suggests it is hard to avoid.

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THE AUSTRALIAN

EDITORIAL

MARKET POWER

A MIXED PICTURE, BUT EMPLOYMENT REMAINS STRONG

 

IN October last year, when the world appeared to be facing economic meltdown, Kevin Rudd told a business lunch in Sydney that Australia was better placed than most nations to weather the storm with a "resilient, flexible and strong" economy. Let's keep that word "flexible" in mind as we consider yesterday's jobless figure of 5.8 per cent. It compares with 9.7 per cent in the US, 8.7 per cent in Canada, 7.8 per cent in Britain, 12.4 per cent in Ireland and 8.3 per cent across the OECD.

 

The Rudd government's stimulus, a Reserve Bank cash rate of 3 per cent, our strong, well-regulated banking system, a strong budgetary position before the economic crisis and China's ongoing demand for minerals have all played a part in saving Australia from technically falling into recession.

 

There were some worrying elements in yesterday's employment news. Full-time positions falling by a further 30,000 during the past month and overall employment by 27,000, which was higher than analysts expected. The workforce participation rate also fell, showing that some have abandoned the search for work.

 

But, overall, a figure with five in front is a remarkable result in this economic climate. Without doubt, the economic pain being suffered by some workers and their families would be much worse without the flexibility referred to by the Prime Minister in his speech last year. Much of that flexibility came from two decades of workplace reforms under the Hawke, Keating and Howard governments, including Labor's bete noir, Work Choices.

 

Last month, economics editor Michael Stutchbury crunched the numbers to show that in the year to July, overall demand for labour across the economy fell by 2.9 per cent, equivalent to about 300,000 job losses. But instead of the confidence-sapping, destructive trauma of mass redundancies, the pain was shared by reducing the working week, on average, by about an hour, as businesses moved some staff from full-time work to part-time. Such switching is much easier under a flexible industrial system than one hidebound by rigid awards and petty, restrictive rules.

 

As well as helping to maintain demand and activity in the real economy, the fact that many businesses have been able to retain staff has set them up well for the impending recovery with experienced, skilled workers. Yesterday, Julia Gillard pointed to the fall in full-time jobs and the participation rate as reasons why the government should continue its stimulus. But it must also protect workplace flexibility as much as its new regime allows, which economic reality has already forced it to do in relation to hospitality and horticulture. Yesterday's figures show it must remain open to further changes.

 

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THE AUSTRALIAN

EDITORIAL

UNION POWER

SPURIOUS CLAIMS FOR SECURITY CLAUSES MUST BE NIPPED IN THE BUD

 

IN demanding job security clauses for its members, the Construction Forestry Mining and Energy Union has thrown down the gauntlet to the Rudd government and its workplace relations tribunal, Fair Work Australia. In the national interest, especially that of mining communities, both the government and the tribunal must be implacable in resisting the push, which is one of the most absurd industrial ambit claims for decades.

 

Workers in NSW's Hunter Valley at Xstrata's United Colliery Mine, which is due to close in March, have begun a four-day strike over the issue, demanding that the jobs of 174 full-time employees be guaranteed in the event of the mine reopening. Australian Mines and Metals Association chief executive Steve Knott was right to note "a certain amount of irony" in unions encouraging workers to stay home in support of job security.

 

CFMEU general secretary Andrew Vickers wants to broaden the push, threatening industrial action if resource companies resist. He wants the Fair Work Act to be used to press employers to cave in, and has called on the Rudd government for support.

 

Job security is important for workers and their families, but in the real world it stems not from so-called security clauses but from profitable businesses that hire and maintain staff. Sometimes, falling revenue makes retrenchments unavoidable, but as in the case of the Xstrata miners, workers receive their entitlements and are offered redeployment if possible.

 

In seeking to "barge through" the door of Labor's regressive workplace changes to claim rights that no employer can provide, the CFMEU is ignoring the rights of the rest of the nation. These include the right of businesses to hire staff as needed and to operate profitably, and the right of all Australians to reap the benefits of our mineral wealth, which would be curtailed if the industry was compromised by unreasonable cost pressures. Nor is it feasible, as the CFMEU wants, for job cuts, if required, to be based on the "last on, first off" rule. Such rigidity would limit companies' ability to employ and retain the skilled staff they need, jeopardise profitability and, consequently, further erode job security.

 

Labor market deregulation began in the mining sector in Western Australia in the mid-1980s, setting the nation up for decades of prosperity. The Rudd government must exert leadership to prevent its already rigid industrial relations system becoming a tool of militant unionists, who can see no further than the ends of their noses.

 

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THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

EDITORIAL

STEP BY STEP TO JUSTICE AT BALIBO

 

INDONESIA has bridled at news of an Australian Federal Police investigation of the Balibo killings as war crimes, and declined to co-operate. In response, many will be asking why a probe has been launched now. And why by the Australian Federal Police?

 

The answer to the first question has less to do with the feelings of renewed anger raised by the recent release of Robert Connolly's feature film Balibo than with the consequences of the coronial inquest two years ago that informed it. In 2007, the findings of the Deputy State Coroner, Dorelle Pinch, established publicly how and why the five Australian-based newsmen died at Balibo on October 16, 1975, during Indonesia's invasion of East Timor: the men were murdered by Indonesian troops to stop news of the invasion getting out; and the decision to kill one entrained the decision to kill all, so as to maintain complete secrecy. The inquest, by clearing up what happened 30 years before, prepared the way for the essential next step: the bringing to justice of those responsible. The probe announced yesterday is the consequence, arrived at steadily, of the inquest's finding.

 

However, with regard to the second question, Canberra will need to tread carefully in approving an AFP investigation. A police probe is undertaken with certain assumptions: that a crime may have been committed and that if so there will be one or more culprits who must be arrested and prosecuted. Some will say a truth and reconciliation process would produce more light with less heat than a police investigation.

 

But Indonesia has moved from the closed and manipulated autocracy of the Soeharto era, and as a developing democracy ought to cope with the investigation of those responsible. Indonesia has reacted calmly to the implications of the film Balibo. Of course, international relations are rooted more firmly in emotion than in rationality, and such an issue becomes more than a cold piece of police work. Hence the preliminary warning-off from Jakarta when the AFP inquiry was announced.

 

Yet both sides have dark secrets over the Timor invasion. For both countries what happened in Balibo has long been an irritant, inhibiting genuine trust. Indonesia is a signatory, like Australia, of the Geneva Conventions covering war crimes, and can be asked to meet its obligations under them. It must be encouraged to take an opportunity to tell its side of the story candidly, and - by accepting the necessary consequences - reinforce with principled action its standing among the democratic nations.

 

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THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

EDITORIAL

THE HEALTH BALANCING ACT

 

WITH the backing of the Greens and independents, the Opposition in the Senate has thrown out a budget measure to means-test the rebate for private health insurance. True, the measure breaks a Labor election promise to leave health insurance intact. But Labor can plead changed economic circumstances, and rejecting the measure creates a four-year revenue shortfall of $1.9 billion, according to the Health Minister, Nicola Roxon, who has pointedly invited the senators to say which health programs they would like to cancel.

 

The Opposition says tobacco taxes should rise to make good the gap. It sounds attractive at first - but it is a red herring. There are reasons to tax smokers more, as the Government's preventative health task force recommended, but they do not include subsidising private health insurance for the better-off. The aim of a higher tax, after all, is to stop people smoking - and hence paying the tax.

 

The real issues here are middle-class welfare and the correct balance between public and private health care to achieve the best outcome for the least cost. That balance has been decided on ideological grounds since Medicare's predecessor, Medibank, was set up by the Whitlam government. This latest budget measure sees Labor trying to tilt it back towards public health after years of the Coalition tipping it the other way with, among other things, the rebate - to the point where more operations are now performed in private hospitals than public.

 

Certainly Australia needs a strong, viable private health sector. It offers a degree of choice in health care, and is above all a safety valve to ensure that the demand for services does not run too far ahead of supply. But it should stay as much as possible private. Government funds, particularly now, are scarce, and health costs are rising inexorably, outpacing economic growth by 1.5 percentage points from 1995-96 to 2005-06 and taking up an ever-growing proportion of gross domestic product.

 

In those circumstances governments should focus their resources principally on the public system, and only prop up private medicine where the balance risks tipping too far against it, and limiting the safety valve's effectiveness. That is far from the case at present. The attempt to cut subsidies to wealthy Australians, particularly when the budget is fully stretched, is justified.

 

That said, however, Canberra also has a responsibility to ensure private insurance regimes are fair for all. If it is going to raise the cost of private insurance for the wealthy, the Rudd Government must ensure that the added impost falls fairly on all family types.

 

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THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

EDITORIAL

FAST-TRACK PLANNING TAKES AN UNDEMOCRATIC TURN

 

BEWARE a government that treats democracy as an irksome and costly process. The Kennett government's displays of irritation when people got in the way of the business of running the state contributed to its defeat in 1999. As residents and developers came into conflict, planning was one area that helped crystallise Victorians' concern about the government's obvious impatience with their wish to be heard. Save Our Suburbs formed in 1997, but 12 years on the advocacy group finds itself having to remind another government that the public expression of democracy involves more than a vote every few years.

 

The Brumby Government has stepped in to fast-track many major projects and taken charge of federally funded social housing and education works. This has left communities wondering whether they will have a meaningful say on developments that will affect them for decades. This week, Planning Minister Justin Madden offered a worrying insight into his attitude to the place of planning in democratic government. The Government is reviewing planning laws and fees, and Mr Madden told a Law Institute of Victoria lunch: ''I look forward to the review reflecting more of a market-type arrangement.'' He saw this as ''a more relevant pricing mechanism … That might be a small administrative fee - that is not to commit to anything or flag it.''

 

Revealingly, Mr Madden suggested the planning system was too heavily subsidised by government, as if the process were not an integral part of government. What next? The electoral system is too heavily subsidised by government? (As premier, Jeff Kennett did once suggest dispensing with byelections because of their cost.)

 

Mr Madden is not alone, of course, in his view that planning objections unnecessarily delay developments. Delays create costs for developers, builders and home buyers. A survey last month of 200 residential builders, by the Master Builders Association of Victoria, found planning delays increased home prices by an average of $19,500. The average delay in securing a permit was 18 weeks - much longer than the statutory minimum approval period of 8.6 weeks. The inner-city average was 23 weeks.

 

Mr Madden said: ''It's much easier to object than to have a planning proposal and people don't fully comprehend the gravity of what their objection might do.'' He proposed that objectors be charged a fee as ''the best way to get people to think about the gravity of the issue before they raise it''. Perhaps the minister does not fully comprehend the gravity of the issues his ''solution'' raises.

 

Save Our Suburbs and Planning Backlash, a coalition of residents' groups, have both identified what it means to put a price on the democratic right of ordinary people to object to developments that directly affect them. Indeed, the right of citizens to oppose the plans of more economically or politically powerful interests is a defining difference from the central planning systems of command economies such as China's.

 

Master Builders Association executive director Brian Welch complains that the system is open to abuse because there is no penalty for objecting. Mr Madden also said planning applications were ''queuing up'' at the Victorian Civil and Administrative Tribunal. ''You would like to have the capacity to dismiss frivolous and vexatious objections and I think we do need to have that.'' Mr Welch called for the tribunal to penalise vexatious objectors and welcomed the idea of fees. ''If it is to make an application to stop someone else's project, you would want to make it several hundred if not thousands of dollars for an individual and tens of thousands for a corporation.''

 

Premier John Brumby yesterday declined to rule out objectors' fees, but anything more than a nominal fee would silence citizens who are already disempowered by limited incomes. In any case, VCAT already has the power to award costs against vexatious applicants and objectors who lodge appeals with the tribunal must pay a fee of at least $300 plus legal costs. Vexatious objectors should be dealt with in the same way as courts rule on vexatious litigants, not by imposing extra costs on legitimate objectors.

 

It is interesting that Municipal Association of Victoria president Bill McArthur, representing councils that ''subsidise'' the planning system, says local government does not favour charging objectors. He also said councils had not been consulted properly in the department's review of fees, which began last year. These councils are directly answerable to local communities and so may be more in touch with the day-to-day democracy of the planning process. Up in Spring Street, those who would reduce public input appear to have forgotten the lessons of the 1990s.

 

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THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

EDITORIAL

IGNORING THE BALIBO ATROCITY IS NOT IN THE NATIONAL INTEREST

 

OF COURSE the film Balibo has helped to revive demands that those responsible for the murder of five journalists working for Australian television networks in East Timor in 1975 should be brought to justice. Of course the Indonesian Government and armed forces resent the fact that the Australian Federal Police has begun an investigation of the murders. Of course the obstacles confronting that investigation are considerable, because Indonesia is unlikely to allow the extradition of Mohammad Yunus Yosfiah - who, the NSW coroner's inquiry into the journalists' deaths heard, ordered the killings - and another former Indonesian soldier, Christoforus da Silva. And, finally, of course a case can be made that it would better for Australia to let the matter drop, lest the relationship with Indonesia be harmed. The problem with such counsel, however, is that it comes down to saying that sometimes war crimes should be overlooked if the national interest seems to require it.

 

That argument would not be accepted in regard to crimes committed during the other conflicts of the 20th century and since, and it should not be accepted in regard to the Balibo killings, either. Moreover, allowing a perceived ''national interest'' to dictate Australia's response to the murders would compound the guilt this country incurred during its tacit acceptance of Indonesia's 24-year occupation of East Timor. That, too, was held to be wise policy, adopted in the national interest.

 

Indonesia today is markedly different from the country that invaded its tiny neighbour nearly 34 years ago. It is a democracy, and the once-dominant armed forces exercise less influence over its affairs. A sure sign of Indonesia's democratic maturity would be its willingness to uphold the rule of law, even at cost to its own citizens.

 

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THE GURDIAN

EDITORIAL

IN PRAISE OF… HOPE POWELL

 

The England football teams have two outstanding managers: Fabio Capello, who gets most of the glory and most of the money, and Hope Powell, whose achievements are arguably greater. The men may be off to South Africa next year, but Powell, coach of the England women's team (and four other junior teams), has already taken her team to a final. Last night the England side lost 6-2 to Germany in the final of the European Championship, but there was no shame in that defeat, after they had knocked Finland and Holland out of the competition. And without Powell England would never have come so far. Capped as an England player 66 times, she has been coach of the national women's side for a decade, outlasting the seven managers and temporary stand-ins who have led the men's side. She has transformed women's football in Britain – the number of registered players has risen 10-fold over the last 15 years – but what gets her respect is her excellence as a coach. The first woman to get a Uefa Pro licence, the highest available, and the first woman to coach an England national side, she is the equal of men who aspire to managers' jobs. The Guardian sports writer Richard Williams suggested recently that she should be the obvious successor to Capello. "She does not share the belief lurking in the minds of geniuses like Diego Maradona that the game is principally a matter of the instinctive application of instinctive skills. To her, it is about hard graft and preparation," he wrote. The work is paying off.

 

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THE GURDIAN

EDITORIAL

CHILD POVERTY: STILL WITH US

 

Labour's objective of halving child poverty by 2010 was always ambitious, if only because the government has been so loathe to tackle widening inequality. This summer's child poverty bill was welcome evidence that it had not abandoned the fight even as the deepening recession eroded earlier gains. However, as we report today, the Treasury is still confident that work is the best route to take children out of poverty - even though half of all poor children do have one working parent. At least the minister, Stephen Timms, acknowledges in today's interview that workless parents face greater barriers to finding a job than most other groups in society. But this nuanced approach is too often missing from a government whose welfare reform bill treads perilously close to stigmatising the poor and plays all too easily into the Tories' broken society agenda.

 

There are glaring weaknesses in basing an anti-poverty strategy on getting parents out to work, and not only because jobs are scarce. As research for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation published at the end of last year showed (just when the number of children in workless households went back above the 2m mark), few workless parents are wilfully unemployed. Most of those in their study wanted to work but could not. They found that who works is directly correlated to qualifications and earning capacity. Two thirds of mothers without qualifications are jobless. The 'mini-jobs' they might do if they were available are penalised by the benefits system (although less so since a late concession in the welfare bill). For the first time the research found a link between parents dropping out of work over summer and the lack of affordable holiday care for their children. Parents seeking part-time work are 60% more likely to be unemployed than the national unemployment rate. If there was a silver bullet that could solve child poverty, it is the government's other commitments to improving parents' qualifications and extending child care, not prioritising the demand they take low-paid jobs.

 

Labour rightly sees poverty as a moral issue that robs individuals of choice and control. Yet its emphasis on work and the threat of welfare penalties for those who do not risks narrowing the options of the poor even further just as its own legislation on flexible working is proving transformative for more and more. The evidence that pre-school age children do better with a parent at home remains contentious. But it should be a choice, not a necessity, for all parents under-fives to work. And it should be a choice, not a necessity, for all parents of school age children to work hours that fit round inflexible school holidays.

 

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THE GURDIAN

EDITORIAL

TERRORISM: AL-QAIDA UNDER PRESSURE

 

The picture of disarray and inefficiency painted by disillusioned jihadists returning from the al-Qaida "havens" in the Pakistani frontier zone reminds us that consciousness of one's own mistakes often obscures those made by the other side. The Guardian's report today tells the story of volunteers who were made to pay for their own equipment and weapons, given desultory basic training, then patronised or ignored.

 

These young men found themselves studying the Qur'an in remote villages when they had expected to be hurling themselves against the enemy. Even though they may be dissimulating about the reasons for their return to Europe, there is an authentic feel about their accounts of an organisation at once chaotic, bureaucratic and underresourced. Other kinds of intelligence, particularly that on the effect of drone attacks on the leadership of al-Qaida and its allies in  Pakistan, also suggest that the frontier zone is not the sanctuary it once was.

 

As another anniversary of 9/11 comes around, the global pattern that emerges is that al-Qaida is marginalised in Iraq and in trouble in Afghanistan and Pakistan, although its offshoots and associates in north Africa and the Yemen are stronger and may still be growing. Its ability to conduct long-range operations in Europe and the United States, or even just to support home-grown plots in western countries, has been reduced by good intelligence and measures such as the continual tracking of its communications. How much of this deterioration, if we can tentatively use that word, is attributable to western actions and, in particular, to western military force? Drone attacks, in particular, offer a kind of bloody arithmetic. If there are only so many capable and charismatic leaders in a given area and a significant proportion are killed by a combination of good intelligence and effective technical means, then surely that must take the heart out of a fighting force?

 

Yet the history of decapitation as a military measure, from the Phoenix programme in Vietnam to Israel's targeted assassinations in the occupied territories, shows that it is not that simple. Such operations nearly always lead to civilian casualties, and, even when they do not, there is an inherent unfairness about them which causes intense resentment.

 

Military techniques may bring momentary advantage. Development aid can shift attitudes. Intelligence can abort particular attacks. But the real change has been more fundamental. Since al-Qaida took its place on the world stage, a process of assessment has been going on. In spite of Muslim anger over both Iraq and Afghanistan, that assessment, never truly positive, has become more and more negative as al-Qaida has alienated people by its indiscriminate killing, its patently fantastical solutions and its lack of interest in poverty, unemployment and education. Time does make a difference. Spectacular acts of violence can initially have an energising and motivating effect, but as people ponder the consequences, or lack of them, and balance that out against the cruelties involved, their views change. In Iraq the Americans knew they had turned the corner with al-Qaida, although not necessarily with other armed groups, when they began to capture documents complaining of the quality of recruits and of the increasingly hostile attitude of local people.

 

There is a difference between violence tied to vast visions of Islamic renewal and violence aimed at forcing foreign forces out of a particular country, or arising from ethnic and sectarian differences, exacerbated by foreign occupation. Although further attacks on western nations, including catastrophic attacks, can hardly be ruled out, it may be that the other kind of violence, the kind that is neither easy to explain nor negotiate with, is losing momentum.

 

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THE JAPAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

TIGHT RACE FOR OLYMPIC RIGHTS

 

The International Olympic Committee has released an evaluation report on four cities — Tokyo, Chicago, Rio de Janeiro and Madrid — competing to win the right to host the 2016 summer Olympic Games. Although there does not appear to be a clear front-runner, conspicuous is the fact that the IOC has upgraded its evaluation of Rio de Janeiro from last year.

 

The Brazilian city is trying to be the first South American city to host the Olympics, with 84.5 percent of residents supporting the bid, just short of Madrid's 84.9 percent. Support among Tokyo residents is only 55.5 percent, while that in Chicago is 67.3 percent. (These are all February figures.)

 

Rio de Janeiro barely passed the June 2008 screening in which the four cities were chosen from among seven contenders. At that time, it received 6.4 points (out of 10 possible) for infrastructure, accommodations, security, financing and environmental impact, among other criteria. Tokyo had the highest score with 8.3 points.

 

This time, Rio de Janeiro received praise for the close linkage between construction of Games venues and urban planning, efforts to enhance security, and a government guarantee for financing. Chicago was credited for its compact plan to locate most venues within 8 km of the city center. But its lack of government guarantee for financing raises concern.

 

Madrid, which had garnered the highest rate of public support among the four cities, already has 23 of the 33 venues needed for the 2016 Games. But the IOC voiced concern about various stakeholders' financial commitments, and Madrid's failure to clearly delineate their roles and responsibilities.

 

The Japan Olympic Committee and Tokyo officials may be slightly disappointed because the evaluation report did not give Tokyo the overwhelming rating that they had expected. Although the IOC praised the ¥400 billion fund the Tokyo Metropolitan Government has set up, it pointed to the low public support for hosting the Games. It also said that some venues that had been listed as "existing" need to be constructed anew.

 

Tokyo needs to make efforts to earn the trust of IOC members by providing detailed, objective explanations in a sincere manner.

 

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THE JAPAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

IMPETUS FOR A LOW-CARBON WORLD

 

Mr. Yukio Hatoyama, head of the Democratic Party of Japan and the prime minister-in-waiting, has announced that Japan will seek a 25 percent cut in greenhouse gas emissions from 1990 levels by 2020. This is an ambitious target that could put Japan on the path to a low-carbon society. It could also give impetus to international efforts to work out a new framework for reducing emissions in and after 2013. The current Kyoto Protocol expires in 2012.

 

In June, Prime Minister Taro Aso proposed reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 15 percent from 2005 levels by 2020 (8 percent reduction from 1990s levels). This represents net reductions in emissions in Japan. Mr. Hatoyama's target is believed to include reductions that developing countries have achieved as a result of Japan's financial and technological assistance and gas absorption by forests.

 

Japan's emissions increased 9 percent in fiscal 2007 from fiscal 1990 levels. Under the Kyoto Protocol Japan must, between fiscal 2008 and fiscal 2012, reduce emissions by 6 percent from 1990 levels. It is almost a foregone conclusion that some industries in Japan will put up strong resistance to Mr. Hatoyama's severe target. The DPJ leader took a top-down approach, apparently to force a transformation of industrial structure conducive to large emissions cuts.

 

The DPJ needs to show as soon as possible a detailed and concrete road map for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. It also may have to reconsider its plan to make expressways toll-free, a move that environmental groups fear will lead to increased use of expressways and, therefore, more carbon dioxide emissions.

 

Japan's greenhouse gas emissions account for about 4 percent of the global total (compared to about 40 percent by the United States and China combined). Mr. Hatoyama said Japan's lone efforts cannot stop global warming and made it clear that his promise won't become effective unless other major emitter countries agree to emission-reduction efforts. To facilitate negotiations, Japan should present effective proposals to enable developing countries to combat global warming.

 

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THE JAPAN TIMES

OPED

SHIFTING BALANCES OF POWER

BY HUGH CORTAZZI

 

The hope was that the League of Nations before World War II and the United Nations, its postwar successor, would provide a more effective way of ensuring world peace than the "Balance of Power" that Britain, in particular, had tried to maintain in Europe for centuries. This hope has not been fulfilled.

 

Although both organizations have contributed to keeping the peace in various ways, both have suffered from organizational weaknesses. The U.N. Security Council has often been powerless because of the veto that its five permanent members have used to prevent action that they dislike.

 

In practice, world peace still depends on old-fashioned balance-of-power politics, but the balance is constantly changing and political leaders need to be aware of these changes. This will be particularly true for the new Japanese government.

 

The United States remains the world's only superpower, but as events in Iraq and Afghanistan have shown, there are real limits to what the only superpower can achieve. Modern wars against terrorists are totally different from World War I and II when battles were fought over territories which were won or lost.

 

Guerrilla warfare is not a new phenomenon, but in the past most guerrilla fighters were reluctant to use suicide tactics. The forces needed to deal with the Taliban in Afghanistan are far greater than the number of terrorists the Taliban deploys. The distinction between soldier and civilian has become ever more blurred.

 

The surge in forces employed in Iraq may well have altered the balance in favor of the Americans and the Iraqi government, but it remains to be seen whether the numbers of soldiers and the resources that the Americans and their NATO allies are willing and able to deploy in Afghanistan can suppress the terrorist threat in Afghanistan and prevent Pakistan from becoming a failed state.

 

There are many other threats to American interests and to world peace in the Middle East (the Arab-Israeli conflict, the possible development of nuclear weapons by Iran). These cannot be solved by America alone. This is equally true of threats to U.S. interests in Europe from Vladimir Putin's Russia, in Latin America where Hugo Chavez's Venezuela is more than a nuisance, and in the Far East where China and North Korea pose different problems.

 

While China does not constitute a direct military threat to Japan, the American nuclear umbrella is irreplaceable, at least in the foreseeable future. American power has been weakened by the economic crisis, but we would be foolish to underestimate the American ability to rebound. The maintenance of good and close relations with the U.S. must surely remain a top priority for Prime Minister-to-be Yukio Hatoyama.

 

China is not yet a superpower able to challenge the U.S., but it is now the second most important power in the world. The Chinese economy has not yet overtaken Japan and is unbalanced.

 

 

As recent disturbances in Central Asia have shown, China also has real political weaknesses while its huge population is unbalanced in terms of age and sex distribution. But China, in its search for supplies of raw materials and energy, has become a significant power in areas such as Africa and South America, far from its hinterland in Southeast Asia.

 

It won't be easy for the next Japanese government to establish a relationship of equality and trust with the present Chinese regime, especially when historical revisionists in Japan, like Holocaust deniers, refuse to accept the facts of what happened in the past.

 

Russia under Putin is no longer a superpower. Its economic development is unbalanced and the equipment of its

armed forces is rusting. But Russian reserves of oil and gas give it disproportionate influence in Europe.

 

It seems unlikely that Prime Minister Putin will be any more willing to reach an acceptable agreement with the new Japanese government over the disputed Northern Territories or that any significant improvement in relations with Russia can be achieved in the foreseeable future.

 

Good relations with South Korea must remain a priority. As in the past, this is a sensitive matter. The biggest problem will inevitably be over North Korea. The Japanese government must continue to deal with North Korea. Along with the U.S., China and South Korea, India has become an increasingly important world power. Its economic growth has been huge and its population, if not yet as great as China's, makes it essential that the new Japanese government gives due attention to relations with India.Although in recent years the Japanese government has paid increasing attention to India, the country was for too long neglected by Japanese who were repelled by aspects of Indian life.

 

Southeast Asia will also deserve close attention. It used to be said that Indonesia was a country with huge potential but which never fulfilled its promise. Signs now are much better for the Indonesian economy and for democratic institutions in that country.

 

The population of Australia is relatively small, but the country is rich in natural resources and its economy

despite weaknesses is vibrant. In balance-of-power terms, Australia cannot be neglected by Japan.While Europe remains distant and its economies have been weakened by the financial crisis, the countries in the European Union remain important to Japan, not only as advanced trading partners but for political and cultural reasons.

 

Britain and France remain permanent members of the U.N. Security Council and still have international influence greater than their economic weight might suggest.

 

At the U.N., Japanese leaders will want to continue to work for permanent membership on the U.N. Security Council. This will not be easily achieved and will entail careful diplomacy with countries such as India and Brazil and European powers such as Germany and Italy.

 

The new Japanese government will be able to enhance Japan's world interests only by ensuring that Japan is represented effectively abroad. This requires the appointment of ambassadors willing and able to join in international debates on equal terms with others. It also means that Japan should try hard to find more articulate and able English-speaking officials to serve in international organizations.

 

 

Japan can no longer afford to be represented solely by old-fashioned bureaucrats who never put a foot wrong. But Japan's diplomats must be given the necessary resources to do their job effectively.Hugh Cortazzi, a former British career diplomat, served as ambassador to Japan from 1980 to 1984.

 

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THE JAPAN TIMES

OPED

WORDS OF WISDOM FROM HATOYAMA

BY TOM PLATE

 

It was just this side of comical. The leader of the new ruling party of Japan barely finishes acknowledging his Democratic Party of Japan's landslide win and a public relations disaster strikes. The result: an ignominious international climb-down.

 

What happened was not an ideal opening act for the next prime minister of the troubled country that boasts the world's second largest economy, after that of its ally, the United States. It might even have been called a really bad start. So let's see what went on.

 

Before the election, a Japanese magazine published an essay by Yukio Hatoyama, the soon-to-be prime minister of Japan and leader of the Democratic Party of Japan. It thoughtfully challenged some of the operational tenets of the "American century" (the previous one). "My Political Philosophy," decried the cold inhuman edges of globalization, raised (as have some in the Chinese elite and other global voices) doubts about the future global centrality of the dollar, called for a greater sense of shared opportunity among the nations of East Asia (and the world) and wondered how long Uncle Sam could remain the Big Global Bopper.

 

Had Hatoyama not been who he was (the next leader of Japan), and Nathan Gardels not been who he was (a whip-smart Los Angeles-based public intellectual and media entrepreneur whose Global Viewpoint Network has 35 million readers through many of the world's top newspapers), these not unreasonable thoughts, written in Japanese, would have remained in Japan.

 

Instead, Gardels arranged for an English translation and had his syndicate do its global information-technology distribution thing. Before long, the essay (or excerpts of it) appeared in important papers around the world.

 

Well, the shame, the disgrace! A Japanese leader should actually proffer an original thought or two — indeed, ideas that might not automatically reek of U.S. political orthodoxy! By midweek, Hatoyama was on the trans-Pacific horn, more or less bowing and scraping to U.S. President Barack Obama (who probably had to suppress a chuckle), and disclaiming any intent to question the fundamentals of the U.S.-Japan alliance. "The Japan-U.S. alliance is the axis of Japan's foreign policies," the impending new prime minister declaimed.

 

That's comforting, but first things first: Hatoyama shouldn't have apologized for anything! The fact is that many of us Americans have similar concerns about the brutality of unregulated globalization, about gross value systems that are entirely materialistic, about poor people with no health insurance, housing or prospects.

 

What's more, Hatoyama's essay was anything but bomb-throwing- revolutionary. It was, in fact, a polite and mild restatement of traditional Japanese values in an age when free-market fundamentalism have been uprooting social economies like suicide bombers have been terrorizing Western cafes. "Globalism," he wrote, "has progressed without any regard for noneconomic values."

 

He's right, and it should come as no global shock that a thoughtful Japanese leader would want to point this out. For a long time, Japan has been perhaps the most socialist of all capitalist societies. The hard work and aggressiveness were all present in that society; but so were deep social values that (for example) were reluctant to treat workers as easily disposable economic factors (i.e., laid-off or fired labor and who cares?) or to regard titanic and insulting income gaps between the elite and the common man as natural, desirable or ethical.

What's more, if the U.S. establishment is going to seize up into a paroxysm of paranoia every time someone suggests that the 21st century will not prove as American as the 20th century, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration had better legalize medicinal marijuana for the elite's nerves quickly. As the well-traveled Gardels puts it, "Only Americans with an outdated sense of U.S. supremacy, or with vested special interests, could quarrel with the obvious."

 

And it is a plain fact that Japan's current dilemma, wrote Hatoyama, is to be "caught between the U.S., which is fighting to retain its position as the world's dominant power, and China, which is seeking ways to become dominant."

 

The China question does hover over Japan. It is quite true that the recent election was not a plebiscite about China in any immediate sense. Japanese elections, like almost everyone else's, tend to be driven by economic and domestic concerns. And Japan has an aging, worrying population. The bombshell landslide was a reflection of widespread worry. But how to relate to Beijing without eroding the relationship with Washington is now one of Japan's biggest — and most difficult — challenges.

 

Hatoyama should thus be proud of his essay, nothing else. In fact, it was rather nice to see a Japanese prime minister thinking outside of the box for once. We Americans ought to be able to handle critical thought, especially from friends and allies.

 

Syndicated columnist Tom Plate is author of "Confessions of an American Media Man."

 

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THE JAKARTA POST

EDITORIAL

ELECTRICITY SECTOR LIBERALIZED

 

The current power-supply crisis, which has caused rotating blackouts in many provinces and inflicted big losses upon household and industrial consumers, should serve as a stern warning to the judges at the Constitutional Court not to be so narrow-minded as to annul the new electricity law for being too liberal.

 

Given the strong opposition from the employees of the State Electricity Company (PLN) who had staged massive street demonstrations against the enactment of the law Tuesday, they will surely continue to fight for their case and ask for a judicial review of the law at the Constitutional Court.

 

The new law on electricity stipulates provisions that break up the PLN monopoly of the power sector and allows private investors and regional administration-owned companies to not only generate but also, transmit, distribute and sell electricity to consumers without cooperation with PLN, but still under a government-controlled tariff system.

 

It was by and large the same provisions that led the Constitutional Court in 2004 to annul the 2002 electricity law and re-enact in its place the 1985 power law, citing article 33 of the Constitution as stipulating that electricity, as a vital commodity, shall be controlled by the government for the greatest benefits of the people.

 

But we are confident the Court judges will not so narrowly define the meaning of control as their predecessors did five years ago, taking into account the severe damages caused by the acute shortage of power to the economy and consequently the welfare of the people.

 

The new law also mandates provincial, regency and municipal administrations to issue electricity business authorization to private investors, including local administration-owned firms, to produce and sell power, either through own or leased transmission and distribution lines, to consumers but limited to their respective areas.

 

Even though the central government retains the power to set electricity tariffs with approval of the House, the new law also liberalizes electricity tariffs though still under government-controlled tariff structure. This means regional administrations, with the approval of local legislature, are authorized to set electricity tariffs for their respective regions even though the regional tariffs must still be based on the guidelines set by the central government.

 

This tariff liberalization is quite crucial because the current universal tariff structure imposed on PLN cannot provide it with adequate revenues to achieve long-term financial sustainability, hindering it from raising financing for investment in generation-capacity expansion and new transmission and distribution lines.

 

The universal tariff structure, irrespective of the varying costs associated with providing electricity in different regions, places the company in a financial quandary as it is not able to cover its cost of supply.

 

The distorted tariff structure also gives the wrong signal to private investors and creditors who play a crucial role in financing power supply. Yet more damaging is that it puts other provinces outside Java at a great disadvantage in attracting new investment in power generation because the costs of electricity provision on the outer islands are often much higher than in Java.          

Look at how East and West Kalimantan, which have become one of the world’s largest exporters of thermal coal, still often suffer from power outages due to an acute shortage because PLN simply does not have money to expand their supply capacity in that region.

 

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THE KOREA HERALD

 EDITORIAL

AFGHAN QUAGMIRE

 

When former U.S. President George W. Bush ordered the invasion of Afghanistan less than a month after the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks to capture Osama bin Laden and destroy the al-Qaida terror group hidden in the caves of the mountainous country, many feared it would be a second Vietnam War. Bush is out of office now, but the terrorist chief is still at large, and President Barack Obama finds himself trapped in a difficult war which is rapidly losing public support.

 

Obama has received a hefty report from his new commander in Afghanistan, Gen. Stanley McChrystal, which is believed to detail the need for further reinforcement beyond the additional dispatch of 21,000 troops the president ordered in spring. The U.S. troop strength in Afghanistan will reach 68,000 by the end of the year, but the coalition, including 35,000 NATO forces and the 90,000-plus Afghan National Army, will struggle to protect President Hamid Karzai's government, let alone chase bin Laden.

 

The U.S. administration believes that the surge of Taliban power in recent years after they were ousted from Kabul eight years ago was the result of "underfunding and undermanning" by the Bush government which was engrossed in keeping its disengagement schedule in Iraq. The Obama administration is forced to shift troops from Iraq to Afghanistan but the rising casualty figures are fueling opposition at home to a buildup in Afghanistan.

 

Bush and his military had too much confidence in high-tech war and underestimated the Taliban's and al-Qaida's capability of survival. Smart bombs and powerful air support easily helped the once-isolated Northern Alliance to move into Kabul a little more than a month after the invasion. Hamid Karzai was installed as head of government but the new leader won more trust from Washington than from his own people. And the U.S. and NATO commanders simply had too few troops to protect cities and towns from guerrilla attacks.

 

The Soviet experience two decades ago is being repeated in the gorges of Afghan mountains. America's death toll reached 45 in July and 51 in August. The seven-year total numbered 809 as of the end of August. NATO casualties were also high, including 212 British, 128 Canadian, 33 German and 29 French troops killed in ambushes and bomb attacks. Vietnam had jungles and Afghanistan has no fewer hiding places - caves, tunnels and bunkers built during the war against Russians.

 

No less serious is growing collateral damage. The latest case involved an airstrike by U.S. fighter jets on Sunday, which reportedly killed as many as 70 Afghan civilians, if not as may as 150 claimed by the Taliban.

 

A U.S. exit would be certain to accelerate the vicious circle of government collapse and anarchy leading to civil war and another foreign invasion. Afghanistan's strategic location of being close to the world's three main fossil fuel-producing regions - the Gulf, the Caspian Sea and Central Asia - will tempt the United States to keep a permanent military presence in the country. The cost, however, will be incalculable.

 

Korea's role in the war in Afghanistan is currently limited to Korean Air's handling of supplies to U.S. and NATO forces at Navoi airport in Uzbekistan. The country's non-combatant contingent withdrew from the country at the end of 2007. Since the abduction of a visiting Korean Christian group in the summer of that year, even Korean civilian activities have been curtailed. When and if Washington decides on a buildup of troops, it will certainly renew a request for Korea to join the coalition, which already has 43 members. The Korean government has to consider its obligations as a responsible member of the international society and find a way to help reduce the suffering of the people of Afghanistan from a humanitarian point of view.

 

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THE KOREA HERALD

 EDITORIAL

A POLICY FAILURE

 

The government cannot be too careful in making a decision on new infrastructure. A misguided investment may result in snowballing losses, as evidenced by the privately financed construction of a railroad linking Incheon International Airport and Gimpo Airport.

 

The railroad was built by a consortium of construction companies, with the government guaranteeing an annual 10.43 percent return on their investments. But the funding strategy proved to be a policy failure.

 

The airport railroad has been hemorrhaging money since it started operation in March 2007, with actual traffic volume accounting for a mere 7.3 percent of the pre-construction estimate. As a consequence, the government would have to provide 13.8 trillion won in subsidies to Airport Railroad Co. during the next 30 years, if no action were taken.

 

Against this backdrop, the government has decided that Korea Railroad Corp., a government-invested corporation, will acquire an 88.8 percent share of the Airport Railroad stock for 1.2 trillion won.

 

But Korail's acquisition will by no means be a solution to the snowballing losses. The government will still have to subsidize Korail's operation of the line.

 

The railroad is not the only privately financed infrastructure project that went awry. Several expressways and other projects, whose construction was financed by private companies that were guaranteed profits by the government, are losing money.

 

In this regard, the government will have to take great caution in making a decision on the construction of a new expressway linking the reclaimed Saemangeum tidal flat on the southwest coast and the southeast inland metropolis of Daegu. President Lee Myung-bak said he would favorably consider the proposed project in favor of inter-regional reconciliation.

 

What the government needs to do is withhold any commitment until after a meticulous feasibility study is conducted. The government will have to ditch the project if it has little chance of being profitable, no matter how politically appealing it may be

 

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THE KOREA HERALD

 EDITORIAL

THE QUALITY OF MERCY THAT CANNOT BE CONSTRAINED

PETER SINGER

 

PRINCETON - The recent release of Abdel Basset Ali al-Megrahi, the only person convicted of blowing up Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, in 1988, sparked outrage. Around the same time, the Philadelphia Eagles, an American football team, offered a second chance to former star Michael Vick, who was convicted of running a dog-fighting operation in which unsuccessful fighters were tortured and killed. And William Calley, who commanded the platoon that massacred hundreds of Vietnamese civilians at the village of My Lai in 1968, has now broken his media silence and apologized for his actions.

 

When should we forgive or show mercy to wrongdoers? Many societies treat crimes involving cruelty to animals far too lightly, but Vick's penalty - 23 months in prison - was substantial. In addition to imprisonment, he missed two years of his playing career, and millions of dollars in earnings. If Vick were never to play football again, he would suffer punishment well beyond that imposed by the court.

 

Vick has expressed remorse. Perhaps more importantly, he has turned words into deeds, volunteering at an animal shelter and working with the Humane Society of the United States to oppose dog fighting. It is hard to see what good would come from not allowing him to complete his rehabilitation and return to doing what he does best.

 

Megrahi was convicted of murdering 270 people, and sentenced to life imprisonment. He had served only seven years when Kenny MacAskill, the Scottish justice minister, released him on compassionate grounds, based on a medical report that Megrahi has terminal cancer, and only three months to live. The question of remorse has not arisen, because Megrahi has never admitted guilt, and did not drop an appeal against his conviction until just before his release.

 

Doubts have been raised about whether Megrahi is really near death. Only the prison doctor, it seems, was prepared to say that he did not have more than three months to live, while four specialists refused to say how long he might have. There has also been speculation that Megrahi's release was related to negotiations over oil contracts between Britain and Libya. Finally, some question whether Megrahi really was the perpetrator of the crime, and this may have played a role in MacAskill's decision (although, if so, that would have been better left to the courts to resolve).

 

But let us leave such questions aside for the moment. Assuming that Megrahi was guilty, and that he was released because he has only a short time to live, does a prisoner's terminal illness justify compassionate release?

 

The answer might depend on the nature of the crime, the length of the sentence, and the proportion of it that remains to be served. For a pickpocket who has served half of a two-year sentence, it would be excessively harsh to insist on the sentence being served in full if that meant that he would die in prison, rather than with his family. But to release a man who served only seven years of a life sentence for mass murder is a very different matter. As the victims' relatives point out, in planning his crime, Megrahi showed no compassion. Why, they ask, should we show compassion to him?

 

MacAskill, in a statement to the Scottish Parliament defending his decision, refrained from quoting from the best-known speech on mercy in the English language - that of Portia in Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice - but Portia's words would have fitted the core of his statement. Portia acknowledges that Shylock is under no obligation to show mercy to Antonio, who is in breach of his agreement to him.

 

"The quality of mercy is not strained" - that is, constrained, or obligatory - she tells Shylock, but rather something that falls freely, like rain. MacAskill acknowledged that Megrahi himself showed no compassion, but rightly points out that this alone is not a reason to deny him compassion in his final days. He then appeals to the values of humanity, compassion, and mercy as "the beliefs we seek to live by" and frames his decision as being true to Scottish values.

 

We can reasonably disagree with MacAskill's decision, but we should acknowledge that - unless there is more going on than appears on the surface - he was motivated by some of the finest values we are capable of exercising. And, if we believe that Megrahi was not sufficiently punished for his crime, what are we to make of the treatment of former Lieutenant William Calley?

 

In 1971, Calley was convicted of the murder of "no less than 22 Vietnamese civilians of undetermined age and sex." He was also convicted of assault with intent to murder a Vietnamese child. Yet three days - yes, days - after his conviction, President Richard Nixon ordered that he be released from prison and allowed to serve his sentence in a comfortable two-bedroom house. There he lived with a female companion and a staff to assist him. After three years, he was released even from this form of detention.

 

Calley always claimed that he was following orders. Captain Ernest Medina, his commanding officer, ordered him to burn the village down and pollute its wells, but there is no clear evidence that the order included killing non-combatants - and of course if such an order were issued, it should not have been obeyed. (Medina was acquitted of murder.)

 

After decades of refusing to speak publicly, Calley, who is now 66, recently said that "not a day goes by" when he does not feel remorse "for what happened that day in My Lai." One wonders if the relatives of those murdered at My Lai are more ready to forgive Calley than the relatives of those killed by at Lockerbie are to forgive Megrahi.

 

Peter Singer is a professor of bioethics at Princeton University and a laureate professor at the University of Melbourne. His most recent book is "The Life You Can Save: Acting Now to End World Poverty." - Ed.

 

(Project Syndicate)

 

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CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

NO TIME FOR COMPLACENCE

 

As economic movers and shakers from all over the world compare notes at the Summer Davos in Dalian for revitalizing growth, the Chinese have reasons to feel good.

 

Indeed. Our stimulus package is said to be the most effective. We are expected to be the first to step out of recession. And not only that - we are said to be leading the world out of the economic quagmire.

 

Our economic celebrities have basked in stardom at the World Economic Forum (WEF) for a while. Maybe even more so this time. The state of our economy is worth much of the limelight. So is what this country has contributed to the world's emergency rescue programs. When the world was in trouble and all eyes were on us to play the white knight, we did try our best. For that we deserve not just compliments, but gratitude.

 

Yet for our compatriots participating in the high-profile gathering, we have a humble request - be modest. Instead of being taken away by outsider praises, we would rather see them take the Summer Davos as an opportunity to learn.

 

In many eyes, our economy is in better shape than many, if not all, others. But that does not mean we are the most successful managers of a market economy. That we are emerging from the recession unscratched might have something to do with our being a newcomer in the waters of the market. So new that there still are countries yet to grant us a market-economy status.

 

Nor does the better-than-others appearance mean that ours is a more sophisticated market economy system. Though we have the "scientific outlook on development" as the general guideline, we still have to check how it has been implemented in the making of local policies.

 

With the 4-trillion-yuan ($586 billion) stimulus package, "re-launching growth" should not be a major concern here. An 8-percent annual GDP growth, which is now widely believed to be within our reach, would be an enviable achievement actually.

 

Healthy growth, however, is not only about numbers. As our economic locomotive regains steam, we cannot afford to see the quality of growth lag behind.

 

With the world preoccupied with growth figures, quality growth might not be a central topic for the Dalian event. But the idea to rethink the Asian model of growth is of particular significance to us. With the world economy like this, it is imperative to have a reality check on our heavy reliance on overseas markets. But to what extent can we, and should we, re-orient our economy, the manufacturing sectors in particular? There are plenty of questions waiting for answers.

 

The Summer Davos may not provide all the answers. But, it can be a valuable source of knowledge and ideas to give that much-needed critical edge to our development strategies.

 

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CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

POLICY'S SIDE EFFECT

 

An otherwise good policy could turn out to be problematic if implemented without adequate thought being given to its side effects. To let all teachers not on government payroll gradually quit and qualified ones fill their places is such a policy initiated in 2006.

 

It was absolutely necessary for the Ministry of Education to adopt such a policy in 2006 in order to improve the overall quality of compulsory nine-year education. The fact that tens of thousands of primary school teachers in remote rural areas themselves never received adequate training justified the policy. But the question of where these teachers known as daike jiaoshi (teachers not on government payroll) are to go puts the policy in question and even under attack.

 

In the past two years, more than 200,000 such teachers have either been placed on the government payroll after having passed designated exams or have been dismissed. There are more than 200,000 still on the job and waiting to obtain the position of certified teachers on government payroll or to be told to leave the profession forever.

 

It is absolutely unfair for an uncertified teacher, who has taught for several decades, to be dismissed after being paid several hundred yuan in compensation, even if the certified replacement is indeed more competent.

 

Quite a number of such uncertified teachers were made to teach because of the paucity of qualified teachers in those remote and impoverished rural areas. If they gave up their job, the children in these local villages would have no education to receive. They were underpaid for many years and their salaries were way lower than those of their certified counterparts, and even now remain much lower.

 

Take the case of Wang Zhenming. A veteran uncertified teacher who founded the school in his village in northwest China's Gansu province in 1958, he has taught there ever since. He was dismissed in the early 1980s, but soon invited back to teach because of lack of teachers. During the past 48 years, 80 of the children he taught have graduated from universities. But he was paid 800 yuan ($117) in compensation and dismissed in 2006.

 

Obviously the government ought to be indebted to him for his contribution. The negligible compensation of 800 yuan betrays gross inconsideration on the part of the government, especially in the implementation of this policy.

 

Xu Yunling, an uncertified teacher, still teaches in a poverty-stricken village in central China's Henan province. She has taught there for 23 years and now earns 100 yuan a month. She and her husband built the two classrooms on their own. Sooner or later, she will be dismissed, according to the policy.The issue is whether certified teachers would be willing to teach in the schools in remote and poor areas. And, if they are not, those uncertified teachers will have to be retained in their positions as teachers, but not on government payroll.

 

There is nothing wrong with the policy as such. But it is high time that something was done for its effective implementation. That includes handsome payment as compensation to those who have taught poor children for many years on the government's behalf without being on its payroll, and certifying the uncertified teachers who still have to teach.

 

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CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

JOINT ACTION VITAL TO BATTLE CRISIS

 

Many developing countries, given their low level of development, weak economic capability, heavy export-reliance and insufficiently developed system, suffer the severe impact of the international financial crisis. The World Bank predicts that except for China and India, other developing countries as a whole will see minus 1.6 percent economic growth this year.

 

The global economic recession has lead to increase of both unemployment and the population of the poor, and decrease in people's income. Therefore, the international community should work together to abate the negative impact of the recession on developing countries by enhancing international cooperation and policy coordination.

 

First, the world's major economies should maintain continuity and stability of the macro-economic policy. They should steadfastly hold on to the current direction of macroeconomic policy, further expand domestic demand to stimulate economic growth and build up favorable external environment for developing countries. Meanwhile, developing countries should also take proactive and targeted measures, make intensive efforts to boost domestic demand and give full play to their comparative advantages in order to alleviate the negative impact of the recession. Various forms of economic, trade and technological cooperation among developing countries, and between developing and developed countries should be forged so as to tide over the difficulties.

 

Second, give full play to the active role of the United Nations, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund in solving the problems of development, achieving the Millennium Development Goals of the United Nations and alleviating poverty; and, raise more resources earmarked for developing countries.

 

Developed countries should significantly increase their official development assistance, provide support to developing countries for economic and social development unconditionally, increase technological and capital support to developing countries in the field of agriculture, energy conservation, environment protection, renewable energy, transportation infrastructure construction, education and health care, so as to improve their capabilities in agriculture, especially grain production, energy and resource efficiency, infrastructure construction and human resources.

 

In combating climate change, with the principle of "common but differentiated responsibilities", we should not only deal with challenges posed by climate change, but also provide enough development space for developing countries.

 

Third, China is the largest developing country with a per capita GDP of only about $3,000, but we are willing to do our utmost to take various measures to help African countries to the extent of our power; and in the framework of South-South cooperation, we will continue to offer assistance to other developing countries to the best of our ability, in the form of grant, trade aid and technology assistance.

 

Fourth, trade and investment protectionism should be opposed strongly. We should work together to fight against the abuse of trade remedy and combat discriminative measures against alien workers on the excuse of maintaining domestic employment. China calls for a favorable global environment for developing countries to actualize their economic recovery.

 

Fifth, step up efforts to implement the important consensus reached at the G20 Summit, increase the representation and voice of developing countries and continue to work for a fair, just, inclusive and well-managed international financial order. We should strengthen cooperation in financial regulation, formulate as soon as possible universally accepted international financial regulation and standards, help developing countries to be integrated into the international financial system and to have better access to their resource and information.

 

The author is vice-minister of the National Development and Reform Commission. This is the speech he delivered at the Summer Davos held in Dalian.

 

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CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

ATTACK THAT SOWED SEEDS OF NEW WORLD ORDER

 

Today is the eighth anniversary of the 9/11 attacks on the US. The past eight years have seen profound changes in the global arena. Among the many events that mark the years is the peaking of American hegemony with the launching of US wars on Afghanistan and Iraq.

 

The post-Cold War international order has undergone new changes, highlighting the impact of last year's Russia-Georgia conflict, the global financial crisis that originated in the US, and the collective rise of new economic powers. Though considered the starting point of the changes, 9/11 has far-reaching strategic implications.

 

The 9/11 attacks can be seen as the culmination of serious discontent among Islamic militants, headed by Al-Qaida, with US hegemony and power politics, especially with its pro-Israel policy.

 

But instead of going into self-reflection, George W. Bush, the then US president, sought revenge, using its highly advanced armed forces to fight international terrorism. In fact, the Bush administration intended to use its fight against terrorism to consolidate its hegemony.

 

The US gained extensive sympathy and support of the international community after the 9/11 attacks, and assumed a high level of morality. Bush, however, abused that sympathy and support to pursue a policy of pre-emption, regime-change and unilateralism on the pretext of fighting terrorism.

 

The US armed forces first occupied Afghanistan and overthrew the Taliban regime. They then launched a pre-emptive war on Iraq and effected a regime change there, too, accusing Saddam Hussein of amassing weapons of mass destruction and supporting terrorism in violation of UN Security Council resolutions.

 

That was the peak of US hegemony after the end of the Cold War. But the increasingly fierce opposition to the US forces in the two countries saw the Bush administration embroiled in two long-term conflicts.

 

Pursuing hegemony and seeking geo-strategic hold in the name of anti-terrorism was a drain on US power and reputation. Even after years of the US war on terrorism, major international terrorist groups continue their vile acts and have even expanded to countries in the Middle East, South Asia and Southeast Asia, which have suffered serious attacks from time to time.

 

Because of the problems created by Bush both internally and externally, the American people dumped the Republicans and chose Democrat Barack Obama as their new president. After assuming office, Obama began adjusting US foreign policy to have more communication with the Islamic world in order to regain American reputation.

 

Obama's foreign policy adjustments can be divided into six parts. First, the new US administration began

abandoning unilateralism, by paying more attention to the workings of a multilateral and diversified world order, and recognizing the limitations of its own power in the age of globalization. No nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own and the fates of all countries are interdependent, Obama once said.

 

Second, Obama began changing the US foreign policy to focus on "smart power". Smart power is a concept that balances hard military power with the soft power of diplomacy, development, education and cultural exchanges.

The new US approach requires diplomatic agencies to pay more attention to "listening" and communicating, and even making unofficial contacts with opponents or hostile countries that have no diplomatic ties with America. The Obama administration will conduct more scientific exchanges and allocate more foreign aid to improve its image and win back local as well as the international public's support.

 

Third, the US has replaced its priority of fighting terrorism with coping with the global (especially American) economic recession because it wants economic recovery and the maintenance of the US dollar's dominance.

 

Fourth, the Obama administration is trying to play a leading role in major global issues such as climate change, energy and resources security, nuclear-disarmament and network security.

 

Fifth, it attaches importance to coordination and cooperation among big powers. Apart from enhancing cooperation with its traditional allies, the new government wants to hold more bilateral dialogue and cooperate with emerging countries, such as BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China), to jointly meet global challenges.

 

And finally, the US administration has shifted its anti-terrorist operations from the Middle East to South Asia and is trying to restore (or improve) its relations with the Islamic world. A new Afghanistan-Pakistan policy will see more US troops deployed in Afghanistan and more aid offered to Pakistan to combat terrorism, develop their economies and promote social progress.

 

The six factors of "systematic change" are a reflection of the "Obama Doctrine", which has pragmatism, change and flexibility as its features and maintaining of the US as the only superpower as its goal.

 

Considering the profound changes of the past eight years, it is evident that countries that aim to hegemonistic or want to expansionism their area of influence are bound to fail. The two irreversible historical trends are multi-polarization of the world order with the rise of new economic powers, and the use of the meeting table to deal with global affairs through equal consultations. The past eight years also show that double standards applied in the name of fighting terrorism will fail, and hence should be opposed, and that global issues, including terrorism, need more global cooperation to resolve, and the cooperation ought to suit the economic and social status of the concerned countries.

 

The author is an associate researcher at the Institute of World Politics, China Institute of Contemporary International Relations.

 

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