EDITORIAL 13.07.10

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Editorial

month july 13, edition 000567 , collected & managed by durgesh kumar mishra, published by – manish manjul

 

Editorial is syndication of all daily- published newspaper Editorial at one place.

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THE PIONEER

1. SPAIN'S REIGN
2. NO MONEY FOR COURTS!
3. LEARNING FROM KARNATAK - A SURYA PRAKASH
4. THE CHARIOT AS DHARMA'S SYMBOL - PRIYADARSI DUTTA

MAIL TODAY

1. MURDERED ONCE AND NOW BETRAYED
2. METRO FAILURE
3. PREPARING THE GROUND FOR MODI - BY JYOTIRMAYA SHARMA
4. CM'S WAR CRYMET WITH MORE BLOODSHED - ALOKE BANERJEE
5. GOVT TO MAKE IT HARDER FOR ITS STAFF - BY- POLLS RESULTS CRITICAL FOR LEFT'S FUTURE

THE TIMES OF INDIA

1. WAKA WAKA AFRICA!
2. LOWER THE BETTER
3. NOT MUCH CHEER - RONOJOY SEN
4. PANEL NEEDED TO COORDINATE POLICY
5. IT HAS OUTLIVED ITS UTILITY - AJAY VAISHNAV
6. CHASING THE ORACLE - GOPINATH MAVINKURVE

HINDUSTAN TIMES

1. NOT GOING BY THE BOOK
2. ONE FOR THE ROADS
3. POVERTY OF POLICY - SITARAM YECHURY
4. THE MAGIC OF HUG - SHAGUN SINGHAL GARG

THE INDIAN EXPRESS

1. NIZAMUDDIN GAZETTE
2. DISTRICT DOCTORS
3. BE SERIOUS
4. CUP OF NATIONS - MIHIR S. SHARMA 
5. FRIENDS WITH BENEFITS - SHANTHIE MARIET D'SOUZA 
6. END OF THE GAME - K. SUBRAHMANYAM 
7. A DANGEROUS ADMISSION - SHAILAJACHANDRA 
8. PUTTING AWAY THE VUVUZELAS

THE FINANCIAL EXPRESS

1. BEST BANKS
2. DENTITY ENCHILADA
3. WHAT ARE YOU PAYING YOUR MUTUAL FUND? - RAJESH CHAKRABARTI
4. WHY SPANISH WIN IS GOOD FOR FOOTBALL - DESH GAURAV CHOPRA SEKHRI
5. HOT POTATOES NEED COLD STORAGE - SANDIP DAS

THE HINDU

1. VIVA ESPANA & SOUTH AFRICA
2. EARLY HUMANS IN A COLDER CLIMATE
3. U.S. MEDIA INDEPENDENCE: THE ROT WITHIN - NARAYAN LAKSHMAN
4. SOULLESS FIRMS HURTING ENVIRONMENT - JULIETTE JOWIT
5. A CULTURE CLASH IN THE HEART OF MULTICULTURAL LONDON - HASAN SUROOR
6. UGANDA BOMBS: RISE OF AL-SHABAB EXTREMISM - JASON BURKE
7. IMF HIGHLIGHTS ASIA'S ROLE

THE ASIAN AGE

1. WITH SPAIN ON TOP, A NEW SOCCER ERA?
2. BADLA FOR BANGLADESH
3. SHANKAR ROYCHOWDHURY
4. THE IMF'S PITILESS HELPING HAND - JAYATI GHOSH

DNA

1. LIFE BEYOND FIFA
2. THE NITISH NETTLE
3. INDIA'S STRATEGIC BLUNDERS - RAJEEV SRINIVASAN 
4. THERE IS NO LOVE IN HINDI ROMANTIC FILMS - PARSA VENKATESHWAR RAO JR 

THE TRIBUNE

1. MEHBOOBA MUST CO-OPERATE
2. WHAT A CARNIVAL!
3. IRRESPONSIBLE OUTING
4. KRISHNA'S VISIT TO PAK - BY P.R. CHARI
5. THANKS FOR THE LOVELY CAPS - BY PRAVEEN VASISHT
6. INFORMATION WARFARE - LT GEN HARBHAJAN SINGH (RETD)
7. BE READY BEFORE CYBER RAIDERS COME CHARGING - BRIG KIRAN KRISHAN (RETD)

MUMBAI MIRROR

1. ALL THE REST IS THEORY

BUSINESS STANDARD

1. INCENTIVE FOR A NUMBER
2. NOT THE LAW
3. ARE HAPPY DAYS HERE AGAIN? - SUMAN BERY
4. SINO-INDIAN BORDER - FRESH OPPORTUNITY - AJAI SHUKLA
5. GROWING THE ORGANIC WAY - SURINDER SUD
6. THE FREEDOM TO EXPLORE - IMAGINING SHIVAJI - NILANJANA S ROY

THE ECONOMIC TIMES

1. ECONOMY ON EVEN KEEL
2. SATELLITE LAUNCH SUCCESS
3. TINKER, TAILOR, AND NO SPY
4. ASIA, INDIA AND THE WEST
5. DOES DIVERSIFICATION CREATE VALUE? - VENKAT KUPPUSWAMY 
6. TH RO U G H TH E TH I R D EYE
7. IT'S NOT JUST THE ECONOMY, STUPID! - RAGHU KRISHNAN 
8. LOTS OF TIME, YET NOTHING TO DO - MUKULSHARMA 

DECCAN CHRONICAL

1. SPANISH CONQUEST TO HERALD NEW ERA
2. BADLA FOR BANGLADESH - BY SHANKAR ROYCHOWDHURY
3. FECKLESS FEDS DRIVING US TOWARDS DEFLATION - BY PAUL KRUGMAN
4. THE IMF'S PITILESS HELPING HAND - BY JAYATI GHOSH
5. MANGOES, SOUL & OTHER FRUITS - BY DOMINIC EMMANUEL
6. MEL GIBSON: A MAD RACIST AND A GENIUS - BY HUGO RIFKIND

 THE STATESMAN

1. OLE! OLE! OLE! 
2. NALANDA UNIVERSITY 
3. NATIONAL DISCONNECT 
4. REMODELLED WELFARE  - SAUMITRA MOHAN

THE TELEGRAPH

1. FLAG AND CLUB
2. SMALL POOL
3. UNCERTAIN ANCESTRIES - ASHOK V. DESAI
4. WHEN VIOLENCE IS LEGAL - MALVIKA SINGH
5. DANGEROUS LIAISONS
6. THE MINORITY QUESTION

DECCAN HERALD

1. SPANISH DELIGHT
2. GANGRENOUS GIANT?
3. CRISIS AS OPPORTUNITY - BY B G VERGHESE
4. JAPAN REACHES OUT WITH NUKE DEAL - BY RAJARAM PANDA
5. THE ETERNAL TRUTH - BY CHANDRASHEKAR SUBRAMANYA

THE JERUSALEM POST

1. OUR WORLD: A WAR ON WHOSE TERMS? - BY CAROLINE GLICK 
2. ELANA KAGAN, TERRORISM AND THE LAW - BY DANIEL DORON 
3. CANDIDLY SPEAKING: SCANDAL AT THE CLAIMS CONFERENCE - BY ISI LEIBLER 
4. THE REGION: BEHIND THE PRAISE - BY BARRY RUBIN 
5. WHAT ABOUT PALESTINIAN CITIZENS OF ISRAEL? - BY AHMAD TIBI 

HAARETZ

1. NETANYAHU AND BARAK ARE HIDING BEHIND THE IDF'S FLOTILLA PROBE
2. THE BEAUTIFUL ISRAELI - BY YOEL MARCUS
3. NETANYAHU'S SEAT - BY NEHEMIA SHTRASLER
4. SENSITIVITIES FOR MEN ONLY - BY MERAV MICHAELI

THE NEW YORK TIMES

1. A YELLOW LIGHT TO DNA SEARCHES
2. EUROPE CURBS ITS BANKERS
3. NO HONOR, ONLY HORROR
4. CUTTING AND PASTING: A SENIOR THESIS BY (INSERT NAME) - BY BRENT STAPLES
5. OUTSIDE THE CASINO - BY BOB HERBERT
6. AN ECONOMY OF GRINDS - BY DAVID BROOKS
7. IN SUDAN, WAR IS AROUND THE CORNER - BY DAVE EGGERS AND JOHN PRENDERGAST
8. RADIO FREE OF BUREAUCRACY - BY KIM ANDREW ELLIOTT

USA TODAY

1. OUR VIEW ON EARLY EDUCATION: FIX HEAD START BEFORE THROWING MORE MONEY AT IT
2. OPPOSING VIEW ON EARLY EDUCATION: 'SIGNIFICANT DIVIDENDS' - BY YASMINA VINCI
3. HOW TO FIX CENSUS' BROKEN RACE QUESTION - BY KENNETH PREWITT
4. MICHAEL STEELE, BECOME A DEMOCRAT ALREADY - BY DEWAYNE WICKHAM
5. DON'T FORGET LONG-TERM GOALS FOR HAITI - BY WYCLEF JEAN

TIMES FREE PRESS

1. AN AUDITOR'S HYPERBOLE
2. FAIRER VA RULE ON STRESS DISORDER
3. YOUR SOCIAL SECURITY FUTURE
4. WILL SENATE MAKE COURT MISTAKE?
5. OIL DRILLING AND COMMON SENSE
6. 'IF YOU'VE GOT YOUR HEALTH ...'

HURRIYET DAILY NEWS

1. FROM THE BOSPHORUS: STRAIGHT - SIGNS OF RUDDERLESS TIMES
2. AN ARTICLE ON THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT - CÜNEYT ÜLSEVER
3. THERE ARE ALTERNATIVES TO EVERY POLICY - ERDOĞAN ALKİN
4. BLOWING UP THE BLOWOUT - KAREL BECKMAN
5. I WATCHED THE MOST SPECTACULAR SHOW EVER - MEHMET ALİ BİRAND
6. SYRIA STARTS LOOKING ELSEWHERE FOR PEACE WITH ISRAEL - SEMİH İDİZ
7. IMPORTANT MEETING - YUSUF KANLI
8. CREATING A MULTIPLE-FRONT WAR ZONE IN AFGHANISTAN - MATIULLAH (YAMA) NOORI
9. CHANGE IN TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY IS REFLECTION OF CHANGE IN GLOBAL SYSTEM - NOVROZ İLGUN

I.THE NEWS

1. THE REAL TEST
2. WAR OF WORDS
3. POLITICIANS AND THE MEDIA
4. LASHKARS, PRIVATE MILITIAS AND MILITANTS - RAHIMULLAH YUSUFZAI
5. THIS SELF-CORRECT MYTH - AYAZ AHMAD
6. WARRIORS OF THE STATUS QUO - S KHALID HUSAIN
7. A CANDID PRESENTATION - DR ASHFAQUE H KHAN
8. THE PAST AS PRESENT - DR MALEEHA LODHI
9. THIS IS ANARCHY - MIR JAMILUR RAHMAN

PAKISTAN OBSERVER

1. MALIK TOO TALKS OF AFGHAN INFILTRATION
2. INDIA NOW OPTS FOR BIO WARFARE ALSO
3. PAKISTAN TOO SHOULD PRIORITISE SPORTS
4. KASHMIR MARTYRS' DAY - MOHAMMAD JAMIL
5. GOVERNANCE: STATUTORY APPOINTMENTS - CH BASHIR AHMAD
6. DESTINY BECKONS YOU MR GILANI - AHMAD HASAN SHEIKH
7. AUGMENTING PAK-CHINA TIES - SHANZEH IQBAL
8. STAYING STUCK IN AFGHANISTAN - STEVE CHAPMAN

THE INDEPENDENT

1. SPAIN WIN WC
2. PORNO MENACE
3. PAUL THE FISH.!
4. SHOULD PRIVATE VARSITIES BE TAXED? -  DR. M. AZIZUR RAHMAN
5. NO TIME FOR A TRADE WAR -  JOSEPH E. STIGLITZ

THE AUSTRALIAN

1. TIME TO CHALLENGE THE VIRTUOUS AURA AROUND AID
2. TIME TO CHALLENGE THE VIRTUOUS AURA AROUND AID
3. SORTING OUT THE REAL GOALS

THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

1. CLEAR THE MIASMA ON CITY PLANNING
2. HONEYMOON OVER, BACK TO POLITICS AS USUAL
3. THE GOVERNMENT RETAINS A POLL-WINNING LEAD.
4. WORLD CUP FULL OF TRIUMPHANT FIRSTS
5. LOST IN CYBERSPACE: THE GOVERNMENT'S INTERNET FILTER PLAN
6. ONLINE SAFETY IS BEST ACHIEVED BY EDUCATION AND PUBLIC AWARENESS.

THE GUARDIAN

1. HEALTH SERVICE: THE CHANGE REMAINS THE SAME
2. IN PRAISE OF … LEONARD BERNSTEIN'S MASS
3. AFTER THE WORLD CUP: SPAIN UNITED

THE GAZETTE

1. WORLD CUP: A TRIUMPH FOR SOUTH AFRICA
2. WEST MUST KEEP UP THE PRESSURE ON IRAN

THE MOSCOW TIMES

1. PUTIN'S NORTH CAUCASUS SNOW JOB - BY NIKOLAI PETROV
2. NOSTALGIA FOR SOVIET SPIES - BY ANDREI SOLDATOV AND IRINA BOROGAN
3. RUSSIA'S SINKING SHIP - BY VLADIMIR RYZHKOV

THE JAPAN TIMES

1. A SETBACK FOR MR. KAN
2. HOW JAPAN REGAINS VITALITY - BY SHINJI FUKUKAWA
3. IS IT DANGEROUS TO SPECULATE ON FOOD PRICES? - BY DENIS DRECHSLER, GEORGE RAPSOMANIKIS AND ALEXANDER SARRIS

THE JAKARTA POST

1. LESSONS FROM THE WORLD CUP
2. RUSSIA, ASEAN AND INDONESIA IN THE REGIONAL CONTEXT
3. VICTOR SUMSKY, MOSCOW
4. BALI TIGER MEETING, THE CHANCE TO BE A CONSERVATION LEADER - ZULKIFLI HASAN
5. LESSONS FROM GREECE DEBACLE - ANWAR NASUTION
6. STATUS QUO IN MUHAMMADIYAH - AL MAKIN

CHINA DAILY

1. EXERCISE RESTRAINT
2. DIFFICULT ROAD
3. HEALTHY MINDSET
4. CONSUMPTION TAX RAISE HIT PROSPECTS - BY HU FEIYUE (CHINA DAILY)
5. EU EXCHANGE CREATES KNOWLEDGE GAP - BY DUNCAN FREEMAN (CHINA DAILY)
6. TOUGH TASK FOR DPJ - BY ZHANG LILI (CHINA DAILY)
7. MODERNIZING NAVY FOR SELF-DEFENSE - BY GONG JIANHUA (CHINA DAILY)

THE HIMALAYAN

1. FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION: ADVOCACY OF ZERO TOLERANCE
2. KESHAV PRASAD BHATTARAI

DAILY MIRROR

1. RESPONSIBILITY OF BEING TNA
2. WIMAL'S FAST MESSED UP SRI LANKA'S IMAGE-KIRIELLE - BY DIANNE SILVA
3. CHILDREN ARE ALL OF OUR FUTURE
4. SAVING PAUL THE OCTOPUS 

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THE PIONEER

EDITS

SPAIN'S REIGN

WORTHY WINNER OF WORLD CUP

A below-par and extraordinarily-rough final brought down the curtains on the first FIFA World Cup played in Africa. Nevertheless, Spain was a worthy winner, its attacking style making it the team of the tournament. The Netherlands lost narrowly in terms of goals but the difference between the two teams was decidedly larger. Yet, no football fan can escape a sense of melancholy when it comes to the team that finished runners-up for the third time. Dutch football has produced three great teams in the past 30-35 years (the 2010 squad is the third of these). Between them, these teams have dazzled the world and won everything — except the World Cup. Perhaps the best tribute that can be paid to the Netherlands school of soccer is that Spain played adventurous, open football in the manner of the Dutch teams of the 1970s. For Spain, a soccer superpower that has somehow not done well at the very top in the manner one would expect, the World Cup triumph comes shortly after victory in the European Nations Cup. These twin achievements have sealed its position as the world's number one national team. Of the others, Germany were stolid and shone against an overrated Argentina — a team that deserves a better coach than a self-important former superstar — but didn't have the inspiration to counter Spanish magic. The semi-final between them saw only one goal but, frankly, Spain could as easily have won 3-0. The other semi-final was a contest between the Netherlands and Uruguay. The latter was probably the best of the South American teams on offer and seemed a better proposition than even Brazil, which disappointed millions by exiting early. Uruguay hurt its credibility by resorting to unfair means to prevent a certain goal by Ghana in the quarter-final, and then celebrating and justifying the so-called 'feat'. This lost its team some popularity. Indeed, it only helped sharpen focus on Ghana, a young team that will be a very strong contender in 2014.

Spain's victory has debunked one of contemporary sport's abiding arguments. Soccer was invented in England and first became a mass phenomenon there. For several World Cups now, the English national team has been a walking disaster and this one was no exception. The familiar explanation offered is that the English Premier League, among the world's wealthiest sports leagues, offers enough financial rewards for players and popular obsession for few English footballers to be motivated by national colours. If this be true, how does one explain Spain's success? Led by Real Madrid and Barcelona, it has as wealthy and overwhelming a domestic club tradition as that of the EPL. Spain's national team has built on the foundations of its clubs. It is time for England to stop making excuses and to find a way of matching its historical rival.

While its football team didn't do as well as home fans may have thought, South Africa was an exemplary host. In executing a flawless World Cup it only burnished its reputation as a sports venue of choice, as capable of putting together a top-level football event as a rugby or cricket tournament. After the FIFA experience, South Africa is surely an early candidate for the 2020 Olympics. It has set the bar very high for other developing countries. As the Commonwealth Games open in October, India will have an obvious yardstick to measure itself against.

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THE PIONEER

EDITS

NO MONEY FOR COURTS!

IMPOSE HEFTY FINES, FEES TO RAISE FUNDS

Chief Justice of India SH Kapadia has presented a scathing report on the state of the judiciary's infrastructure and the conditions under which judges have to work, especially in the lower courts. While painting a vivid though gloomy picture of the appalling conditions that prevail and which are rarely talked about in the context of the justice delivery system, Mr Kapadia has pinned the blame on the "lackadaisical approach" of the Government which, according to him, has failed, and abysmally so, in providing proper working infrastructure to the subordinate judiciary. In many places, the lower courts function from rented, ramshackle premises. Basic facilities are absent in most of them; staff are cramped for space; and, as any litigant would testify, record-keeping is shockingly poor largely because even the most primitive archival system is absent. It is possible that computers have been purchased and installed as part of the Government's effort to 'modernise' the judicial infrastructure, but that is of little or no consequence. As Mr Kapadia points out, "Out of 2,903 subordinate court complexes, only 562 have got generators. Against the working strength of 13,996 judicial officers, inverters were available only with 693 officers at their residences." It is indeed a sad state of affairs if cases are being heard in courtrooms without power. How are records of hearings being maintained? How accurate are those? It would be easy to blame the lower judiciary for inordinate delays in settling cases and for not doing enough to clear the backlog at the bottom of the pyramid. But we should also ask: Is the Government serious about improving the infrastructure and modernising our courts? The Government's attitude is best reflected in the fact that of the funds required to provide basic working facilities for judges, less than half has been sanctioned. This is not money saved, but justice denied.

For all their tall talk, had successive Governments at the Centre been truly interested in improving the judicial infrastructure and thus making the justice delivery system more responsive — as well as accountable — then the situation would have been vastly different. In fact, the Government's attitude is not going to change because politicians and their babus have scant regard and even lesser respect for the judiciary. Mr Kapadia has suggested that perhaps the judiciary can raise its own resources by using fees and fines for creating infrastructure and improving the working conditions in courts. Given the Government's reluctance to fulfil its responsibility, this option is worth exploring. Indeed, it would be a good idea to impose and increase fines for frivolous litigation and mark up fees for cases filed by the Government. That should wake up people in right places.

 

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THE PIONEER

EDITS

LEARNING FROM KARNATAK

A SURYA PRAKASH

The recent face off between the BS Yeddyurappa Government and Karnataka Lokayukta Santosh Hegde has once again turned the spotlight on the powers and functions of those who man this institution in various States even as it reinforces popular perception that the political class lacks the gumption to subject itself to the scrutiny of independent and empowered ombudsmen. 

It is indeed a sad commentary on leaders across the political spectrum that although 17 States governed by various political parties have gone through the motions of appointing Lokayuktas, there is not a single ombudsman who has the unfettered power to probe and prosecute corrupt politicians and bureaucrats. The general trick appears to be to appoint a Lokayukta but ensure that he is hemmed in legally and administratively. He is denied the power to launch suo motu investigations into allegations against the Chief Minister and other Ministers in the State as also senior bureaucrats. Further, he is made to depend on the State police or other Government agencies over which the political bosses have complete control.

Such an arrangement makes the institution porous and gives the Chief Minister and Home Minister advance information on persons who have been put under the scanner by the Lokayukta, the areas of inquiry and even the date and time of proposed raids on offices and residences of the corrupt. Finally, even if ombudsmen like Mr Santosh Hegde complete this obstacle race, State Governments retain the power to subject the Lokayukta to the ultimate insult by either ignoring the ombudsman's report or worse, acting contrary to his findings and recommendations. In such circumstances, no self-respecting person will want to continue in office. 

In Karnataka, Mr Hegde was driven to despair because of a variety of reasons. Here are a few: The Government, which is under the spell of the mining mafia, began persecuting a senior forest official, who, acting on the Lokayukta's directions, confiscated illegally mined iron ore worth hundreds of crores of rupees; the Government dragged its feet on the appointment of a Upa-Lokayukta and thereby virtually paralysed the office of the ombudsman because a lot of cases come within his exclusive jurisdiction; officers facing corruption charges who were placed under suspension following the ombudsman's report were let off the hook without even the courtesy of consulting the Lokayukta; though all Ministers and legislators are mandated to declare their assets, many of them have simply ignored the deadline; finally, the Government has very little to show in terms of implementing the reports of the Lokayukta.

All these reasons prompted Mr Hegde to throw in the towel, but fortunately for the State there was such a public outcry over this development that Mr Yeddyurappa was forced to assuage his feelings and promise to strengthen the office of Lokayukta. Eventually, Mr Hegde withdrew his resignation following the intervention of Mr LK Advani. While it is too early to say whether Mr Hegde will complete his term in office, one must thank him for bringing the issue of political corruption to the fore.

Ever since we ushered in representative democracy, jurists and thinkers have felt the need for an ombudsman at the national level and similar institutions in all the States. The first Administrative Reforms Commission favoured the appointment of a Lok Pal at the federal level and Lokayuktas in the States to investigate allegations of corruption against people holding public office.

However, the Congress, which was in power at the Centre for long years after independence, was reluctant to have an ombudsman at the federal level. As a result, successive Governments in New Delhi went through the farce of introducing legislation in Parliament to appoint a Lok Pal and either allowed the Bill to lapse or put it in cold storage. Non-Congress Governments invariably lacked the bench strength in Parliament to see such legislation through. 

The story vis-à-vis the Lokayukta is slightly different. Several regional and caste-based parties which came to power in the States were keen to show themselves to be far more committed than the Congress to rooting out corruption and bringing in greater transparency and accountability in governance. Such parties introduced legislation to establish Lokayuktas in several States but ensured that the ombudsmen did not have the power to cause too much of an embarrassment to them. The Congress quickly caught on to the trick and participated in the charade of having toothless ombudsmen in the States. Thus, while they put up the pretense of wanting an ombudsman, they legislatively ensured that the institution did not cause them great harm.

In the light of the on-going controversy over the powers of the Lokayukta in Karnataka and other States, one wonders whether it would be prudent to legislate on this issue at the federal level so as to bring in uniformity in the working of this institution in every State. The Lokayuktas Conference has favoured such a Central law. It has also suggested that Lokayuktas have a constitutional status that is at par with High Court judges.

The Second Administrative Reforms Commission has endorsed some of these recommendations and said the Lok Pal and the Lokayukta should have constitutional status. The Constitution should be amended to bring about uniformity in the powers and functions of the Lokayukta and the ombudsman should be vested with uniform powers, responsibilities and functions across all states. 

However, the commission wants the office of Chief Minister to come within the purview of the Lok Pal and not the Lokayukta. It says that it is "unwise" to include the office of Chief Minister within the purview of the Lokayukta. It argues that if the Chief Minister is brought within the jurisdiction of the federal institution of high standing (the Lok Pal), "the risks would be mitigated". 

Given the fact that many politicians and political parties have turned the politics of vendetta into a fine art, it would be foolhardy at this stage to permit an ombudsman appointed by the Union Government to probe charges of corruption against a Chief Minister. Imagine how a Prime Minister short on scruples would use this institution to make and break political alliances in this era of coalition Governments. 

Therefore, while a national law made by Parliament for appointment of Lokayuktas is worthy of consideration, bringing Chief Ministers within the ambit of an ombudsman appointed by the Union Government must be rejected. 

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THE PIONEER

EDITS

THE CHARIOT AS DHARMA'S SYMBOL

PRIYADARSI DUTTA

Today is the Rath Yatra of Lord Jagannath and his siblings Balabhadra and Subhadra. The sea of humanity that congregates in Puri, Serampore, Ahmedabad and Varanasi makes this event a moving spectacle. Thanks to Iskcon, Rath Yatras are also conducted in more than 100 magnificent cities all over the world, including London, Dublin, Belfast, New York, Singapore, Venice and Toronto. In the North-East, Manipur marks its annual chariot fest (Kang Chingba) of Lord Jagannath. 

Originally, a mode of transportation and a mounted vehicle of war in ancient India, the rath has come to enjoy a mystical significance in the Indian psyche. Krishna transformed this vehicle of war into a platform for preaching what is now known as the Gita. "See the self as the lord of the chariot," Yama (the omniscient god of death) advises Nachiketa in Kathopanishad, "the body as the chariot, the intellect as the charioteer and the mind as the reins". 

The Rath Yatra may thus be a festive way of celebrating spiritual self-discovery. Like all Hindu festivals its ritualistic aspect is deeply symbolic. Like Kumbh Mela or Durga Puja, it breaks down the barriers of caste. "The ideal society is the vehicle of the indwelling godhead of a human aggregate, the chariot for the journey of Jagannath. Unity, freedom, knowledge and power constitute the four wheels of this chariot," wrote Sri Aurobindo in Chariot of Jagannath (1918), a rare Bengali essay. 

Though best associated with Lord Jagannath, the Rath Yatra is not limited to him. Celebrated annually in Hampi is the Virupaksha Rath Yatra — dedicated to Lord Shiva and Parvati. In Nallur, near Jaffna (Sri Lanka), the Ther festival is celebrated with fanfare every August. Murugan (Lord Kartikeyan), the presiding deity of Nallur Kandaiswamy Temple, is taken out on a chariot. 

The sacred chariot is a part of south Indian architecture. Near the famous musical hall of Hampi (ancient Vijayanagara) is the famous stone chariot (whose wheels actually revolve around the axis) dedicated to Vithala. The rock-cut chariots of Mahabalipuram (Tamil Nadu) of the Pallava era (5th century AD) are dedicated to the Pandava brothers.

 

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MAIL TODAY

COMMENT

MURDERED ONCE AND NOW BETRAYED

 

DELHI chief minister Sheila Dikshit and the Capital's lieutenant governor Tejender Khanna have a lot of explaining to do on the parole being given to Manu Sharma, the millionaire brat convicted of killing model Jessica Lal in 1999.

 

The parole to Mr Sharma was given on two grounds — one so that he could take care of his ailing mother and two, that he could support the flagging family business.

 

Both have turned out to be flimsy, if not fictitious. His ' ailing' mother, Shakti Rani Sharma, was busy addressing a Women's Cricket Association of India press conference at her family- owned Piccadilly Hotel in Chandigarh last Saturday.

 

Considering that his father, Venod Sharma, a prominent Congress politician from Haryana with extensive business interests, campaigned extensively during the recent state assembly elections, there are no reasons to believe that the family business needed the services of a convicted murderer. The junior Mr Sharma also has a brother who otherwise runs the business.

 

Clearly, then, the parole seems to be politically motivated, having little or no legal merit. The police also seem to have played a sinister role in an episode when the paroled Manu Sharma allegedly visited a nightclub in the Capital. Frequenting a nightclub is not an offence even if you are on parole. So why did 50- plus policemen reach the nightclub to allegedly apprehend Mr Sharma? The CCTV footage was also confiscated claiming that there was a brawl in the nightclub, something that the owners and eyewitnesses deny. Why? But that is not the only unanswered question that arises out of this murky affair: Was there any due diligence done on the claims made by Manu Sharma in his parole application? Because, he was clearly lying about his mother's ailment.

 

Also, does the law allow a convicted killer to be set free for two months while serving his sentence? Mrs Dikshit defended her decision on Monday, saying " all the rules were followed" in approving the parole application.

 

Ms Dikshit and Mr Khanna are supposed to protect the people from the likes of Mr Sharma. Instead, they let him loose on a flimsy pretext. The state was supposed to protect Jessica; it did not. After her death, it should have protected her interests by ensuring her killer pays for his crime. Instead the Chief Minister and the Lieutenant Governor have betrayed an innocent person who was cut down at the prime of her life.

 

Metro failure

 

SUNDAY's chaos on the Delhi Metro reinforces the perception that the capital's only world class institution is slipping on the standards it had set for itself at the time of its inception. It is difficult to resist concluding that the chain of events set into motion after a newly acquired train came to a halt in the underground portion of the Rajiv Chowk- Dwarka line could have been handled a lot better. First, the lights and airconditioners in the train should not have gone off after it came to a halt. Surely, the Metro trains are expected to have a power back- up for such purposes.

 

It won't do for the Metro authorities to say that the rescue efforts initiated by them were hampered because people broke open the doors and jumped into the underground tunnel. When train compartments that are packed with close to a 1000 people are submerged in suffocating pitch darkness inside a tunnel and the crying and shrieking takes over, it is not easy for passengers to keep a stiff upper lip. It is for the Metro authorities to have a concrete contingency plan in place for such situations.

 

The rescue efforts initiated by the Metro authorities and the near- stampede like situation that prevailed at Rajiv Chowk suggest that this was not the case. The rescue train that was sent after the stranded train took too long in coming.

 

It had not anticipated the scenario at the site, with the result that most of the stranded passengers walked their way in the underground tunnel to Rajiv Chowk.

 

The Metro provides us clean and swift urban transportation service, for which we are grateful. But the managers of the system must plan for all eventualities. Their emergency drill should be known to their passengers and, ideally, drilled occasionally.

 

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MAIL TODAY

COMMENT

PREPARING THE GROUND FOR MODI

BY JYOTIRMAYA SHARMA

 

IF only the media could turn its attention away from the socalled crisis within the government and the party in BJPruled Karnataka, it would be able to see a very interesting, but also darkly diabolical, set of plans being laid out within the RSS and the BJP. One has to be extremely gullible to suggest that only now has the RSS come out in the open to play a more active role within the BJP. The RSS has never distanced itself from politics, whatever its rhetoric might be, and continues to hope that it will guide the destiny of all its 'inspired' organisations.

 

What is new regarding the public posture of the RSS is its desperation to survive as an organisation through the help of the BJP, but also drawing upon individuals within all other parties who could be closet Hindutva sympathisers and fellow-travelers in the dream of making India an aggressive and threatening superpower. Even in the instance of Karnataka, the attitude of the BJP and the Sangh was to save the government rather than the party, knowing full well that sooner or later the inherent contradictions within the BJP's Karnataka unit would resurface and wreck the temporary truce.

 

Remember the time when the BJP was the very picture of a badly organised circus during its meeting in Shimla? Jaswant Singh was camping in Shimla, and was expelled from the BJP for writing a book. Allegations and counter-allegations were flying around and much dirty linen was being paraded, though not always being washed, in public.

 

Gadkari

 

There was the bizarre spectacle of epic loss of memory on the part of L. K. Advani, as also the overnight growth of spine on part of the likes of Yashwant Sinha, Arun Shourie and Jaswant Singh. While this theatre of the absurd was being played out, the RSS fed a select group of journalists with the ' information' that Manohar Parikkar of Goa was the Sangh's favoured candidate for assuming the leadership of the BJP after completion of Rajnath Singh's term.

 

The reasons for this sudden affection for Parikkar were simple. He was relatively young, he was an IIT alumnus, and he would represent the modern, forward- looking, younger face of the BJP. It would be his job to train and prepare a still younger generation of the Party to eventually take over the business of running the BJP. Many who heard this asked the predictable question, wondering who Manohar Parikkar was, and what political base he could have within the Party to be able to contend with keeping together, however tenuously, a party of differences.

 

In the meantime, the BJP lost two other elections, in Maharashtra and in Haryana, postponed holding its national executive, got away by the skin of its teeth in temporarily solving the Vasundhara Raje question, and managed to make Yeddyurappa and the Reddy brothers stuff laddus in each other's mouth, a sure indication that things will sour between them sooner than later. But while this crisis was hitting the headlines, the RSS was sending out a message to select individuals that Manohar Parikkar was no longer the favoured candidate to assume the president's post within the BJP. The Sangh was now in favour of Nitin Gadkari. After all, had not Mohan Bhagwat said that the future leader of the party ought to come from the states and not from Delhi? Once again, the politically innocent among us asked the inevitable question, " Gadkari who?" and were told that he was the man who led his party in the recently concluded Maharashtra elections and under his leadership, the BJP stood fourth in the list of seats won. I have met and spoken to Gadkari. He is from Nagpur, was not very happy with Sudarshan's RSS, and seems happier with Bhagwat's RSS, but more significantly, he has had a significant charm bypass. He is utterly uncharismatic, inarticulate and betrays no claims to possessing a vision of any sort. The question that remains unanswered is why his name is being mentioned as Rajnath Singh's successor despite having miserably lost a major election in an important state.

 

Calculations

 

The RSS wants the press and the people at large to be misled regarding its true intentions. It ideally wants Narendra Modi to succeed Rajnath Singh and eventually be Advani's successor as well. Any public disclosure of these plans would lead to a debate regarding Modi's suitability, raise questions regarding his role in the riots of 2002, but also bring into sharp relief a number of issues related to his authoritarian style and megalomaniacal personality.

 

At the same time, the RSS as well as the BJP are reconciled to living with Modi and looking up to him as saviour and redeemer. If one goes by the strict canons of Sangh orthodoxy, Modi's individualistic streak and his relish of political power are obvious disqualifications. But there are few left within the BJP who have either the popular support or the charisma to make any difference to the dwindling fortunes of the Party as well as the RSS than Modi. The Sangh feels that any adverse publicity against Modi would scare potential and existing allies and make the transition for him difficult.

 

Disinformation

 

Hence, the strategy seems to be to throw up names like Parikkar and Gadkari, who at best would be stalking horses for Modi, and if, for reasons beyond control, the strategy were to fail, they could step in as a temporary arrangement before Modi's spin doctors could get back to the drawing board and fabricate a new strategy to repackage him for a national role.

 

The perils of this strategy are as obvious. Even if the BJP falls for this model of succession of the RSS, there is no guarantee that Modi will eventually listen to the voice and word of Nagpur. There is no way for the RSS to ascertain that once in a position of leadership at the national level, Modi will endorse hare- brained ideas such as Bhagwat's continued support of the Akhand Bharat- Hindu Rashtra dream. If he does so, it will only be temporary and would be in order to achieve a practical end.

 

Neither does the BJP have any inkling as to the direction in which Modi will lead the party, especially so when the only ideology and the only organisation that he understands is himself. In many ways, Modi is the Sanjay Gandhi of the BJP. While the Congress and the country were spared of his leadership through a tragic set of events, the BJP and the RSS seem to be saddled with him for better or worse.

 

One can only speculate as to when this inevitable transition within the Sangh Parivar and the BJP would take place. But till such time that it does, it is safe to ignore the misinformation that emerges from the RSS regarding the leadership question within the BJP.

 

The writer teaches politics at the University of Hyderabad

 

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MAIL TODAY

HOWRAH EXPRESS

CM'S WAR CRYMET WITH MORE BLOODSHED

ALOKE BANERJEE

 

CHIEF minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee's war cry against the Maoists is sounding hollow.

 

Barely two hours after the chief minister roared at a public meeting in West Midnapore on Sunday that the Maoists would soon be chased out of the Left- ruled state with the help of the central forces and the people, the rebels shot dead four EFR jawans and walked away with their rifles with consummate ease.

 

Neither the locals nor the other EFR jawans, stationed less than 150 metres from the spot, offered any resistance.

 

It is clear now that the Maoists are operating freely in the Lalgarh- Belpahari region of West Midnapore as well as in Purulia and Bankura. The deployment of a large number of paramilitary units may be costing the government exchequer a lot but it has been totally ineffective in tackling the Naxals.

 

The style of operation of the forces clearly shows a lack of determination as well as specific intelligence on the whereabouts of the rebels. The CRPF, EFR and BSF only patrol the roads.

 

If they enter the villages at all, they make so much noise — deliberately or otherwise — that the Maoist squads are alerted and escape. On their part, the state police routinely damage villagers' houses, destroy even household utensils and beat up anybody they can lay their hands on. This further isolates the villagers. Only on Sunday, the chief minister asked senior police officials to ensure that innocent villagers are not harassed. It is yet to be seen whether the police follow his instruction.

 

The CPI( M)' s strategy was to raise its own armed force and take on the Maoists at a time the joint forces give the rebels a hard chase. At least 15 camps have been set up by the CPI( M) in the Enayatpur- Goaltore- Garbeta region. But the number of fighters is coming down and their morale is rapidly sinking.

 

In 2001 CPI( M)' s armed squads had effectively neutralised heavily armed Trinamool activists in this same area. This time, the strategy is not working against the Naxals.

 

The Maoists are obviously enjoying the support of the local people. This was candidly admitted even by the state home secretary. The government's repeated promises that it was determined to bring the fruits of development to these areas raises questions over why there has been no development for the last six decades. If Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee really wants development, why is he sending in the police who have occupied the schools and are beating up innocent people, women of Lakshmanpur in Lalgarh asked this scribe during a recent visit.

 

It is significant that the local leadership of the Maoists now comes from the local tribals. A large number of women are not only a part of guerilla squads but are even leading them. The recent attack on Sankrail police station was led by two women.

 

Sunday's attack on the EFR was also led by a woman. The involvement of women in a violent struggle exposes a deep and long existing social malaise, which the government has conveneniently ignored all this while.

 

GOVT TO MAKE IT HARDER FOR ITS STAFF

EIGHT years after his " Do it now" slogan backfired, chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee has embarked upon another novel plan to improve the work culture in the state.

 

His government will soon start a 100- mark evaluation system for its employees.

 

Promotions and salary hikes will depend on these bi- yearly assessments.

 

Finance minister Ashim Dasgupta is likely to announce the new policy next week.

 

The CPM- led state coordination committee leaders admit that even in the state secretariat where the chief minister and 28 ministers have their offices, about 60 per cent of the employees come in late and 50 per cent leave before time. This happens even though Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee coined his " do it now" slogan way back in 2001, urging government employees to speed up work.

 

The work culture of government employees in the state has never been something to be proud of. " Who will work? The chairs and tables?" former chief minister Jyoti Basu had once fumed, though even he had largely failed to inculcate discipline among state employees.

 

Several ministers have expressed doubt whether the new scheme would yield results. After repeated electoral debacles it would be hard for the Left government to crack the whip on its employees before the 2011 assembly polls, they felt.

 

BY- POLLS RESULTS CRITICAL FOR LEFT'S FUTURE

AFTER stunning defeats in the panchayat and Lok Sabha elections, the Left Front is facing yet another challenge. The results of 10 assembly by- elections will be declared on Tuesday and promise to become a major indicator of the Left's future in this state. Last time, three of the 10 seats belonged to the Left Front, five to the Trinamool Congress and two to the Congress.

 

Left Front leaders look unsure whether they will be able to retain the three seats.

 

A 8- 2 tally will be most satisfying, they say but add that given the anti- Left wave sweeping over the state, the possibility of a 9- 1 or even 10- 0 rout cannot be ruled out.

 

What will happen if the Left's tally goes below the present three seats? The Congress and the Trinamool Congress, fighting the polls jointly, will immediately demand that since the Left is losing every poll, it must step down and seek a fresh mandate from the people. If the Left is able to retain its position, the morale of its cadres, which has now reached its nadir, will surely get a welcome boost.

 

Whether the Left retains its position or not, an increasing number of senior Left leaders now feel that it would have been best to step down and seek the people's mandate by projecting somebody other than Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee as the chief minister immediately after the humiliating defeat in the Lok Sabha polls. This would have created a sympathy wave in favour of the Left. The situation is likely to worsen with time and defeat is certain in 2011 when the next assembly polls are slated, these leaders feel.

 

Aloke.Banerjee@.mailtoday.in

 

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THE TIMES OF INDIA

 EDIT PAGE

WAKA WAKA AFRICA!

 

It is the greatest sporting spectacle on earth, and South Africa pulled it off in style. From start to finish, the month-long football World Cup turned out to be magnificent in every respect, silencing critics for good. The stadiums were great, the hospitality warm, the organisation near perfect and the atmosphere electric. The tournament not just changed people's perceptions about Africa, but also infused the entire continent with a new sense of confidence. 

Surely, if a marquee sporting event of this scale and magnitude can be successfully hosted by an African nation, all doubts about Africa's potential need to be put to rest. 

No amount of praise is enough for South Africa, which has emerged as a superb destination for international sports. It has developed a truly enviable sports infrastructure. And with the football World Cup on its resume, no international sports body will ever doubt the country's ability to organise a mega sporting event. Hosting the World Cup has also enhanced South Africa's image in the international community manifold, and it was the strongest endorsement of brand South Africa that hundreds of thousands of football fans from all across the globe thronged to the Rainbow Nation. This is bound to reflect in South Africa's geopolitical standing and we could expect the country to assume a greater leadership role at various international fora. 

The final match on Sunday between Spain and Netherlands might not have been the pinnacle of artistic football, but it was certainly a treat to watch the two teams try and outmanoeuvre each other. In the end it was Spain that emerged victorious, winning the World Cup for the first time ever. For a country that has been stricken by internal divisions, it was heartening to see the Spanish players rise above regional identities and play as one for Spain. 

It is noteworthy that the Spanish team played complete football. They had flair, style and talent, but did not lack in grit or pre-planned tactics. This brand of football is the single biggest revelation of the World Cup. As the accompanying opinion piece elaborates there is no longer a clear South American or European style of playing the game, with the advent of professional football leagues that feature international players. South Africa 2010 has demonstrated that football is truly a global sport. It has reminded the world why the beautiful game continues to draw legions of fans. With the Commonwealth Games just months away, let's hope that Delhi can put up half as good a show.

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THE TIMES OF INDIA

EDIT PAGE

LOWER THE BETTER

 

Growing by a huge 43 per cent, robust indirect tax collections in this fiscal year's first quarter are further proof that India's industrial revival is for real. Customs and excise duty collections have augmented government revenue substantially. Direct tax collection, on its part, was up 15 per cent. A healthy corporate tax mop-up in the April-June quarter signals equally that economic recovery is on track. Nonetheless, let's not forget April's factory output figure was revised downwards to 16.5 per cent from 17.6 per cent. If that's still impressive, there was a marked slowing to 11.5 per cent in May. It's just as well the government is said to be thinking of sticking to its current duty structure. On one hand, fiscal stimuli have clearly helped industry combat the slowdown. On the other, May's data suggests the fight's not over yet. 

The idea that big tax hauls come with high tax rates has long been debunked as economic wisdom. If anything, for businesses to thrive and India to achieve and maintain double-digit growth rates, a supportive tax regime is a must. The peak customs duty rate has dipped over the years but there's been too much fiddling with excise even post-reforms. GST will rectify matters on condition the tax rate is set low, states can't tinker around citing fears of revenue loss and exceptions to the rule are kept, if at all, at a bare minimum. Similarly, the direct tax code should cut tax liability for individuals and companies significantly, the trade-off being rationalisation of exemptions. Lower tax rates mean greater economic activity, better compliance and, consequently, higher revenue. India is poised to revolutionise its indirect and direct tax system. Let's get it right.

 

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EDIT PAGE

NOT MUCH CHEER

RONOJOY SEN

 

The world's biggest sporting event has run its course. That we have a first-time champion is fitting. If anything, this World Cup reflected a bridging of the gap between teams and a paucity of goals. So while Japan looked good to match the best, Ghana missed a semi-final spot by a whisker. And we all know how former Cup winners, Italy and France, were shown the door in the first round itself. 

Another notable feature - a trend that has got more noticeable over the past few World Cups - is the myth of Latin American beauty versus European organisation. However much former stars like Socrates might lament the demise of jogo bonito - or the beautiful game - Brazil has been dishing out workmanlike football with an explosive striker or two since the 1990s. The other Latin American teams have always played a more rugged game, occasionally leavened by a Maradona or Messi. 

The reasons for the uniformity of play and the closing of the gap between countries are fairly obvious. With more and more players flocking to play the European leagues, styles of play have converged. What has long been a normal practice for Latin American players, who have migrated to Europe in droves, is now becoming common for Africans and Asians. Little surprise then that Japan or Ghana has been up to speed in this World Cup. Finally, with imported coaches ruling the roost, the 'national' styles of play have become history. 

Indeed, in this World Cup, some of the most attractive football has been played by Germany. And the Dutch have displayed little of the free-flowing 'total' football for which they are justifiably famous. The eventual winner, Spain, possibly played the best football, combining flair with precision, even as they were helped by a team whose nucleus was drawn from one champion club - Barcelona - redefining the relation between club and country. 

This inevitably brings us to the question that lurks whenever football is discussed here. Why, in this age of globalised football, has India been unable to move beyond the lowest rungs of world soccer? First, we need to jettison the theory that Indians don't have the physique for football. Nothing can be further from the truth. It takes all sorts to play football, and a huge country like India has pretty much all physical types needed to play most sports. Though lack of nutrition is a running theme in analysis of Indian sports, Ian Jack - who has written perceptively on many things Indian - has pointed out in a recent piece that our failure in football is more than a "matter of muscle and eggs". 

Two, there is the equally popular notion that administrators are to blame for India's poor performance in football as well as in other sports. True, India's sports administrators are among the worst in the world. But administrators in many poor countries aren't far behind. Three, there is a fashionable theory propounded by the likes of journalist Simon Kuper that only rich countries excel in football (and democracy, one might add) and sports in general. Kuper even thinks India, with its growing economy, could have a tryst with football glory. While there is something to be said for this hypothesis, there are too many exceptions, including most notably Brazil (well before BRIC became fashionable) and a clutch of Latin American and African countries. 

The clues for India's dismal showing in football must be gleaned from India's sporting history where cricket's huge following has slowly but surely edged out all other sports from popular imagination. It wasn't always this way. Mohun Bagan's famous victory over a British team in 1911 created ripples at the time, but the impact was largely restricted to Bengal. In the early years after independence, India finished fourth in the Olympics in 1956 and won the Asian Games in 1951 and 1962. But somewhere along the way, football fell off the map. Post-1970, when India last won an Asiad bronze, there was hardly any standout performance that could inspire footballers or football fans. In contrast, India's famous cricket victory over England in 1971 and the 1983 World Cup win electrified Indian fans. The final nail in the coffin was the telecast of World Cup games from 1978 onwards followed by European club games on TV, which showed the yawning chasm between Indian football and the rest of the world. 

Though football remained popular in pockets such as Bengal, Kerala, Goa and parts of the north-east, it lost out in the rest of the country. Now, across playing fields in India and even in places like Bengal, the bat and ball dominate where football was once played with gusto. These days there is a growing audience for European club games, which has in turn sparked some interest in football among middle-class kids and led to the organisation of local leagues. But there is little incentive for them to aspire to greater heights. 

A newspaper recently published a telling statistic. Except in places like Bengal and Kerala, the irrelevant cricket Asia Cup, which was being played when the World Cup was on, drew more viewers than football. The fact remains that much of India is obsessed with one sport. Unless that changes, football, or for that matter any other sport, stands very little chance. 

The writer is a visiting fellow at ISAS, National University of Singapore.

 

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THE TIMES OF INDIA

VIEW

PANEL NEEDED TO COORDINATE POLICY

 

Do we really need a Planning Commission? Is the commission, in the words of the minister of road transport and highways, Kamal Nath, a body of armchair analysts? Is it just a bureaucratic set-up that intrudes unnecessarily into the workings of ministries? The commission is indeed a body of armchair analysts, primarily economists. But what else should a think tank with a mandate to plan for the country's future be? The point is a complex nation like India needs a body like the Planning Commission to keep sight of the macro picture and help the Union government prepare policies. 

Different ministries set targets according to their areas of focus. They need not necessarily take into account cross-linkages that exist in the economy and may lose sight of the big picture. Bodies like the Planning Commission that take inputs from academic studies, empirical analysis and experiential record of other countries, and prepare guidelines and policy prescriptions accordingly, are necessary to make sense of the complex strands that make up the Indian economy. Careful study and planning is necessary to maximise the resources we have and plug leakages. Let's remember, along with open markets state planning too had a role to play in the economic miracles many Asian economies have witnessed since the 1960s. 

India is no longer a command economy and there is a vibrant private sector that drives the growth engine. There have been structural changes in the polity with the advent of Panchayati Raj institutions. These changes haven't made the Planning Commission redundant, although they do call for a more modest profile relative to the glory days of the socialist 1950s. It should take care not to overreach itself. But there is certainly room for an advisory role in government for a body of experts that has the broader macroeconomic picture in mind. 

 

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THE TIMES OF INDIA

COUNTER VIEW

IT HAS OUTLIVED ITS UTILITY

AJAY VAISHNAV

 

That the Planning Commission is increasingly coming under attack from various quarters is indicative of its diminishing power and role in India's rapidly growing market economy. Kamal Nath's outburst and use of monikers like 'armchair advisors' against the Plan panel can't be dismissed as mere potshots. Nath's jibes raise an important issue related to the ownership of policymaking in a changed economic context. Not so long ago, under a system of centralised investment planning, the panel used to be the supreme authority to decide on every aspect of the functioning of Union ministries and state governments. Instead of focusing on innovative solutions for development, the planners produced a complex and stifling regulatory framework, thereby depriving India of faster growth. 

The major thrust of the economic reforms process in the early 1990s was to end a moribund 'licence raj' system. With increased private sector participation and the government's emphasis on disinvestment, the space for any sort of planning is diminishing rapidly. Now ministries and their nodal departments and state governments enjoy a lot of financial and operational autonomy. Some of them have achieved successes as well. Don't tie them up with red tape from the Planning Commission. 

The suggestion that the commission can be a prescriptive agency and work out sector-specific targets, or provide a holistic integrative role to policy formulation, is nothing but grandiose words to perpetuate an outdated economic order. The Plan panel represents a bloated bureaucracy oblivious to ground realities, as highlighted by Nath. We should do away with such vestiges of the old order that have outlived their utility.

 

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THE TIMES OF INDIA

EDIT PAGE

CHASING THE ORACLE

GOPINATH MAVINKURVE

 

There isn't a single Indian TV news channel that hasn't featured Paul the celebrity octopus. After successfully forecasting the results of all the FIFA World Cup matches, this eight-legged marine creature has proved his clairvoyance. Well, that's at least the case with an energetic game played by the two-legged race, a sport that has become a passion in several countries but is yet to capture the hearts and minds of our young Indians. There's, however, been recent news of threats from German fans to serve Paul up as soup or on seafood platters. But he and his handful of Indian fans seem far from appa(u)led, now that the German authorities have vowed to protect him. Not without reason. 

The Germans, looked upon by the entire Eurozone to pull it out of economic toxicity, have finally found Paul to lend a helping hand. For, if not European youth in search of employment, Paul certainly has many job offers - most of them from India, the only place that has plenty of jobs today! 

So, will Paul prevent the polarisation of countries of the Euro alliance by accepting the offer from our TV business channels to predict the outcome of our stock markets - for which he would have to study some other animals, like bulls and bears? That is the moot question. After a somewhat longish sideways movement of the bourses, analysts are divided over which way the stock market will go. They would welcome Paul's help in figuring out the way ahead. After all, despite several heads pooled together on the issue, there's no consensus on this subject. One can't help but think more legs may work better than more heads. Paul could aid the experts in overcoming their 'predictament' - the predicament of being unable to predict the future. 

But once Paul lands on the shores of our great country, regional politicians will be quick to make angry statements about soothsaying 'outsiders' and root for our traditional parrots. After all, there are many a bird in India competing with Mani, the fortune-telling parakeet who happens to be an astrologer's assistant in Singapore's Little India. Our desi parakeets are waiting to make a complete popat out of Paul the octopus, despite him having got it right with every football match outcome. Only, most of us are likely to think of home-grown psychics as ghar ka tota dal barabar. Which means Paul will get more offers, especially from 'charitable' and flush-with-funds cricketing bodies, to predict the results of IPL matches. Why, he may even have to pick out the man of the match. Be prepared for lots of legwork, Paul! 

Bollywood will then jump into the fray. It'll want to cast Paul in a lead role with a female octopus chosen from a reality TV show to partner him. So if he's worried that all this television coverage will only give him temporary fame, he'll be underestimating the power of publicity on our national channels. Indeed, he'll have an opportunity to dance with his co-star around plastic trees even while a villain forces him to turn his predictions into chores at gunpoint. But what the heck - think of the moolah the industry will offer! 

Psephologists will not be far behind. At the cost of being renamed pse-Paul-logists, they too will extend an invitation to the eight-legged - or is it eight-handed? - creature. This time around, Paul will need to familiarise himself with a dozen national and scores of regional political parties in order to choose winners! That is, if he wants to be here and do something more than just drift listlessly like our bourses. Get the drift? But there's a catch. Paul may survive the threats of being turned into soups or seafood platters. But chances are he may not survive our media trials if ever allegations are made about a 'foreigner' coming to our shores and playing Paulitics! 
So, good luck, Paul. You might just need it.

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HINDUSTAN TIMES

OUR TAKE

NOT GOING BY THE BOOK

 

The trend of finding a problem for every solution has followed the landmark Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act even before it's become halfway operational. While many concerns have been valid in terms of lack of infrastructure or funds, the objections from a section of Muslim clerics to the Act on the grounds that it'll threaten Muslim religious schools are specious. The Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, the largest cleric body in India, has called for consultations at the end of July on the Act that many of the seminary leaders feel could be used to outlaw madrassas. Even by Indian standards of conspiracy theories, this is somewhat far-fetched.

 

It is clear from the fact that only four per cent of Muslim children attend religious schools that these clerics have appointed themselves spokesmen for a community that doesn't necessarily share their views. There has been a steady increase in enrolment of Muslim children in primary schools across the country, even though the community still remains the most educationally backward. Had the madrassas heeded advice both from the government and the more progressive Muslim clerics to modernise their curricula, perhaps they would have been more attractive to young Muslims. The challenge before Union Human Resource Development Minister Kapil Sibal is to not cave in and consider amendments to the education act. As members of the second largest majority community in India, it would be a pity if some self-styled representatives derailed its chances of acquiring an education that would give its youth the chance to compete in a globalising world. Mainstreaming education doesn't constitute a cultural or religious threat to so vibrant a faith as Islam.

 

The positive aspect is that the majority of Muslims do not want to be trapped in the regressive mindset propagated by their clerics. Faith is in no way contraindicative to the tools of modernity, something that has been proved in many Islamic countries. The clerics in India have for too long held the community hostage to their outmoded thinking, a major reason for backwardness among Muslims. Madrassas have a role in propagating religious teachings and will perhaps continue to flourish if they are willing to move with the times. The recent example of women openly challenging the clergy on the issue of divorce shows the extent of disconnect between the people and those who speak in their name. The Right to Education Act offers a level playing field to India's students notwithstanding its teething troubles. No one should deny them the right that has not come easily or too soon.

 

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HINDUSTAN TIMES

THE PUNDIT

ONE FOR THE ROADS

 

Nothing like an internal spat to rev things up for the outside public. Planning Commission Deputy Chairperson Montek Singh Ahluwalia is an integral part of the 'Modern India, let's go!' team, his colours matching those of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh perfectly. Road Transport Minister Kamal Nath isn't too bad himself, considering that in his earlier incarnation as commerce minister, he proved to be the knight in shining armour whenever World Trade Organisation organisers needed a dekho. But, er,

 

Mr Ahluwalia and Mr Nath are — oh dear — fighting. What does 21st century India do?

 

For one, we should get into a serious debate about who's holding whom back. The truth is that the 'accountants' — "Accountants are not people who build roads but you cannot build roads without having decent accounts" — in Mr Ahluwalia's words, are as essential for India's future as Mr Nath's "armchair advisors". For too long, India has survived with the twain never meeting — undulatory roads being built without consequences and Nehruvian Five Year plans without planners and schemers being involved at the 'ground level'.

 

For us, sitting on the sidelines, the beauty is to see two people on the same side behaving as if they aren't. Mr Nath got worked up and accused the Planning Commission of being a "bunch of armchair advisors". Even as we take offence to that description — because we are the arm chairest of all arm chair advisors — we must insist that Mr Nath understand that to every yin there is a yang. Governmentally, that means, two sides of the same coin hanging out and agreeing. Which doesn't mean that it doesn't make good entertainment for the proverbial 'outside public'. We do understand the sticky situations within a joint family situation. So...

 

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HINDUSTAN TIMES

POVERTY OF POLICY

SITARAM YECHURY

 

Considerable euphoria is once again being generated over the latest prediction by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) projecting India's growth rate to be 9.4 per cent during the calendar year 2010. The infamous 'feel good' factor that spelt the rout of the BJP-led NDA in the 2004 general elections is surfacing now to haunt the UPA 2 government. The question is not about the quantum of the rate of growth — the plight of the people can be assessed just by seeing the fine print of how the benefits of such growth have been distributed. It's true that during the course of this year, the number of USD billionaires in India doubled to 52, holding combined assets equivalent to 25 per cent of our GDP. On the other hand, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) update for 2009 shows that 320 million Indians, more than the combined population of the US and Australia, live under extreme poverty. The World Bank's global economic prospects show that 827.7 million, or 75.6 per cent of our population, live on less than $2 a day. This is equivalent to 32 per cent of the world's population. 

 

India ranks 134 out of 182 countries on the Human Development Index, lower than all other BRIC countries. Its record in attaining the United Nation's Millennium Development Goals (MDG) is equally discouraging. The MDG target of reducing the poverty rate in India to 16 per cent, according to international definitions, by 2015 appears virtually impossible.  By our own standards, which are far lower than international definitions, the Suresh Tendulkar Committee has estimated that 37 per cent of the total population lives the below poverty line.

 

The MDG targeted to reduce infant mortality to 40 per 1,000. Today, we stand at 68 infant deaths per thousand while the mortality rate for children below 5 years is 93 per 1,000 births. Agencies like the Unicef and FAO report that 43 per cent of Indian children are underweight and 230.5 million children remain undernourished. Likewise, in all other MDG targets, like providing safe drinking water, sanitation, health and education, India lags far behind.

 

While this state of affairs must cause both concern and agony, what's worse is that the recent hike in the prices of petroleum products will push more people below the poverty line. Already the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) reports that nearly four crores more people were pushed below the poverty line due to an increase in the costs of health care alone. The recent price hike comes on top of the relentless rise in the prices of all essential commodities. The overall rate of inflation is already more than double of what the Reserve Bank of India had anticipated at 5.5 per cent for this time of the year.

 

While the government talks of subsidies on petroleum products, it seeks to conceal the fact that taxes on petroleum products constitute the biggest chunk of revenue for the government. In 2010-11, the contribution of these taxes is expected to be to the tune of a whopping Rs 1,20,000 crores.

 

India needs to import crude oil since our domestic production is insufficient to sustain our economy.  This is akin to importing foodgrains during a famine to feed our people. Surely, the government can't tax such foodgrains imports, essential for the life of our people. Likewise, it can't impose massive taxes and duties on oil imports. Worse, having imposed such high taxes, the government now turns to claim that it is subsidising petroleum products.

 

In an attempt to justify this hike, the prime minister, while attending the G-20 Summit in Canada last month, said, "The adjustment (sic) that has been made in the prices of kerosene and LPG was also necessary, considering the very high subsidy that is implicit in their pricing structure." In the interest of the aam aadmi, the prime minister should have made 'adjustment' in the tax structure rather than hike prices that will devastate the majority of our people.

 

Strangely, India follows a policy of pricing petroleum products on the basis of international prices rather than the actual costs of production. We import nearly 80 per cent of our crude oil requirement. It is then processed in our refineries to produce products like petrol, diesel, kerosene etc. India is more than self-sufficient in oil refining and, in fact, exported 28 million tonnes of petroleum products last year. Naturally, the cost of refining in India is much lower than that in developed countries. Yet, in order to fatten the profits of oil companies, we have to pay at par with global prices irrespective of the actual production and refining costs.

 

Further, the total deregulation of prices of petroleum products will ensure their entry into commodity exchanges and make them subject to speculative forward/futures trading. Such speculation is already playing havoc with the relentless rise in the prices of all essential commodities.

 

If the prime minister is true to his rhetoric of 'inclusive growth' and the UPA is concerned about the aam aadmi, then the present course of economic policies must be radically changed. Rather than giving tax concessions to the tune of Rs 1,20,000 crores to corporates and high-end income tax payers, as revealed in this year's budget papers, this revenue should have been collected to increase public investment. It would have ensured massive employment generation, helped in building infrastructure and moving towards achieving the MDGs. Concessions to the rich are termed as 'incentives' spurring growth. Concessions to the poor are treated as 'subsidies' that inhibit growth. Unless this is reversed, the aam aadmi is doomed.

 

Sitaram Yechury is CPI(M) Politburo member and Rajya Sabha MP. The views expressed by the author are personal

 

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HINDUSTAN TIMES

THE MAGIC OF HUG

SHAGUN SINGHAL GARG

 

Chatting with a friend who recently got married and discussing her transition from a daughter to a daughter-in-law, I was touched that a new relation had caused a sense of awakening in her about family unity.

 

Things she now misses most after marriage are fights with her mom, clarifying a late night outing to her elder brother when back home and dads hand on her head. She wants to fight with her mother to hug her more, she wants to communicate her silent sense of respect for her father and she wants to forgive her elder brother for being extra possessive.

 

In order to fulfill her individual desires, she led her own separate life as a daughter which left her disconnectedness within the family.

 

Are you spending enough time with your family? Who defines 'enough'?

 

There is no measure or may be the only measure is the human emotion experienced while you are spending time with them. In the Gita, Arjuna stresses on the importance of home life. Its shattering causes melancholy for years.

 

Unity of the community as a whole is a result of unity of a particular family. Cultural purity of a family leads to unity of thought within family. To live by dharmameans to maintain the cultural sanctity of one's own family.

 

Respect for each other is the key for a happy and joyous family. Silent respect is often misunderstood. It has to be backed by communication. Talking, communicating and responding create threads of happiness in human ties. They flourish when watered with love, tears and cheers- catalyst of all being communication. 

 

Another crucial factor is the practice of forgiveness. Krishna says in the Gita that 'forgiveness is one of the characteristics of one born for a divine state'. A hug is the most underestimated and least practiced act by many. We do believe in the power of sharing love through hugs; but do we practice it? When was the last time you hugged your mother to tell her you love her?

 

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THE INDIAN EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

NIZAMUDDIN GAZETTE

 

A consortium of official organisations, including the Archaeological Survey of India and city bodies, has entered a public-private partnership for the urban renewal of Delhi's Nizamuddin area. Drawing on the experience of "old city" redevelopments in mega-cities like Cairo, the project aims to reintegrate three hubs in the neighbourhood, Hazrat Nizamuddin Basti, Humayun's Tomb and Sunder Nursery, for better conservation and better quality of life for residents. The neighbourhood, rich in pilgrimage destinations and Mughal architecture, is a fine example of living heritage by its inhabitants, who draw visitors to bustling bazaars, shrines and restaurants. The challenge is to reconcile the older and area-specific rhythms of the neighbourhood with a forward-looking revamp of community facilities and public spaces. The project has announced itself up to the task, and the experience could be a learning curve for other historic quarters.

 

As our cities expand, it's inevitable that the centres of gravity will shift from the old quarters. And this has tended to happen in more ways than just social and economic activity — given the urban sprawls, the political clout of the old cities has diminished a great deal, especially after the fresh delimitation of constituencies. Almost serendipitously, however, other trends have served to reconnect the old cities to the new. In Delhi, for instance, the Metro collapsed distances to Chandni Chowk, giving Delhiites a way to cut through the congestion, thereby making its traditional eateries and traders more economically viable — and, in turn, giving locals stakes in an urban makeover.

 

Old cities are not just clusters of heritage structures, and enlightened conservation is based on enhancing the quality of life of inhabitants in a way that celebrates interaction between them and visitors, whether tourists or residents in the wider metropolis.

 

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THE INDIAN EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

DISTRICT DOCTORS

 

If necessity indeed be the mother of invention, dysfunctionality begets improvisation. State healthcare in India and rural healthcare in particular, in contrast to the rising standards of urban, private healthcare, remain abysmal. Most of rural north and northeastern India suffer from the lack of skilled practitioners to provide primary healthcare as well as from high, chronic absenteeism. Under the circumstances, it's been long necessary to improvise and rescue rural healthcare. That improvisation could be the Bachelor for Rural Medicine Course (BRMC), which has been approved by Union Health Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad, and is now left to individual states to adopt.

 

The idea of training a rural medical cadre, in a short-term course distinct from the five-and-a-half-year MBBS, is not newfound. However, its promotion this time by the Medical Council of India has made a difference, especially as the opposition had come from a medical fraternity apprehensive of the disparity it might create between "rural" and "urban" doctors. With its

 

ambit limited to general medicine, the course will be district-based, provided by medical schools tagged to public district hospitals, wherever districts lack medical colleges. Every year, thousands of students compete for MBBS seats — the number of which are already inadequate for India's requirements. While this lack of infrastructure severely limits the number of medical practitioners (especially in rural areas) alternative proposals, such as mandatory deployment of new graduates in rural health centres, did not take off. It was argued, for instance, that this is unfair towards young doctors who anyway need a long time to establish themselves.

 

The "short-course" health practitioner, about to be institutionalised, can thus address the lack of trained healthcare providers in rural areas. Nevertheless, the Union health ministry and the states would do well to keep in mind the disappointing experience of Chhattisgarh in implementing something similar, but by bypassing the MCI. The system must be flexible and attend to support institutions as well as long-term career aspirations of practitioners after their compulsory service. Without adequate regulation and motivation, including potential for further specialisation, this pragmatic scheme too could fail.

 

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INDIAN EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

BE SERIOUS

 

Fortunately, I will not have to spend 90 per cent of my time on security related issues. Instead, we can focus on governance," said Omar Abdullah, as he took charge as the youngest ever chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir. Confident and competent-seeming, Abdullah was seen as someone who had inherited a new set of circumstances — if not entirely scraped clean of conflict, the state was definitely more willing to invest faith in the political process.

 

A year-and-a-half later, he finds his promises flung back at him as the Valley seethes in protest after a series of covert killings and open confrontations between security forces and stone-pelting protesters. But Omar Abdullah, whose impassioned speech in Parliament brought him such welcome attention, has been striking in his inability to show empathy and leadership when it matters most. When news of the violence came, he was away in Gulmarg. He dashed in, quickly replaced the Srinagar SSP, and returned to his holiday. Under pressure, he retains too casual a touch, and tends to focus on sloppy fixes. As revealed in the Shopian incident, the CM's idea of crisis management is to hit out blindly at the police rather than leading a patient and thorough investigation. Even more glaring is his tendency to process and assimilate events through the lens of his own personal glory. When a PDP leader accused him of being involved in the sex scandal that rocked Srinagar, Abdullah impetuously offered to resign, claiming he could not tolerate a blot on his image. As crisis after crisis tested him, he's come across as childishly self-absorbed — even now he has to be reminded by the home ministry to visit the strife-torn areas. He has done little to counter the impression that he is more comfortable schmoozing and networking in Delhi than getting down to the slow administrative slog in the state. Even now, he presents this turn of events as a "political and personal setback", as though the turmoil that has beset the state was merely a spot on his own report card, instead of radiating the reassurance the people need that this spell of trouble will be competently dealt with. Of course, it doesn't help that his opponents are even less credible — Mehbooba Mufti pettishly refused to turn up for the all-party meeting.

 

 Either way, Jammu and Kashmir's well-being is too important to be left to Omar Abdullah's trial-and-error methods. Perhaps, as he privately works out his own identity struggles, it would be sensible to ask Farooq Abdullah to play a bigger role in the state.

 

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THE INDIAN EXPRESS

COLUMN

CUP OF NATIONS

MIHIR S. SHARMA 

 

 Every four years, we're permitted a glimpse of a hopeful future. One in which cities formerly considered grimy and crime-ridden are instead sparklingly friendly. In which everyone stands patiently through everybody else's national anthems. In which people take an interest in towns, countries and people of which they would otherwise never have heard. In which, most importantly, bellowing and unreliable television pundits are replaced by dignified psychic octopuses in transparent tanks.

 

But that future is always, always, shadowed by the past. The colours that starry-eyed fans have painted

crookedly on their cheeks might have been born in war — real war, shooting war — between their ancestors and those of the people next to them who're wearing silly hats of a slightly different colour.

 

Both looking forward and looking back, the World Cup has a special edge. And that edge comes from the fact that no other tournament — actually, no other event of any sort — causes us to look outwards, at other countries, quite as much. And no other event causes us to stop and think about what "countries" mean today quite as much, either.

 

For example: how much do countries' pasts matter, anyway? A question worth asking, especially after this final, in which the wars and oppressions and nationalisms of past centuries seemed forgotten. Those wearing orange in the stands, the Oranje on the pitch, both cared little that they wore that colour because of William the Silent, Prince of Orange, who rose in revolt four centuries ago — against the kings of Spain, decked out then as now in the red and gold, the rojigualda. And many remarked on the oddness of strong support for a dour Dutch team in a South Africa long ruled by dour white men with Dutch names. That couldn't be due to fading memories of a dim past: Jacob Zuma, in the stands, could not but have noticed that the most dangerous footballer on the pitch shared a surname with the former prison island off Cape Town where the future president spent 10 years — some of those captaining a prisoners' football team.

 

Robben Island may not have been forgotten. But the memory of it is not allowed to sting. Sport doesn't just sublimate nationalist passions, redirects them. It modifies them, it smoothens their raw edges, it gives them an entirely new narrative to twist around. When England play Argentina, more than the Falklands War is being re-fought; it is the Hand of God quarter-final of 1986, Beckham's red-card game of 1998. Tragedy and victimhood create national narratives. In the age of World Cup Nationalism, a good number of those national tragedies feature a referee who looked the other way.

 

Football, time and again, is how countries reinvent their national identities. Look at the Germans. Thirty years ago, they would roll down the pitch like Panzers across the steppe. Unstoppable, brutal, machine-like, if brilliant. Today, half the names on their roster are Polish, Turkish, or Tunisian. They play with the athleticism and sudden, startling speed that always marked German teams; but the defence-spanning passes, the delicacy, the exuberance are new. And, just as the team has reinvented itself, so has the country. Those Turkish names? Because the Germans finally changed their laws, and you no longer need to be of the Volk to be of the Reich. That exuberance? Because, finally, the Germans are outgrowing the guilt of the 20th century — something first visible in the last World Cup, when a million flags were put out in a country that had been allergic to them for generations, and, even more wonderfully, Europe smiled indulgently instead of feeling a twinge of foreboding.

 

It is difficult to believe that a team's past, and how it plays today, are not intimately bound up with how the country views itself. Look now at Spain, finally world champions. Why did it take so long? Their domestic league is among the best in the world. They regularly produce the world's finest footballers. Yet they never, till now, progressed beyond the quarter-finals. Some would say the country's internal divisions have something to do with it. Catalonia was, in a way, the Netherlands of Spain: cosmopolitan, liberal, open. Yet the national side was for years almost the same as that of Real Madrid, the royal team, Generalissimo Franco's team. Real Madrid dominated Europe's clubs for decades; but the national side it fed lost, regularly. Now, even as a million people march through Barcelona for Catalonian nationhood, Spain's team reflects how inter-regional power has shifted.

 

 Its core is from FC Barcelona. It plays like Barcelona — or, in another odd resonance, like the Dutch team of Barcelona-based Johann Cruyff. And it has won, with one crucial header coming from Carles Puyol, the curly-headed embodiment of Catalan pride.

 

I don't believe that national characters exist. But national sides play as if they have a character; and sometimes that leaches into what we believe a country is like, and sometimes what a country's people are believed to be becomes how their team plays. The Brazilians, of course, are joyful samba dancers, people who play out of enthusiasm, not to impose their will on the opposition, a team beloved of all, even their opponents. And is that not what the people on the streets of Rio are like? Is that not what loveable Lula's foreign policy is like? Perhaps there's an overlap. Or perhaps we have only come to believe there's one.

 

So team sports are like martial music. If played and orchestrated properly, both can reach into the hindbrains of even the most cosmopolitan of us and tug tribal instincts that were otherwise atrophying quietly away. As Bengal can tell you, you don't even have to be from somewhere to feel a tribal affiliation with their football team. But doesn't club competition do that too? Not quite. The best club football is better than any World Cup football. But it can never be as compelling. Why? Two differences, one emotional, and one actual. First of all, national sides can't buy anyone they want, like the best clubs. So you can, fascinated, see their play adapting to constraints of the people they have.

 

But, second, clubs can no longer claim to share quirks of character with their fans. A sameness has crept across European club football. In international football, the differences in style and successes can be stark. Squinting into those gaps, we believe we can see enormous questions of identity, self-belief, national pride.

 

Listen, sagacious cephalopod I am not. But this I can predict of our future: international sport — and especially the World Cup — will remain our greatest celebration of our common humanity and its uncommon divisions. Look on these works, ye IPL-lovers, and despair.

 

mihir.sharma@expressindia.com

 

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THE INDIAN EXPRESS

COLUMN

FRIENDS WITH BENEFITS

SHANTHIE MARIET D'SOUZA 

 

The signing of the six bilateral pacts between India and Iran has been interpreted as part of India's own Af-Pak policy. Analysts have indicated that India is preparing itself not only for decreased US presence in Afghanistan after July 2011, but also to counter Pakistan's growing role.

 

There are reports, vociferously denied by Kabul, that secret talks have taken place between the Afghan president and Taliban affiliate Sirajuddin Haqqani. As President Hamid Karzai appears desperate to start moving on his reconciliation plan with the Taliban, a strategy which has been supported by the US, there is a realisation that Pakistan holds the key to success.

 

While optimists can still argue that the warmth between Afghanistan and Pakistan will not be at India's cost, it remains a fact that in recent months Karzai has tried to sideline the Northern Alliance (NA) — a group that not only remains opposed to any form of peace with the Taliban, but is also known for its pro-India outlook. Karzai's dismissal of Interior Minister Hanif Atmar and National Security Chief Amrullah Saleh, both belonging to the NA, citing security lapses leading to an attack on the recent peace Jirga, is being interpreted as a move to remove internal hurdles to the reconciliation plan. These developments have emerged as a major dilemma for India, diluting the goodwill generated by its $1.3 billion investment in Afghanistan. The danger of Afghanistan slipping into the hold of its western neighbour appears imminent, as the US looks committed to decreasing its presence.

 

Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao minced no words prior to the two-day India-Iran joint commission meeting: "We need to move beyond mere articulation of positions as the Afghan conundrum deepens and could have a deleterious impact on our two countries and the region in case the forces of extremism and obscurantism are made arbiters of the fate of the Afghan people." She maintained that neither India nor Iran "wish to see the prospect of fundamentalist and extremist groups once again suppressing the aspirations of the Afghan people and forcing Afghanistan back to being a training ground and sanctuary for terrorist groups."

 

Iran remains an influential regional power with whom India has common ground, when it comes to Afghanistan. The Taliban remains anathema for Tehran, as for India — its extremist theology and its killing of Afghan Shia Muslims have angered Iran. In 1999, Iran almost went to war against the Taliban after its militia killed eight Iranian diplomats and a journalist. In the mid-'90s, concern over the Taliban and the rising influence of Pakistan in Afghanistan had brought India and Iran together in supporting the Northern Alliance along with Russia. However, bilateral relations between India and Tehran have soured in recent years as a result of growing Indo-US ties.

 

In the changing times, does Tehran need India as much as India needs Tehran? Yes, to the extent that India helps it come out of its pariah status. Despite its contributions during the Bonn process, the Bush administration has been sceptical of Iranian involvement in Afghan affairs. US officials, including the former US and NATO commander General Stanley McChrystal, have accused Iran of arming sections of the Taliban and having taught them the art of roadside bombings. Such perceptions have persisted under the Obama administration, even though a section within it appears to believe that Washington and Iran could cooperate over stabilising Afghanistan. While Iran can be India's ally in Afghanistan, India's support for Iran can help it break free from a regime of sanctions and embargoes. India wants Iran to complete the formalities that would let India finish building the Chahbahar port in the Sunni-dominated Balochistan. This project along with the completed Zaranj-Delaram highway has the potential of opening up the Indian market to Afghan exports, bypassing Pakistan. It will also open up India's access to the Central Asian economies.

 

India's policy of putting all its eggs in one basket as far as Afghanistan is concerned has paid it little dividends. American dependence on Pakistan to provide a solution to the Afghanistan problem has persisted and deepened over the years, in spite of all the evidence detailing linkages

 

between the Taliban and the Pakistani army and ISI. And as the US prepares to scale down its military presence, Pakistan is emerging as the sole power broker in Kabul.

 

The renewal of Indo-Iran ties will certainly not be music to American ears. However, it might propel Washington to rethink its Af-Pak policy and move forward on Obama's initial promise of using diplomacy to engage Iran. And for India, with its global leadership aspirations, this could be the beginning of formulating a regional strategy of its own. Coming a few months ahead of Obama's India tour, the move could not have been better timed.

 

The writer is a research fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore

 

express@expressindia.com

 

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THE INDIAN EXPRESS

OPED

END OF THE GAME

K. SUBRAHMANYAM 

 

 Former US ambassador to India, former deputy national security adviser in the Bush administration and now senior fellow at the RAND Corporation, Robert Blackwill has outlined a new strategy for the US to deal with the Afghan Taliban, at minimum cost to American and allied forces. In one sense, it can be interpreted as the inexorable strategic logic that is bound to propel US action, sooner or later. Simply put, the strategy suggests that the US accept a de facto partition of Afghanistan between Pashtun and non-Pashtun areas, concentrate its forces in non-Pashtun areas, and maintain an effective air force including drones and special forces to strike relentlessly at the Taliban leadership in Pashtun areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan.

 

Blackwill is compelled to advocate this strategy, given Pakistan's double game in dealing with the Afghan Taliban, corruption and the increasing alienation of the Karzai government, the inefficiency and combat-unworthiness of the Afghan forces being raised, and the tribal divisions in Pashtun Afghanistan. He argues that American and allied casualties are not commensurate with the results achieved, and are not likely to be, despite surges of various magnitudes. So he advocates adopting new policy goals for Afghanistan that, realistically, have a better chance of succeeding. This means accepting a de facto partition enforced by US and NATO air power and special forces, the Afghan army and international partners. The US should retain an active combat role in Afghanistan for years to come and should not accept permanent Taliban control of the south.

 

But the US should be ready to assist tribal leaders on the Pashtun periphery, who may decide to resist the Taliban. The focus will be on defending the northern and western regions — containing roughly 60 per cent of the population. These areas, including Kabul, are not Pashtun dominated, and locals are largely sympathetic to US efforts. The US should offer the Afghan Taliban an agreement in which neither side seeks to enlarge its territory — if the Taliban stopped supporting terrorism, a proposal that they would almost certainly reject.

 

In those circumstances the US should make it clear that it would rely heavily on air power and special forces to target any Al Qaeda base in Afghanistan, as well as Afghan Taliban leaders who aided them. They would also target Afghan Taliban encroachments across the de-facto partition lines and terrorist sanctuaries along the Pakistan border.This may require a longtime residual US military force in Afghanistan of about 40,000 to 50,000 troops. Tajiks, Uzbeks, Hazaras and anti-Taliban Pashtuns could be mobilised in this endeavour, as well as NATO allies, Russia, India, Iran, perhaps China, and Central Asian nations. Afghan army training could be accelerated and also nation-building efforts in the northern and western regions, where, unlike the Pashtun areas, people are not systematically coerced by the Taliban. In due course, a stronger Afghan National Army could take control of the Pashtun areas.

 

He argues that "such fundamentally changed US objectives and strategies regarding Afghanistan would dramatically reduce US military casualties and thus minimise domestic political pressure for hasty withdrawal. It would substantially lower our budget-breaking military expenditures on Afghanistan — now nearly $7 billion per month.This would also allow the US Army and Marines to recover from years of fighting two ground wars; increase the likelihood that our coalition allies, with fewer casualties, might remain over the long term; encourage most of Afghanistan's neighbours to support an acceptable stabilisation of the country and reduce Islamabad's ability to parlay the US ground role in southern Afghanistan into tolerance for terrorism emanating from Pakistan."

 

He accepts that there are problems with this approach: "The Taliban could trumpet victory or not accept a sustained status quo and continually test US resolve. It is likely that lower-level violence would persist in Afghanistan for the foreseeable future, especially in the south... Pashtun Afghanistan could again become a hotbed of international terrorism, a dangerous outcome that probably could only be avoided by US combat forces fighting there for years — and, in any case, the current Al Qaeda epicentre is in Pakistan."

 

In the context of de facto partition, Blackwill argues, "the sky over Pashtun Afghanistan would be dark with manned and unmanned coalition aircraft — targeting not only terrorists but the new Taliban government in all its dimensions". He accepts that "Pakistan would likely oppose de facto partition. Managing Islamabad's reaction would be no easy task — not least because the Pakistan military expects a strategic gain once the US military withdraws from Afghanistan. Indeed, Islamabad might need to be persuaded to concentrate, with the United States, on defeating the Pakistan Taliban and containing the Afghan Taliban to avoid momentum toward a fracturing of the Pakistan state."

 

The last sentence is pregnant with dark forebodings for Pakistan. A Taliban-dominated Pashtun Afghanistan and Pakistani Pashtun areas under Pakistani Taliban influence are likely to move towards their long-cherished goal of scrapping the Durand Line and uniting to form the independent Pashtunistan. If that were to happen, Baloch, Sindhi and Balti nationalist assertions cannot be far behind. The Taliban dominated Pashtunistan may conclude a deal with the US to break off with al-Qaeda and other terrorist organisations. In that event, Pakistan, instead of gaining strategic depth in Afghanistan will be in danger of losing Pashtun areas of Pakistan. In the alternative theTaliban may continue its links with Al Qaeda and other terrorist organisations. In that case, their anger at being constantly hit by US airpower may turn on the Pakistan army and state with terrorist attacks on Pakistani Punjab being stepped up.

 

The Blackwill article is a clear warning to the Pakistan army leadership and its supporters in the government who have deluded themselves and even persuaded a large number of policy makers and analysts in US, India and the West that the Pakistan army has all the aces in this game and the US is desperately dependent on Pakistan for its Afghan strategy.The present US strategy attempts to preserve the unity and integrity of Pakistan and Afghanistan, as it is today. The US is prepared to accept some costs to itself in terms of casualties to secure the best possible result. If the Pakistani army and Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) continue to play games with the US as they think they can and get away with it, then the US will have to secure its national security interests at the cost of Pakistani unity and integrity. That is the message of Blackwill's article. President Obama has many options between accepting defeat and withdrawal and being compelled to accept unacceptable casualties. The Pakistan army should not repeat the blunders of 1947-48, 1965, 1971 and 1999 through its overconfidence.

 

The writer is a senior defence analyst

 

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THE INDIAN EXPRESS

OPED

A DANGEROUS ADMISSION

SHAILAJACHANDRA 

 

 I'm so scared" said Arjun Bhatia's mother to his beleaguered father. Arjun, three and a half, jumped on and off the sofa unmindful of the "trauma and tension associated with nursery school admissions" — precisely what the Ganguli Committee report (2006) had sought to prevent. That well-intentioned scheme, with marks assigned for proximity to the school, alumni status, sibling presence and girl child applications, has unfortunately been twisted out of shape.

 

Thousands of hapless parents continue to hurtle from one school to another to get a child admitted. The government says it is helpless, because the scheme is not of its creation but the result of judicial fiat. The maximum manipulation takes place when the management assigns a whopping 20 per cent to 40 per cent marks for "educational and professional qualifications" of parents — with no criteria. Another area where schools fiddle admissions is the 10 per cent "management quota". When some upmarket schools command up to Rs 10 lakh per seat, this quota is stretched elastically.

 

For these and several other reasons, the nursery admission process remains unfair and convoluted. Nothing can be explain how a kid from Bengali Market, with both parents in professional jobs, was denied admission to every school in New Delhi. And what is a toddler from Anand Vihar in East Delhi doing in a school on Mathura Road 20 km away if the neighbourhood concept is being implemented?

 

Hundreds of bleary eyed four-year-olds are wrenched out of bed, lifted bodily and dispatched in a trundling school bus at 6:45 am, to return only at about 4 pm. "It's torturing the child" says Dr R.K. Sharma a veteran of the Delhi education department.

 

What then is the bigger picture? Half of Delhi's 1200 recognised public schools admit children into nursery; between them they account for 40,000 nursery seats throughout Delhi. With approximately 250,000 infants born each year calculating the numbers seeking nursery admission is child's play. The bulk of children from the lower middle and working classes go to government or municipal schools, whether owned or aided. That still leaves at least 50,000 families, mainly from the upper-middle class, seeking admission in privately-run schools.

 

Of the 600 private schools offering nursery admission, only 150 belong to what the education directorate's officers tend to call "hi-fi" schools. And because these are predominantly located in three districts — New Delhi, south, and south-west Delhi — upwardly mobile parents make a beeline there. East Delhi with a huge and upmarket resident profile has only 10 "hi-fi" schools. Another 130 schools in the district are termed "moderate", a euphemism for "simply not good enough".

 

Given these numbers, and that at stake is not just a nursery admission for a four-year-old but the child's 14 subsequent years — and perhaps his college prospects and career options— it is inevitable that the managements of sought- after schools are battered with influence and money.

 

What is the way out? First, the education directorate plays an important task while "recognising" private schools. Inspections are conducted to check existence of prescribed benchmarks which include infrastructure, the presence of properly trained and salaried teachers, water and fire services and a range of extracurricular activities. When all this information is available, it ought to be shared on the the directorate's website, with the result of the last inspection and the previous year's school-leaving examination results. That would give a better idea of the school's quality and educational attainment.

 

Second, segregate unaided private nursery and primary schools from the middle and secondary schools. The entry point for middle school should be Class 6. Until then children should attend nearby schools as a matter of right — and use their precious childhood to learn socialisation skills, the three "R"s, and to play and express themselves with abandon. That is the system the world over. Why not here?

 

Admission into Class 6 should be done on the basis of an objective-type test among recognised private schools, seat allotment made on the basis of merit-cum-preference, and finally through a lottery within the qualified group. The Delhi Education Act of 1976 should be amended to ensure that primary and middle school management is separated and the merit-cum-preference test for admission to middle schools is administered much like centralised examinations for professional courses. The idea has worked well in the United States, which runs "magnet schools" which attract the best students, and no pressure and stress issues stand in the way there.

 

The result would be fewer panicky parents, an authentic picture of school performance to guide them, and little or no stress on the young child whose real chance will come at age 12, not 4. The present laissez-faire approach has been disastrous.

 

Of course the RTE Act will need amending, to allow for middle school admission tests after Class 5. This screening has produced tens of thousands of shining students, via the Jawahar Navodyas and the Delhi government's Pratibha schools. We need more of that ethos and less shackles on children's childhood.

 

The writer is a former Chief Secretary of Delhi

 

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THE INDIAN EXPRESS

OPED

PUTTING AWAY THE VUVUZELAS

 

South Africa reflects on a job well done...

 

As host of the most-watched sporting event on earth, South Africa set out to reinvent itself in the eyes of the world, casting off its reputation as a place defined by violent crime, poverty and AIDS. To a remarkable degree, it succeeded. But as the World Cup ended Sunday, what most surprised South Africans was how much the month-long sporting extravaganza had changed the way they see themselves.

 

A fledgling democracy that has struggled to address its profound social ills proudly discovered it could deliver a mega-event that required years of careful investment and planning. A country whose politics have been damaged recently by bitter, racially tinged invective offered hundreds of thousands of visitors an affectionate welcome.

 

And a body politic fractured by race and inequality caught glimpses, perhaps as fleeting as the games themselves, of what it would mean to overcome those barriers. At a free fan park set up for big-screen viewing of matches here on the public square known as the Grand Parade, South Africans mingled across lines of race and class in a way that is rare and precious here.

 

A black waiter and a white college student shared a cigarette as they gabbed about soccer in the square, where southern Africa's first white settlement was established in the 1650s and Mr. Mandela first spoke when he was freed after 27 years in prison. Black teachers from the townships merrily downed cups of beer amid rowdy white fans. A mixed-race theatre worker, ordinarily fearful of crime, took his first night-time ride on a public train along with vuvuzela-blowing, Xhosa-singing South Africans so he could be part of something larger than himself.

 

Again and again, South Africans described doing metaphorical double takes as their countrymen — and sometimes they themselves — did unexpected things. Athol Trollip, the parliamentary leader of the opposition Democratic Alliance, supported mostly by white and mixed-race voters, said his family — which had followed the "white" sports of rugby and cricket — got caught up in soccer, the passion of the black majority. "In my home, no one used to watch soccer, except for my son," he said. "The rest have never watched it in their lives, but they sat glued to it for the first time."

 

Niq Mhlongo, author of After Tears, a comic novel of black township life, rooted in the final match for the Dutch — colonialist forebears of the white Afrikaners who for decades oppressed blacks here — in part because it would do the country good to "see our own Afrikaner brothers being happy." He described the disorienting delight of watching white South Africans fly the flag of democratic South Africa, blow vuvuzelas and wear the bright yellow T-shirts of Bafana Bafana, South Africa's soccer team, which lost early on. The unabashed patriotism of whites for their black-led nation heartened many.

 

"This is a South Africa I don't know," he said. "The country became pleasantly alien to me." Before the World Cup started a month ago, the conversation here was focused less on the tournament's potential spiritual benefits than on whether it made sense to lavish $5 billion on a giant party for the rest of the world when South Africa has such staggering social needs. This debate over priorities continues, but for now optimists are talking about the short-term gains and long-term promise the hosting of the games allowed.

 

For the past month, South Africa has escaped with nary a major labour strike or incidence of civil unrest among its disgruntled poor and very little crime. But beneath the good fortune lies something more fundamental: The way South Africans of all races live is shaped by fear of crime, and during the World Cup, the government carved out public spaces that it made safe with a highly concentrated police presence that critics say will be impossible to sustain.

 

In ordinary times here, crime has replaced apartheid — the legally enforced system that ruthlessly separated the races — as the great social divider. Middle-class people, black and white, live behind walls edged with electrified wires and drive to heavily guarded malls with their car doors locked and windows rolled up.

 

But for the past month, the 44,000 of the country's 190,000 police officers who were deployed to protect tourists also managed to liberate their own countrymen, freeing them to leave their isolated bubbles. Police officials say crime was down, not just for tourists, but more broadly.

 

Here in Cape Town, the police were not posted just to the city's Giorgio Armani of a World Cup stadium — spare, elegant and lovely — but also in free fan parks, along streets where people went club-hopping and on public transportation. That included the train line that ran through the colored township where Mr. Abrahams, the theatre worker, lives and Langa, a black township, before reaching downtown. Mr. Abrahams said the extra contingent of armed policemen roaming through the train cars helped him overcome his fear of muggers there. "I didn't have to be scared," he said.

 

Indeed, the World Cup brought a kind of normalcy to South African life. "There's a sense this World Cup hasn't been about the legacy of apartheid, but about how good the roads are, how safe the streets are, how great the game parks are," said the historian Bill Nasson. Tourists here at the Victoria and Alfred Waterfront did not talk about Nelson Mandela when asked what they thought of the country, but admired the plentitude of fancy shopping malls, smooth superhighways and stylish hotels.

 

Many South Africans wish the rollicking World Cup ride did not have to end and are already asking whether the nation can muster the same unity and can-do spirit to tackle its far more intractable problems. But for now, they are savoring sweet victory for the country. "What A Show!" exclaimed The Sunday Times, while The Sunday Independent proclaimed it "Africa's Greatest Moment."

 

...and looks to the future

 

The World Cup is over, but the business model is safe at Bacini's, a pizzeria and gathering place for watching soccer in Cape Town. Before the Cup began, the proprietor of Bacini's, Raimondo Napoli, and his sister Raffaella painted a promise in bold letters on the wall outside their restaurant on Kloof Street: "Free Pizza for Life if South Africa Wins the World Cup."

 

It was a relatively safe bet to begin with, and Bafana Bafana failed to advance even to the second round. But that did not stop the flow of fans of all nationalities into Bacini's before, during and after the games.

 

"I must be honest, I'm waiting for it to finish now, because I'm so tired," Raffaella Napoli said. "But it's just one month. You just suck it in and go for it. The World Cup's not going to be here in my lifetime again."

 

But Bacini's will keep selling pizza and televising sports in the months ahead, too. For others, the window of opportunity is closing. Farther down Kloof Street in a craft shop named Heartworks, Lameck Tayengwa has been working since December just behind the main window, making makarapa hats as souvenirs. The makarapa — brightly colored headgear made from a converted construction helmet — is one of the symbols of the South African soccer fan, and Tayengwa has been selling his national team designs, mostly to foreigners, for 385 rand, or $51, apiece.

 

South Africa, Germany and the Netherlands have been his most popular models, but Saturday was his last day painting them at the shop. "I've sold about 560 of them, so it's been a good World Cup for me," said Tayengwa, one of thousands of Zimbabweans who have left their troubled country and moved to South Africa seeking economic opportunity.

 

The Zimbabwean expatriate community here is deeply concerned about what happens next, with many of them expressing concern that, with the World Cup over and the public relations imperative no longer a factor, they will be subject to recriminations from South Africans who resent their presence and perceive them as an economic threat. Tayengwa prefers to remain optimistic after all the good vibrations of the past month. "I think it will be O.K.," he said. "The police say that they have tight security, so they will keep those people under control. There's not going to be xenophobia, I don't think."

 

A huge sporting event is a transformative experience for any city, changing its rhythms and outlook and usually its landscape, too. Cape Town now has improved transportation infrastructure as well as the luminous — if hardly essential — new stadium in Green Point that raises the question of what will happen to Newlands, the iconic rugby stadium on the other side of the city.

 

"I hope we can use the momentum," said Garth Enslin, a South African who attended the game between Germany and Argentina with his family last week. "But I think it's the same as the 1995 rugby World Cup here. I think it will have its period, and then life carries on. That's the way it works. I think it will last a little bit, but people get back to the normal way again, with their arguments and their gripes and everything else. It's one of those things."

 

Staging the Olympics seems like a logical next step to many Capetonians. The city bid unsuccessfully for the

2004 Summer Olympic Games, but it has much more credibility and momentum now. A bid for the 2020 or

2024 Olympics is considered likely and already has the backing of the president of FIFA, Sepp Blatter. A Summer Olympics is, of course, a much greater logistical challenge, with 28 sports instead of just one and more than 10,000 athletes to house, transport and keep safe instead of just 736 soccer players. Cape Town, with a population of about 3 million, would be small for a Summer Olympics host city, and its compact center would be strained by the huge infrastructure demands of a Games.

 

"I think Africa needs an Olympics," Enslin said. "I think it's good for the continent. When I look at the way people got behind Ghana's team here, I think it's amazing. Every one of my South African friends, and I'm born and bred South African, were all 100 per cent behind Ghana."

 

But until the next global sporting event further transforms their city, Capetonians and those who live and work every day in places like Kloof Street will have the memories of this Cup — of the thousands of Dutch and German and Argentine fans filling up the bars and squares and transforming Somerset Road from a busy thoroughfare for cars and trucks into a colorful, pedestrian-only parade.

 

"The vibe has been great," said Martine Meneses, a 27-year-old who works behind the counter at Melissa's Food Shop. "It's been so nice to meet people so full of life. I hope for the long term it will change things, and I hope a lot of people will see that there's a lot more to South Africa than all the doom and gloom you hear about in the news overseas."

 

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THE FINANCIAL EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

BEST BANKS

 

As the coveted FE Best Banks Awards take stock of financial inclusion tonight, the latent opportunity must be harnessed through a combination of innovation in distribution channels, application of low-cost technology and regulatory facilities. Access to an affordable banking system is the most important parameter for inclusive growth and stability, as more than half of the country's population is not a part of any formal banking system. This would mean writing new regulations to facilitate financial inclusion without compromising on prudential and financial integrity. As we have argued earlier, conventional banking channels will not be adequate to fulfil this gigantic task and technology will play a critical role in providing the 'last mile connectivity'. Integration of financial information through electronic means will help small players access large databases at marginal costs. The task is not easy and requires seamless collaborative efforts by banks, regulators, government and citizens. Mobile banking can play a crucial role and linking this up with the Unique Identity Numbers can be good way to begin, as they provide biometric authentication, thereby reducing chances of fraud. Financial literacy and education must be the cornerstone for ensuring consumer protection and both these facets must be the overarching objective of financial inclusion. For all stake holders, the end results must come with proper responsibility and accountability, which has been missing all these days in achieving financial inclusion despite various efforts.

 

The business correspondent and business facilitator models must be streamlined as they can bridge the relation gap between financial institutions and customers. Various studies have shown that the underprivileged section of society offers business opportunities to banks, provided they develop credit plans based on easy instalments, lesser documentation and favourable interest rates. Since customer profiles in rural areas are very different from those in urban areas, efforts must be made to raise the level of awareness of people in villages about the benefits of a formal banking system. As we have seen in the past, the nationalisation of banks in India marked a paradigm shift in the focus of banking, from class banking to mass banking. This pushed up the gross domestic savings of households to 22.6% of GDP in 2008-09 from just 9.5% in 1970-71. Banks will now have to identify the credit needs of the the rural population and come out with timely initiatives to take control of a market dominated by the unorganised sector and private moneylenders. Banks must join hands with regulators to successfully achieve the mission of financial inclusion and take banking services to the hinterland for the bottom of the pyramid.

 

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THE FINANCIAL EXPRESS

EDITORIAL

DENTITY ENCHILADA

 

When the Indian government announced a new ID card scheme in January 2009, which would bring some coherence to the more than dozen ID proofs already floating around, it created interest. In June 2009, when Nandan Nilekani was recruited to head the scheme and accorded ministerial status, too, this was the first time a globally recognised Indian technologist had been promoted to the top government ranks. This attracted extraordinary interest. Nilekani himself pointed to the challenges and promises of the project. "No country in the world has done what we are embarking to do, this is the big enchilada," he said. At the same time, he clarified to The Indian Express: "I'm like a mega project manager working with thousands of government agencies, not to mention dealing with the politics of it." His concerns have proved well-judged. While supporters have been enthusiastic about all the far-reaching effects of a UID, from better targeted delivery of public services to better tax collection, detractors in various guises have been equally vociferous. Whether it is those who have raised the privacy bogey or those that are visibly vested in protecting their turfs (by way of alternative, existing ID cards, for example), Nilekani has been convincingly battling these detractors by arguing that social, economic and efficiency benefits of the UID will be worth its costs. Now comes the news that the government has decided to slash the budget of the UID project by more than half, from Rs 7,000 crore to Rs 3,000 crore for the first phase. But even such a curtailment leaves a lot of room for Nilekani's team to prove the worth of the project.

 

Sure, only 10 crore UIDs instead of 60 crore will be assigned as a result of this budget curtailment. But if this assignment goes through smoothly, if it even begins to deliver the promised low-cost high-volume service and finance penetration, if these deliveries attain a critical mass, then more funds will necessarily follow. These will follow on popular demand rather than government fiat. And let's underline that some of the UPA's dearest schemes of today are intimately tied up with the UID project. The fate of the Food Security Bill behind which the substantial weight of the Sonia-Gandhi-led National Advisory Council has been put, for example, is closely connected to the rollout of the UID project—as is the 'inclusive growth' agenda in general.

 

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THE FINANCIAL EXPRESS

COLUMN

WHAT ARE YOU PAYING YOUR MUTUAL FUND?

RAJESH CHAKRABARTI

 

How wary are Indian investors of figuring out what they pay in making their investments? And how agile are financial firms in taking advantage of their errors? It is difficult to answer these questions convincingly, unless one can find situations that clearly isolate the fee effects. Two Wharton professors, Santosh Anagol and Hugh Kim, do just that and uncover some interesting facts in their recent working paper.*

 

The regulation of the fee structure underwent several tweaks and experiments even before Sebi did away with entry loads completely in 2009. Before 2006, for instance, both open-ended and closed-ended funds (strictly speaking limited liquidity funds, since their subscribers can get in or out in certain restricted time windows) were allowed to charge entry fees and initial issue expenses up to 6% each of initial investment, in addition to an expense ratio of a maximum of 2.5%. This changed on April 4, 2006. It was then that Sebi mandated that while open-ended funds could charge only 'entry fees', closed-ended funds could charge only 'initial issue expenses'. Both entry fees and issue expenses had a ceiling of 6%, but with an important difference. While entry loads were to be charged in one go, and showed up in the very first monthly statement of the fund, the initial issue expenses could be amortised, that is, spread out, over the life of a fund—typically three years in India, after which most closed-ended funds convert to open-ended funds.

 

This difference was eliminated about 22 months later, on January 31, 2008, after which the closed-ended funds could no longer charge initial issue expenses but had to move over to entry loads like their open-ended counterparts.

 

These 22 months of fee differentials between open-ended and closed-ended funds produced interesting results in terms of both fund flows and the start of new funds. For equity funds, closed-ended funds registered an average monthly inflow going up from virtually zero prior to 2006 to over $14 billion a month in 2006, doubling to over $28 billion in 2007 and exceeding $20 billion in 2008, before going back to zero once again in 2009. In the two latter years, these figures exceeded those for the open-ended equity counterparts. For equity funds at least, the closed-ended funds seemed to owe their existence only to their ability to give the fee a different name and to amortise it, something open-ended funds could not.

 

Clearly then, investors were hoodwinked by the simple fact that they did not have to pay the fees in a single painful instalment but could just spread it out. Is this rational? No way. The discount factor necessary to justify this would be close to 800% a year! This is clear evidence of a perception error driving the entire industry. The error is compounded when one recalls that the closed-ended funds usually charged the full 6% of issue expenses allowed, while open-ended funds generally charged either a much lower 2.25% or, in many cases, waived the entry fee altogether, bringing the average entry fee to only 1.75%. Closed-ended funds also performed considerably worse than open-ended funds in terms of returns.

 

Did fund companies realise this and step in to cash out from this opportunity? You bet. Closed-ended funds really came to life during those 22 months of opportunity. Before 2006 and after February 2008, there were practically no new closed-ended funds at all. But during the period of fee differential, over two new closed-ended funds were being started every month. In the last month, just before the window of opportunity closed, more than 10 funds were floated—the maximum fund starts in all times!

 

It took just a different name for the fee and spreading it over time to get Indian investors to believe they were getting a better deal when they were actually paying more for their investments.

There is little to suggest that such errors in treating fund fees are universal. In fact, experiments conducted by other researchers on American subjects have often demonstrated that framing effects on fund fees have little role in determining fund choice. Other evidence in the literature is open to alternative explanations. The current paper makes use of the policy changes to present the case in sharp relief. Investors, at least in India, cannot read the fine print when deciding on fund choices. Whatever Sebi's rationale for these policy changes may have been, this almost incontrovertible lesson is certainly a positive outcome. One can only wonder if it balances the millions inadvertently lost in fees by the closed-ended fund investors.

 

* Anagol, Santosh and Hugh Kim, 2010, "The Impact of Shrouded Fees: Evidence from a Natural Experiment", Working Paper, The Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania

 

The author teaches finance at the Indian School of Business, Hyderabad

 

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THE FINANCIAL EXPRESS

COLUMN

WHY SPANISH WIN IS GOOD FOR FOOTBALL

DESH GAURAV CHOPRA SEKHRI

 

In a final pitting perennial underachievers Spain and the Dutch in a match that was historic in its consequences, yet low on quality, the La Furia Roja neutralised the guile and raw talent of the Oranje. The fact remains that a European nation winning the World Cup is far more beneficial to the business of football than an African, Asian or South American nation doing so. Professional football stems from Europe. Patriotism aside, the best players in the world and the highest global viewership, sponsorships and merchandising revenues come from European leagues. La Liga, Spain's premier football league, boasts some of the richest talent and is now set to reach unparalleled heights, doubtlessly afflicting the EPL stakeholders with chronic insomnia. Real Madrid and Barcelona are two of the world's most profitable, popular and successful football clubs. The fact that most of Spain's starters are home grown and play in domestic clubs only adds to the allure of European football.

 

In the Indian context, however, the winner scarcely matters. What matters is the imprint that football would likely have made on the psyche of the average Indian sports fan. Football has emerged as the legitimate number two sport in India. And the FIFA World Cup 2010 (FWC) has proved to the sceptics that football is chomping at the bit to usurp cricket's mantle. Before one starts to directly compare TRPs, sponsorship revenue and overall interest in the games, one needs to take into account the differences between the two sports in the Indian context.

 

While European club football enjoys a rabid fan following in the metropolises, cricket is far more accessible and interesting for the average viewer. Above all, India is more successful here—a superpower. With the BCCI being the dominant cricket federation globally and the South Asian faction contributing close to two billion fans, compared to less than 150 million that the rest of the cricket-playing nations can jointly rustle up, it's no wonder that cricket matches and leagues are tailor-made to suit the Indian market. Whether its location, times or empathy, it's a lot easier to watch and sponsor cricket in India. Keeping that in mind, one should then look at the FWC data and figures with a somewhat more indulgent eye. Of the 64 matches played in South Africa, many were played during the midnight slot. One could make a legitimate and strong argument supporting the hypothesis that had all the matches been played during primetime in India, much like the IPL fixtures, the data would have reflected somewhat different conclusions.

 

As it is, India is at the bottom of the food chain when it comes to football, at least until the international clubs and FIFA make a conscious effort to target the Indian fan base, and work on the merchandise and broadcasting revenue model, rather than trying to invest in human capital development, trying to make Forlans of our abject 'forlorn's'. The fact remains that the money in sports lies in eyeballs, hospitality collaterals, sponsorship and intellectual property rights, at least in the short term. It would be great to have superstars of Indian origin but for the time being one ought to just be a fan and enjoy the rise in popularity of the first global sport in India. FWC isn't the message, it's merely the messenger. It's the answer to an industry starved of prophets and profits alike when it comes to sports beyond cricket—60 million unique viewers, hundreds of crores of rupees in sponsorship and merchandise sales, not to mention events tailored to the FWC, despite the fact that the best matches couldn't be shown at most restaurants and bars due to the lateness of the hour.

 

In fact, it would be astonishing although heartening if more Indians watched FWC 2010 than FWC 2002 in Asia, when the timings were conducive to watching the matches in their entirety. Even the professional football leagues such as the EPL operate at a time that is ideal for European viewership, not Asian or African. Over time, one can expect this to change, as clubs and FIFA become more fan-friendly in the South Asian context. Rest assured, this will happen. With over 800 million people watching the finals globally, it's a virtual guarantee that this edition was the most successful FIFA World Cup in every which way, barring the 'Hand of Fraud' and the officiating. It has made heroes of the disdained and made a global celebrity of an eight-legged cephalopod. Football is a global sport and over time Indians, too, will deify it just as everyone else has. And it doesn't take Pablo/Paul/Paolo or any other octopus oracle to predict this foregone conclusion.

 

The author is a sports attorney with J Sagar Associates. These are his personal views

 

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THE FINANCIAL EXPRESS

COLUMN

HOT POTATOES NEED COLD STORAGE

SANDIP DAS

 

It was unthinkable a decade ago that a vegetable as mundane as potato would grab global attention for its nutritional value. The Indian government, which is still grappling with the rise in food inflation and providing food security cover to millions, could find an answer in potato. But there are problems galore in making this key tuber crop a viable alternative to solve India's food security problems.

 

Acute shortage of storage space and processing facilities in key potato growing states have put a lid on any governmental intervention in harnessing its true potential. Ironically, the introduction of quality seeds has put Indian farmers at the receiving end because outdated storage and infrastructure facilities failed to keep pace with rising production. Recently, potato prices crashed to as low as Rs 1 per kg in West Bengal, the second biggest potato producer in the country, due to lack of transportation logistics.

 

Being a perishable commodity, there is an urgent need to expand cold storage infrastructure, particularly in high producing areas of West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh, so that the crop—recommended by the UN as critical crop for world food security—is immune to volatile prices.

 

A recent Yes Bank study has pointed out the importance of potato in India's agriculture. The country stands to lose significant export potential because of its inability to meet quality standards needed for exports. Potato farmers need to be equipped with the latest technology, like improved potato diggers, grading and sorting equipment to get better prices, the study showed. Also, the global trend in potato farming is shifting. According to FAO, until the early 1990s, potatoes were largely grown and consumed in Europe and North America. Since then, there has been a dramatic increase in potato production and demand in Asia, Africa and Latin America countries.

 

More than a third of the total global potato production of 350 million tonnes is now grown in China and India. Although the Indian government is aiming to increase horticulture production to 300 million tonnes by 2011-12 through the National Horticulture Mission, much more needs to be done. With world trade in potatoes shifting towards India and China, it is high time that this common tuber crop got its rightful place in the scheme of things.

 

sandip.das@expressindia.com

 

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THE HINDU

EDITORIAL

VIVA ESPANA & SOUTH AFRICA

 

Spain started as a favourite and ended as the winner but the 2010 FIFA World Cup in South Africa did not go along expected lines. La Roja themselves contributed to the twists and turns of a dramatic tournament, as they became the first team to win the title after losing the opening match. With both Spain and the Netherlands playing out an undistinguished final, tough, defensive, and risk-averse, the match turned out to be a scrappy affair. English referee Howard Webb adopted a no-nonsense, but not bloody-minded, approach. The final saw a record number of yellow cards (14), nine for the Dutch, and five for the Spaniards. Coming on top of the 15 yellow cards they collected in previous six matches, this did not earn Oranje any new fans in the World Cup. But Spain stuck to its tried and tested methods throughout: dominating possession in the midfield, and waiting patiently for good finishing at the forward line. In the end, Andres Iniesta's right-footer in the 116th minute (second half of extra-time) secured a 1-0 victory. In fact, Spain won its four knock-out matches by an identical margin, quite uncharacteristic for a champion side. With the ball at their feet, the Spaniards seemed more intent on playing among themselves than on sending it toward the goal. But with their captain Iker Casillas, the eventual winner of the Golden Glove award, under the bar, they did not have too much to worry about. Spain conceded just two goals in the entire tournament: a record for a winning team shared with France (1998) and Italy (2006). However, the second successive all-European final, and the eighth overall, was not without its bright moments. Arjen Robben had a couple of good runs only to be denied by Casillas. Likewise, the Dutch goalkeeper, Maarten Stekelenburg, made sure the scores stayed level by keeping David Villa and Sergio Ramos at bay.

 

This World Cup was not just about football of course. Africa's first World Cup was quite fittingly hosted by South Africa, standing up free and proud after the long dark night of apartheid. Anti-apartheid icon Nelson Mandela was the hero of the closing ceremony and was greeted by vuvuzelas and roars from the fans at Soccer City. FIFA owes a great part of the success of the tournament to the organisational capabilities of this liberated rainbow nation. Unfortunately, despite the natural talent and the foreign coaches, none of the African nations made it to the last four. Ghana, the sole African representative in the quarter finals, was unlucky to be denied by an appalling hand block by Uruguay. But this World Cup might mark the beginning of a new phase in world football — a phase in which African nations will hold a prominent place alongside the Europeans and the South Americans.

 

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THE HINDU

EDITORIAL

EARLY HUMANS IN A COLDER CLIMATE

 

When and how far did early humans venture into the cold climatic regions after they first moved out of Africa nearly 1.75 million years ago? Evidence for the earliest human occupation outside Africa has been reported from the island of Flores in the east to the Iberian Peninsula. Being restricted to latitudes not beyond 45º N, these locations were tropical, steppe, or Mediterranean settings. Even the early human presence at 52° N dating back to about 700,000 years ago in a forest-bed in Pakefield in Suffolk, U.K., was in a Mediterranean climate. A paper published online in Nature ("Early Pleistocene human occupation at the edge of the boreal zone in northwest Europe," by Simon A. Parfitt et al., vol. 466, no.7303, p. 229-233) has found early humans to be more adventurous than anyone imagined. The rich haul of artefacts recovered at 52° N latitude of Happisburg, in East Anglia, U.K., is from the southern fringes of the boreal zone that is marked by a definite winter with snow. The artefacts aside, Happisburg turned out to be a treasure trove of well-preserved plant and animal fossils. These fossils strongly suggest summer temperatures between 16° and 18° C, and winter temperatures between 0 and -3° C; this means they approximated the present-day climate seen near the transition of temperate and boreal zones.

 

The last time a reversal in the polarity of the Earth's magnetic field happened (when South Pole became the North Pole of today) was 780,000 years ago. The Happisburg sediments exhibit reversed polarity and this helps in setting a lower age limit for the artefacts. Palaeobotanical studies enable us to further narrow down the time of human occupation. The pollen grains and vegetation strongly suggest that human presence would have happened during the warm interglacial period around 840,000 or 950,000 years ago. The plant fossils suggest a conifer-dominated forest characterised by poor plant and animal food resources during winter. The early humans, probably the Homo antecessor, who inhabited the upper estuarine zone of River Thames would have survived the winter by turning to the water bodies. There is no evidence on how the early humans adapted themselves to the harsh winter. But survival would have been possible because they lived in a transition area between resource-poor forests and resource-rich habitats of river, marsh, and coast. Only more studies can reveal if early humans arrived during the peak warmer interglacial periods or during the colder periods.

 

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THE HINDU

LEADER PAGE ARTICLES

U.S. MEDIA INDEPENDENCE: THE ROT WITHIN

THE FINDINGS OF A STUDY ON MEDIA FREEDOM IN THE U.S. DO NOT SHOW UP ITS PRINT MEDIA IN A GOOD LIGHT IN TERMS OF ITS DEGREE OF FREEDOM AND INDEPENDENCE OF THE GOVERNMENT.

NARAYAN LAKSHMAN

 

When a country engages in self-aggrandising talk of being the world's oldest and freest democracy, at the very least one would expect it to be home to a free press. When that country also regularly berates other nations across the world for stifling media freedom, it would be expected to have a government that tolerates criticism from its own media. And when that country unabashedly uses "lack of media freedom" as a tool in its policy arsenal for promoting regime change abroad, then it would be hypocritical for it to have a subservient, self-censoring media on its soil.

 

And yet, according to a recent, empirically rigorous study of media freedom in the United States, none of these conditions applied to the country. Torture at Times: A Study of Waterboarding in the Media, authored by students of Harvard University, takes a close and statistically uncompromising look at the degree of media freedom in the U.S. The papers studied were The New York Times, The Los Angeles Times, USA Today and The Wall Street Journal.

 

Its findings do not, to put it mildly, show up the U.S. print media in a good light in terms of its degree of freedom and independence of the government.

 

By examining how the torture technique of waterboarding was described in news reporting and opinion columns of four most widely read newspapers, the study focussed on the sudden change in those descriptions during the early 2000s. That the first decade of the 21st century was also the time when the Central Intelligence Agency was charged with engaging in waterboarding was no coincidence, a point that this insightful study makes early on.

 

In particular, the authors found that, "From the early 1930s until the modern story broke in 2004, the newspapers that covered waterboarding almost uniformly called the practice torture or implied it was torture." By contrast, they explained, "from 2002-2008, the studied newspapers almost never referred to waterboarding as torture."

 

Before delving into the detail, let's get the facts straight — waterboarding is torture by most reasonable standards, even if Karl Rove, adviser to the former President, George W. Bush, disagrees. More specifically it is, as Torture at Times explains, the practice of intentionally inducing the sensation of drowning in the victim, usually in the context of interrogation, and invariably producing an intense sense of panic and fear of death.

 

In the past, this sensation has been achieved by placing a cloth or plastic wrap on the face of the victim and pouring water over it; by pouring water directly into the mouth and nose; by placing a stick between the victim's teeth and pouring water into his or her mouth, often until the victim's stomach becomes distended, then forcing the water back out of the mouth; or by dunking and holding the victim's head under water.

 

That waterboarding is torture rather than merely a "coercive interrogation technique" (as famously described by Mr. Rove) was best conveyed by none other than the U.S. print medium itself — prior to 2002, of course. As the Harvard study notes, The New York Times characterised it thus in 81.5 per cent of the articles on the subject and The Los Angeles Times, in 96.3 per cent of the articles during the earlier period.

 

And it was not just the four newspapers studied that were unambiguous in their view of waterboarding. Waterboarding featured regularly in the news throughout the 20th century, the Torture at Times authors say, "from the Philippine insurgency to World War II to the Vietnam War." They added that in addressing waterboarding for more than 70 years prior to 9/11, major newspapers and even American law consistently categorised the practice as torture.

 

However, in a sharp indictment of the U.S. media, the results of the study showed that since waterboarding began receiving significant media attention in 2004, after the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse scandal and other revelations of waterboarding by the U.S. (including allegedly in secret CIA prisons overseas and in Guantanamo Bay), media sources appeared to have changed their characterisation of the practice.

 

The New York Times described waterboarding as torture or implied it was torture in 1.4 per cent of articles after 2002. The Los Angeles Times did so in a mere 4.8 per cent of articles, the study found. The Wall Street Journal called it torture in 1.6 per cent of its stories and, worst of all, the USA Today "never" wrote of waterboarding as torture or even implied it was torture.

 

Does this show up the U.S. media as slavish to the diktats of the government? There is an even more egregious tendency discovered by the Harvard study: the newspapers analysed were far more likely to describe waterboarding as torture "if a country other than the U.S. is the perpetrator."

 

The evidence is clear: in The New York Times, 85.8 per cent of the articles that dealt with a country other than the U.S. called waterboarding torture or implied it was torture, while only 7.69 per cent did so when the U.S. was responsible. Similarly The Los Angeles Times characterised the practice as torture in 91.3 per cent of its articles when another country was charged with waterboarding, but in only 11.4 per cent of articles when the U.S. was the perpetrator.

 

As media commentator Glenn Greenwald observed: "We do not need a state-run media because our media outlets volunteer for the task … once the U.S. government decrees that a technique is no longer torture, U.S. media outlets dutifully cease using the term. That compliant behaviour makes overtly state-controlled media unnecessary."

 

And among all U.S. media, it would appear that those operating within the Washington beltway — in dangerous metaphorical proximity to government — were most culpable. Following the recent McChrystal-gate scoop for Michael Hastings of Rolling Stone magazine, Politico, a hardcore Washington insider, wrote that "Hastings had pulled off his … coup because he was a freelance journalist rather than a beat reporter, and so could risk burning bridges by publishing many of McChrystal's remarks."

 

Similarly Frank Rich of The New York Times admitted in his column: "It's the Hastings-esque outsiders with no fear of burning bridges who have often uncovered the epochal stories missed by those with high-level access." Notably, Mr. Rich added, Woodward and Bernstein were young local reporters, nowhere near the White House beat, when they cracked Watergate; and "it was uncelebrated reporters in Knight Ridder's Washington bureau, not journalistic stars courted by Scooter and Wolfowitz, who mined low-level agency hands to challenge the… W.M.D. intelligence in the run-up to Iraq."

 

What is even more telling — and ironic — is that little protest has followed Defence Secretary Robert Gates' decision, in the aftermath of the McChrystal fiasco, to clamp down heavily on any further media access to army personnel.

 

If there is one thing that this accumulating evidence suggests, it is that a rot has afflicted the U.S. print media — the rot of complacency born of an institutional intimacy that is antithetical to the very core principles of a free press. However given how deeply entrenched the media-government relationship is already, this may not be a rot that can be stemmed.

 

In that case it is the American people who stand to lose most of all, as their government increasingly obfuscates its way out of serious blunders committed, and a pliant press happily amplifies propagandistic messages.

 

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THE HINDU

OPED

SOULLESS FIRMS HURTING ENVIRONMENT

IT IS UP TO SOCIETY AND ITS LEADERS TO ENSURE THAT COMPANIES DO NOT BECOME DESTRUCTIVE, SAYS LEADING U.N. OFFICIAL.

JULIETTE JOWIT

 

Modern businesses are fast becoming "soulless corporations," a leading U.N. environmental official said on Monday.

 

Companies usually take a short-term view of the importance of the environment, said Pavan Sukhdev, head of the U.N.'s investigation into how to stop the destruction of the natural world. This short-term thinking is seen in their lobbying against new policies that could slow environmental devastation, he said.

 

Mr. Sukhdev, formerly an adviser to the Indian government and now on sabbatical from Deutsche Bank, spoke as he prepares to publish one of the most eagerly awaited parts of his report — The Economics of Ecosystems and Biodiversity (TEEB) for Business.

 

The report will be launched at the first Global Business of Biodiversity Symposium in London, where speakers will include environment secretary Caroline Spelman. She will highlight examples of businesses causing damage which imposes a huge cost on themselves and society — including an estimate that global destruction of forests costs the world's economies $2tn to $5tn a year. She will also speak of the BP oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico. "BP's shares have halved since the spill began in mid-April — there will be no dividends this year," she is due to say. "While the real impact on the local economy, wildlife and marine health may not be fully known for years ... What's bad for biodiversity is bad for business."

 

Checks and balances

 

Mr. Sukhdev told the Guardian that private businesses were too important as employers and payers of taxes to embark on a revolution, calling instead for society to take a greater responsibility for regulating the behaviour of companies. When the final report is published, at a biodiversity conference in October in Japan, Mr. Sukhdev will recommend major changes in the way companies are regulated. "We have created a soulless corporation that does not have any innate reason to be ethical about anything," he said. "The purpose of a corporation is to be selfish. That is law. So it's up to society and its leaders and thinkers to design the checks and balances that are needed to ensure that the corporation does not simply become destructive." TEEB was set up after the success of the groundbreaking 2006 report by Sir Nicholas Stern for the U.K. government. The Stern report argued that the cost of tackling climate change would be 1— 2 per cent of the global economy, while the cost of doing nothing would be 5 to 20 times that. Mr. Sukhdev's team says the failure of governments and businesses to put a "price" on ecosystem services provided by nature — from flood protection and pollination of crops, to carbon take-up by forests — has led to widespread destruction of whole ecosystems and the variety of life on Earth. — © Guardian Newspapers Limited, 2010

 

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THE HINDU

OPED

A CULTURE CLASH IN THE HEART OF MULTICULTURAL LONDON

LONDON RIVER'S COMMERCIAL RELEASE LAST WEEK ON THE FIFTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE LONDON ATTACKS IS SEEN AS A WELCOME CONTRIBUTION TO THE DEBATE ON BRITAIN'S POST-7/7 CULTURAL TENSIONS.

HASAN SUROOR

 

What does it tell us about the times we live in that when a Muslim father hears that his son is missing in a terror attack his first reaction, incredibly, is to hope-no, not that he is safe but that he wasn't involved in the atrocity?

 

This, of course, is not what we routinely see on our TV screens after a terrorist incident. Instead, the standard line we hear so often is: "I know my son. He couldn't have done such a thing ."

 

Yet, behind these emotional denials there are often deeply-held private fears: what if my son was really involved? After all, how many parents (Muslim or non-Muslim) these days actually know what their children are up to, particularly if they live away from their family? Remember Kafeel Ahmed, a research student from Bangalore, who unknown to his parents was busy trying to blow up the Glasgow airport? And, similarly, families of many of the suicide bombers involved in the London bombings of July, 7, 2005 had no idea about their plans.

 

But Muslim parents' fears are more than matched by non-Muslim paranoia about their own children getting "mixed up" with "Pakis" and "crazy Arabs." And it is this everyday reality of millions of Muslims and non-Muslims that forms the broad theme of the acclaimed Franco-Algerian director Rachid Bouchareb's award-winning film London River set against the backdrop of the London bombings. He is best known for Days of Glory which was nominated for the Academy award for the Best Foreign language film in 2006.

 

It is the first film to be made on the 7/7 attacks and it has been widely commented how British film-makers have tended to "shy away" from approaching the subject leaving it to a foreigner to make a film on Britain's worst terror attack. But, in a way, it is just as well because Bouchareb is able to give it an outsider's perspective without getting overwhelmed by emotions.

 

Accolades at festival

 

Critics gave the film a big thumbs-up at the Berlin Film Festival last year, where it won two awards, praising it for Bouchareb's understated treatment of a difficult and controversial subject and the performances of its two main protagonists, the British actor Brenda Blethyn still remembered for her role in Mike Leigh's Secrets and Lies; and Sotigui Kouyaté, the highly-regarded Malian actor who collaborated with Peter Brook on The Mahabharata. He died two months ago.

 

Although the film's commercial British release last week on the fifth anniversary of the London attacks failed to evoke much public enthusiasm perhaps because of poor publicity, it is seen as a welcome contribution to the debate on Britain's post-7/7 cultural tensions. The fact, though, is (and the film underlines this) that that these tensions predate the 7/7 atrocity which, for many Britons, simply confirmed their worst anti-Muslim/anti-Islam prejudices and deepened the divisions that until then were hidden behind the fig-leaf of multiculturalism.

 

London River is as much an extremely moving human story of loss and pain, not to mention senseless violence, as it is a quiet heartfelt appeal for cultural understanding that in the hands of a lesser or overtly ideological director could have easily descended into didacticism. It follows the separate journeys of a white Christian British mother and a French-speaking African Muslim to London in search of their children (the mother looking for her young daughter and the father for his young son) who go missing after the London attacks.

 

As their paths cross, the stage is set for a minor clash of civilisations between a culturally insular Middle England woman and a devout African Muslim with a long beard and knee-length dreadlocks who speaks only Arabic and French. Arriving from the quiet backwaters of Guernsey into a chaotic multicultural London, she is shocked to discover that her daughter, Jane, lived in a predominantly Muslim neighbourhood amid halal butchers' shops and Arab grocery stores. (See how little parents know about their children.)

 

"This place is crawling with Muslims," she screams in horror to her brother on the phone. A line that many Britons often find themselves saying while warily picking their way through Edgware Road or Brick Lane packed with Urdu/Arabic speaking Muslims. She is horrified that Jane was learning Arabic.

 

"But why would she do that? Who speaks Arabic ?" she asks in genuine bewilderment.

 

But her world really comes crashing down when she learns that Jane had been living with this strange-looking African Muslim's son. She recoils in horror at the very idea of a "sensible" English girl having anything to do with a Muslim boy. Eventually, however, it is a shared sense of loss as they scour London's hospitals and mortuaries for their missing children that slowly brings them closer. It is during these hesitant meetings and conversations that the old man voices his worst fears about his son.

 

"You thought he might have been killed in the bombings?" the woman asks him.

 

"No, that he might have done it..." he answers in perhaps the film's most candid and depressing moment.

 

Can it get any more frightening for a parent?

 

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THE HINDU

OPED

UGANDA BOMBS: RISE OF AL-SHABAB EXTREMISM

WORLD CUP FANS IN KAMPALA WERE A SOFT TARGET FOR SOMALIAN ISLAMISTS CRYING 'JIHAD' AGAINST COUNTRIES SUPPLYING AFRICAN UNION PEACEKEEPERS.

JASON BURKE

 

Ugandan police say they believe the double bombing in Kampala was the work of the Somalian group, al—Shabab. If this proves to be the case, it will mark an evolution in the movement's activities.

 

So far, al—Shabab, which means "the youth" in Arabic, has kept to a very local agenda, in deed if not always rhetoric. This has reflected its origins. The Harakat al—Shabab al—Mujahideen (the Union of Mujahideen Youth) is a splinter group from the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC), a coalition of Islamist groups that established control over much of Somalia.

 

The UIC imposed a strict sharia—based code, which it saw as the solution to the poverty-stricken and war-racked country's many woes.

 

After being routed by the Ethiopian army at the end of 2006, the UIC broke up. The biggest remaining fragment was its armed wing or youth movement, al-Shabab.

 

In successive campaigns, al-Shabab, under the leadership of a group of senior clerics and "sheikhs", has taken over at least a third of Somalia, including most of Mogadishu, the capital. Now numbering several thousand, its expansion has been marked by two main trends: radicalisation and internationalisation.

 

The former has led to executions, amputations and patrols of young men who, in a manner reminiscent of the Taliban's religious police in the 1990s, seek out anyone in breach of strict, puritanical and increasingly arbitrary codes of behaviour. The internationalisation has meant a pledge of allegiance to Al-Qaeda's senior leadership as well as a number of foreign volunteers joining al-Shahab's ranks. These are primarily American but include some Britons, security sources say. Other links with militants in the Yemen appear to have been consolidated too.

 

There have been fears of Somalian Islamist militant groups — al-Shahab is not the only one — launching international attacks for some time.

 

If al-Shahab is responsible for the bombings in Uganda, the reasons are most likely to be local: Ugandan troops provide most of the 5,000 African Union peacekeepers who replaced Ethiopian troops when they pulled out last year and are the main reason Somalia's U.N.—backed government has not yet been entirely driven out of Mogadishu by the Islamists. Recent pledges to reinforce the peacekeepers have drawn threats of jihad from al-Shabab against any countries which send more troops.

 

Why attack people watching the World Cup? First, because they are a soft target. Second, because al-Shahab has already made clear it disapproves of the football, threatening players and fans with violence in Somalia. Here, the group is only following broader thought among jihadis. In a recent web posting, one extremist scholar said that watching the World Cup was un-Islamic as it involved gambling, competition, women being shown on TV, sinful behaviour by players, cursing among supporters and "unnecessary fun". There are signs that al-Shabab is increasingly internally divided. The past 18 months have seen a number of high-profile figures quitting its ranks in disgust at the increasingly indiscriminate violence.

 

Some analysts believe growing extremism within radical movements is a sign of fierce competition among factions which can eventually lead to total fragmentation. Certainly, other radical groups which rejected local roots and agendas to become steadily more extreme and more international in their outlook — in Algeria and Egypt in the 1990s or in Iraq, Indonesia and Saudi Arabia more recently — suffered as a result, rapidly losing any popular support. — © Guardian Newspapers Limited, 2010

 

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THE HINDUS

IMF HIGHLIGHTS ASIA'S ROLE

 

Dominique Strauss-Kahn, Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund, highlighted the role of Asia in future in global economic policies, vowing to allow stronger voice of the region in the IMF.

 

"Asia's time has come. No one can doubt that Asia's economic performance will continue to grow in importance," Strauss—Kahn said in his opening address to the Asia 21 high-level conference held in Daejeon in South Korea. The two-day conference, titled "Asia 21: Leading the Way Forward," kicked off with opening addresses by South Korean Finance Minister Yoon Jeung-hyun and the IMF head, where the participants will hold discussions over Asia's global role and its new growth drivers.

 

The IMF officials are also planning to evaluate Asia's economic growth model and its implications of change for the global economy, while showcasing lessons of Asia's resilience during the crisis for other regions, Strauss-Kahn said.

 

"The macroeconomic, financial and corporate sector reforms put in place over the last decade have played an important role in the region's resilience," Strauss—Khan said, attributing it to the continent's faster- than-expected recovery. — Xinhua

 

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THE ASIAN AGE

EDITORIAL

WITH SPAIN ON TOP, A NEW SOCCER ERA?

 

Among the blaring of the ever-present vuvuzela — in its many thousands — it was appropriate that the team which played the best football in the past month walked away with the prize. Spain put on show soccer of the highest class, full of technical skill and breathtaking artistry and everything a doughty Holland could throw at them in Sunday night's final at Johannesburg's Soccer City proved to be inadequate when it came to the crunch. And fittingly, it was one of their two outstanding players who dealt the killer blow to The Netherlands' hopes. Spain literally rode on the creative feet of Xavi Hernandes and Andres Iniesta to the final, with the latter providing the coup de grace in a footballing masterclass that was thrown into sharper focus by the dogged attritional football the Dutch resorted to for 120 minutes on the night. But then, this was a World Cup of many firsts — Africa hosting its maiden tournament in the face of widespread fears over crime, organisation, logistics, and what have you. Then there was the small matter of every one of the seven previous champions being eliminated before the final, from five-timers Brazil to one-off winners like England and France. That left the field open for a new winner, and though Holland have been here twice before, in 1974 and 1978, it was left to a team that previously never got past the quarter-final stage to walk away with the cherry.

 

Is this, therefore, the start of a new era in the sport? Brazil, once justly famed for their brilliant native skills, have given up the spine-tingling joy of the Joga Bonito for a more pragmatic approach that its fans would prefer to call pedestrian. Argentina's little maestro Lionel Messi and Diego Forlan of Uruguay turned on the style but had to bow out of the running thanks to insufficient support. It was left to Spain — for years the home of two of football's great clubs in Real Madrid and F.C. Barcelona — to come up with a style of soccer that not only gladdened the hearts of the everyday fan, but also had the purists purring in pleasure. And the irony of it all will have escaped nobody. For years Spain were known for being among the most unprepossessing of football teams. Their style was the hard knock, and it took a Dutchman to bring artistry and beauty into their soccer. Johan Cruyff was the mastermind, along with Johan Neeskens of the Dutch team that entered the finals of the 1974 and 1978 tournaments only to lose, once to West Germany and the second time to Argentina. It is said of those teams that they preferred to play beautiful football at the cost of the result. Total Football was what it came to be called, and that is what Cruyff brought with him when he retired as a player and took over as coach of Barcelona. It took him a long time but vindication on Sunday night lay in the fact that as many as seven players from Barcelona — all products of its junior nurturing programme — stood on the field holding the World Cup trophy. For Holland, it will mean a return to the drawing board, for quite simply, when they were not hacking at Spanish ankles and knees, they were played off the park. And as a fitting capstone for the senior lot, it was one of them who walked away with the honour of being adjudged the best player of the tournament — the 31-year-old Uruguayan with the magic feet: Diego Forlan.

 

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THE ASIAN AGE

OPINION

BADLA FOR BANGLADESH

SHANKAR ROYCHOWDHURY

 

The country wishes our foreign minister well when he meets his Pakistani counterpart on the sidelines of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (Saarc) meeting in Islamabad on July 15. It is not easy to put down the historical baggage of bitter cynicism regarding Pakistan, but, for some reason, India seems to have discerned some kind of a game — changing breakthrough at Thimphu through arcane interpretations of "personal chemistry" and "body-language" between the Prime Ministers of the two countries.

Dialogue, howsoever interminable and frustrating, is always preferable to artillery fire. India and Pakistan are no exception, even though public opinion in both countries has hardened into a subconscious state of mutual hostility almost since Partition. It is not surprising therefore that the eager peace overtures to Pakistan initiated at Sharm el-Sheikh and elsewhere have been summarily smacked down with such vehemence that further perseverance seems almost masochistic.

"Trust deficit" is the latest buzzword on Indo-Pak relations parroted in India with a dreary simplemindedness which has started bordering on the tiresome. But even as India's external affairs minister piously intoned, "We feel Pakistan will not encourage terror-related activities any more", Pakistan's disdainful counter-battery came crashing right back, "India's approach is self delusional".

While maintaining open attitudes, India's discussants at Islamabad must always keep in mind that Pakistan's requirement for peace with India is more urgent than is India's for "peace at any cost" with Pakistan, all the more so because now, for the first time since Independence, the Pakistan Army finds itself caught in its own "two-and-a-half front" strategic nutcracker: between the Tehrik-e-Taliban in the west, and a perceived threat from "Hindu" India in the east, coupled with a half-front of internal instability with Punjabi Taliban and sectarian Shia-hunters ripping the Pakistani heartland apart. Such contingencies had hitherto been engineered exclusively for India by the Pakistani military and covert operations establishments and it is surely some kind of poetic justice that these have now appeared within their own compounds. That is why peace with India, howsoever opportunistic or cynical, is what the Pakistan Army requires for itself in its own interest, even though it is very likely to be transitory. Nonetheless, it has to be factored into the backdrop as both governments begin planning for the talks, incorporating political parties and other national constituents within their own countries, all perfectly normal, except it cannot escape notice that Pakistan foreign minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi reported personally to the Pakistan Army general headquarters in Rawalpindi to meet the Chief of Army Staff, as well as Pakistan's chief covert operations executive Lt. Gen. Shuja Pasha, the director general Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The increase in the intensity of the separatist intifada and the return of the Indian Army to the streets of Srinagar at this exact moment cannot be a coincidence. It is just too precise and calibrated to be anything except enemy action. The implications are clear — the leopard is disinclined to change its spots just as yet.

For India, part of the problem is the blanket appellation of "Kashmir" as shorthand for the entire state of "Jammu and Kashmir" which obfuscates the ground reality of three separate and distinct sub-regions in the state — Jammu, the Kashmir Valley and Ladakh, all quite diverse and divergent in their outlook and mindset. Amongst these, Jammu and Ladakh are wholeheartedly Indian, and only in the sub-region of the Kashmir Valley (aka "the Valley" to generations of Indian soldiers) do substantial sections of the population demonstrate their strident hostility towards an Indian identity. They demand instead either a merger into the Promised Land of Pakistan, or "Azaadi" as an independent state which, by inclination, would be a natural ally of Pakistan and enable it savour a successful strategic end-state in its plans for "Badla for Bangladesh".

Though Hindu pandits and ot her minorities have been forced out of the Valley and into inter n al exile in other parts of the co u ntry, the Valley region alone does not represent the whole of Ja mmu and Kashmir. It is im portant that Indian public opinion is educated and informed that even within the Valley there are fairly substantial non-Kashmiri speaking Muslim segments — Gujjars and Bakarwals in the upper reaches nurture a long-standing disconnect with the dominant Kashmiri-speaking mainstream because of economic and social marginalisation. The Gujjar and Bakarwal constituencies are not inimical to India and, given focused political empowerment in an inclusive manner, can form significant political counter weights to separatist forces.
Meanwhile, in spite of best efforts at political and economic outreach, there is little prospect of change in the foreseeable future in the traditional adversarial mindset of the Kashmiri-speaking majority in the Valley. "Hearts and minds" will remain a distant goal here, no matter how many political or material inducements may be offered in terms of Article 370, "free and fair" general and state elections, or special subsidies and other facilities. Anti-India actions by Pakistan-sponsored jihadi terrorists of the Lashkar-e-Tayyaba and others will continue to find resonance within the Valley, periodically bursting out as stone-throwing intifada in downtown Srinagar, political violence in Sopore or Baramula, and support for "mehman" mujahideen from across the border wire.

Democracy has many manifestations, each appropriate for a particular environment. For Jammu and Kashmir and particularly the Valley, preservation of India's parliamentary democracy requires a large and visible police, paramilitary, and military presence along the Line of Control as well as in disturbed regions in the interior.

Faux-intellectuals and liberals who often deplore the large military presence in Kashmir would do well to comprehend the stakes involved, because the larger Indian community will not accept under any circumstances a "political resolution of the Kashmir issue" based on either merger of any portion of the Kashmir Valley with Pakistan or its secession from India by "azaadi".

 

Gen. Shankar Roychowdhury is a former Chief of Army Staff and aformer Member of Parliament

 

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THE ASIAN AGE

OPINION

THE IMF'S PITILESS HELPING HAND

JAYATI GHOSH

 

For a while after the global financial crisis broke, we were told that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) would change. The Group of Twenty (G-20) meeting in April 2009 provided a massive increase in resources for the IMF to provide lending to countries affected by the crisis. In return, the Fund announced that it was going to be more supportive of enlarged fiscal deficits and other expansionary measures in the face of the crisis, and provide large amounts of funds to developing countries to cope with the situation. It would strengthen the focus on supporting poverty alleviation and growth; to protect public spending even as economic downswings cut revenues; and to prioritise national budgets in the direction of spending targeted at the poor.
If all this had actually happened, it would imply a sea change in the extent and manner of the IMF's delivery of emergency and other financing to developing countries. But, of course, it was too good to be true. In actual fact, the implem­entation of IMF lending has been rather different from what is sugg ested by the public pronouncements.

First, the amounts lent out by the Fund are still small and even negligible in relation to the projections made by the G-20 when the Fund was given such an important role, and certainly in relation to the actual funding requirements of the countries it has signed agreements with. Second, the programmes agreed up­on for IMF funding are generally still heavily pro-cyclical in terms of requiring public expenditure cutbacks and often stringent fiscal austerity and tighter monetary policies as the means of en s u ring adjustment. They are also still heavily skewed towards en c ouraging or requiring the privatisation of public enterprises and utilities, with associated job losses and increases in user charges.

In April 2009, the IMF's resource base was effectively tripled from $250 billion to $750 billion, and it was promised that the concessional lending to low income countries wo uld be increased ten-fold from the pre-crisis levels by 2014. However, since the onset of the crisis, the IMF promised less than a total of SDR 2.6 billion to 25 countries (an average of just around SDR 100 million per country), and less than half of that amount (only SDR 1.2 billion) has actually been provided.

Under non-concessional lending, SDR 20.5 billion was proffered in 2009 and SDR 10.4 billion in the first half of 2010. This was only a quarter of the committed reso ur ces, and of this only one-third was actually provided to countries. Just five countries — Hungary, Romania, Ukraine, Pakistan and most recently Greece — have accounted for nearly half of the amount disbursed. This means that the other countries received minuscule amounts of IMF resources, which are unlikely to have gone very far in even compensating for the loss of export revenues and private capital flows, much less easing the constraints on domestic investment, consumption and growth.

Uncommitted usable resources actually increased from SDR 213 billion in 2009 to SDR 230 billion in 2010. So it is not lack of available resources that has constrained the IMF from offering more resources to developing and other countries hit by the crisis. Nevertheless, the fact that the amounts made available to different countries have been so niggardly has definitely affected the recipient countries, which have not really been able to use this as a viable alternative to market finance that had dried up.

Perhaps even more significant is that the conditions attached to this rather paltry lending have not really changed. Several independent assessments have found a disturbing lack of change in the basic conditionalities being imposed on recipient countries, notwithstanding some minor changes in terms of preserving certain types of social expenditure or safety nets.

A recent study by United Nations Children's Fund (Unicef) (Ortiz, Vergara and Chai 2010) of 86 cou ntries showed that nearly 40 per cent of governments were pla nning to cut total spending in 2010-11, compared to 2008-09, with the av e rage size of the projected expe n diture contraction amounting to 2.6 per cent of gross domestic pr oduct (GDP). Very large cuts (4-13 per cent of GDP) we re expected in seven countries. The fiscal cuts were forced onto countries by the absence of adeq u a te funding, inc l uding from the IMF. Many of these countries have dominantly poor populations and very inadequate provision of infrastructure and public services that pr ovide minimum socio-economic rights for the majority of the peop le. Therefore, cutbacks in fiscal sp ending in such countries are li k e ly to have direct implications for economic and humanitarian conditions.
In many countries, it was not just lack of resources, but the IMF's policy advice that led to fiscal cuts. In a substantial majority of countries (57 out of 86 countries), the IMF recommended contractions in total public expenditure. It is true that in some cases it has pointed to the need to protect and, in some cases, expand pro-poor, priority social spending within this. But even so, this essentially points to a contractionary fiscal stance in the midst of crisis.

Even within supposedly protected social spending, a significant number of countries have been advised to make cuts, in the form of limiting/reducing subsidies (including on food and health), "reforms" in pension and health systems which essentially reduce pensions and make public healthcare services more expensive, and reduce the spread of social spending by emphasising targeted rather than universal provision.

The only "positive" recommendation for a significant number of countries is the expansion of targeted transfer programmes. While this may appear to be a positive sign, the many problems associated with targeting in developing countries (problems of unfair exclusion or unjustified inclusion, higher administrative costs, diversion and overall reduction in quality) suggests that such increases are unlikely to benefit or even counter the negative impact of other measures for much of the population, including vulnerable groups.

Most countries have also been told to place caps or induce cuts in public sector wages. But it is now recognised that erosion of pay and arrears in wage payments can have significant adverse effects on public service delivery in such essential areas as health and education, through greater absenteeism, internal and external brain drain and loss of motivation.

The pity of it extends beyond the impact on the countries concerned. With fears of double dip recession now emerging in so many places, the world economy really cannot afford a dysfunctional IMF that does not even do what it has explicitly promised.

 

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DNA

EDITORIAL

LIFE BEYOND FIFA

 

Now that the last vuvuzela has been sounded and people all over the world have caught up on their sleep and started to imagine life without football, Fifa and the world of football have much to think about. The 2010 World Cup had plenty to offer, not just in terms of pure sporting enjoyment but also food for thought. There were surprises, shocks, high points and low — as can be expected from such a massive event.

The biggest winner — apart from Spain, which lifted the World Cup for the first time in a scrappy final — was South Africa. Pop star Shakira sang, "This time for Africa", and it truly was a time for Africa to shine. South Africa pulled off a major sporting event with comparative ease. If they are able to capitalise on the publicity, the World Cup will pay many dividends. Next stop, the Olympics?

Of course, there were the shocks, too. The big names — Wayne Rooney, Lionel Messi, and Cristiano Ronaldo —  and the most favoured teams found that they were outplayed by zealous and determined competitors. South America, which often dominates world football, had only one team in the last four — the  unfancied Uruguay, not Argentina or Brazil. Much was expected of the England team, but it could not deliver. Less was expected of Germany but drive and defence led them to the semi-final before they fell to the eventual victor Spain. Defending champions Italy did not make it to the last four either. The Netherlands were defeated in their third final.

For Fifa, there is some hard questioning to be done. Refereeing mishaps led to a strong worldwide demand for some sort of electronic review in football — as other sports have done. After initial resistance, football's chief governing body declared that it would now consider how to include electronic reviews. There was also criticism of the ball, which many felt had not been tested enough. Fifa has promised to look into that, too.

Of course, the biggest problem will now be for millions of football fans across the world to find something else to occupy their time. Families may find forgotten members returning to the dining table after more than a month. Certainly in India, TV viewing figures show that this World Cup has been a massive success. Whether this translates into additional support for Indian football or not is another matter.

 

In the end, one must spare a thought for another surprise winner — the German octopus Paul, who seemed to know a thing or two about who would win. Perhaps, the game really appeals to more than just humans. We shall see in Brazil, four years from now, but Paul may not be around then.

 

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DNA

THE NITISH NETTLE

 

It would have been nice if Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar had not indulged in the theatre of secularism when his junior coalition partner, the BJP, put out an offending poster of Nitish sharing the dais with his Gujarat counterpart and Hindutva posterboy Narendra Modi. It was needless bravado when it was clear that the Janata Dal (United) needed the BJP as a coalition partner. It now turns out that Kumar is making his peace with his ally and it is quite likely that Modi will no more be a bone of contention. 

The general perception is that Kumar has made a huge difference in the governance of an apparently ungovernable state. 

He has brought a semblance of development to Bihar which was missing during the Lalu Prasad-Rabri Devi decade. Whether this is just a perception or there is some substance to it will become clear during the forthcoming assembly elections due at the end of the year. It is in the context of the elections that Kumar has been forced to take some realistic decisions, and one of them is to get along with the BJP, whatever his reservations about Modi and the party's Hindutva agenda.

Unlike in neighbouring Orissa, where chief minister Naveen Patnaik faced a weak opposition in the Congress and could, therefore, risk jettisoning the BJP before the last assembly elections, Kumar faces several tough rivals in his state. Apart from the Lalu Yadav-Ram Vilas Paswan combine, there is also the prospect of a rejuvenated Congress offering a much better fight this time. In closing ranks with the BJP, Kumar is closing possible breaches that his rivals could make use of. 

Nevertheless, there is clear evidence that Kumar would like to strike out on his own but is not sure whether this is the right time. 

There is, for one, the acute ideological discomfort that he apparently feels in the company of the BJP. Kumar and his JD(U) colleagues have been consoling themselves that they have not sold their souls to the BJP. Rather, they have tamed and sanitised the right-wing party by forcing it to put its core agenda on the backburner. Kumar's dilemma is clear: without the BJP, he can't be sure of crossing the half-way mark. With it, he will always find it tough to attract the minorities to his side. There are no easy answers.

 

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DNA

MAIN ARTICLE

INDIA'S STRATEGIC BLUNDERS

RAJEEV SRINIVASAN 

 

Several distinct but related events have shown that India's alleged Pakistan policy is either non-existent or self-defeating. First, there is the all-but-complete transfer of two 635-mw Chinese nuclear reactors to Pakistan, which will allow them to build 24 more nuclear bombs every year in addition to their existing stockpile of 70-90, already bigger than India's.

Second, the violence in Jammu and Kashmir is a direct result of the decision by the government to withdraw 30,000 troops. Third, the apparent willingness by Afghan president Hamid Karzai to cooperate with the intensely anti-India Haqqani network implies the total failure of India's efforts to be a stakeholder in that nation.
China has simply ignored the proforma noises that the US made at the Nuclear Suppliers' Group regarding likely weapons proliferation because of the new reactors being transferred to Pakistan. Selig Harrison, writing in The Boston Globe, pointed out how proliferation is part of Pakistani national policy. Despite this, and despite all the government of India's exertions to ram the so-called 'nuclear deal' down India's throat, America has no qualms about the Pakistani stockpile.

 

Thus the dubious nuclear deal has had the effect of strengthening Pakistan's hand, while constraining India's puny efforts at building a deterrent against China, exactly as opponents of the deal said, while the government proceeded with it in a haze of lies and subterfuge.

 

Second, the sudden upsurge of violence in Jammu and Kashmir is almost certainly a calibrated and calculated ratcheting up of tension by the ISI. Intercepted phone calls suggest that the ISI and pals like the LeT are paying 'rage-boys' to indulge in stone-throwing and other violence, expecting to induce over-reaction by the stressed-out paramilitary troops and police. This, then, can lead to manufactured 'martyrs'. 

The ISI has reason to believe it is on a winning track. Statements by the prime minister in Havana, Sharm-el-Sheikh and Thimphu have implied that, succumbing to American pressure, India is willing to make concessions on Kashmir to Pakistan, the only issue being how to market such a climbdown to the Indian public.

The coded talk of 'creative solutions' and 'trust deficit' have been interpreted by the Pakistanis as a 'deficit of will', and the likelihood that they can make J&K simply too expensive for India to hang on to. The proximate cause is the withdrawal of 30,000 troops. To the ISI, this spells "we have the UPA on the run". They perceive a 'backbone deficit' and lack of will.

 

Intriguingly, this is almost the same feeling that the ISI has about the Obama administration after its disastrous declaration of a timetable for withdrawal from Afghanistan. They, and their proxy, the Taliban, feel that all they have to do is to wait things out — the Americans have no will to fight. Apparently president Karzai implicitly believes this — witness his alleged overtures to the Taliban and the Haqqani network. Karzai, Taliban and Haqqanis are all Pashtuns.

 

Pashtuns account for about 40% of the Afghan population, with large groups of Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Hazaras among others. India has traditionally had good relationships with the Pashtuns but even better ties to the Tajiks, who, under the charismatic military genius Ahmed Shah Massoud of the Northern Alliance, held off the Soviets and then the Taliban.

Now all the blood and treasure — hundreds of millions of dollars — that India has poured into reconstruction efforts in Afghanistan seem to be in jeopardy because the Pakistanis have convinced the US and others that India has no business whatsoever in Afghanistan. India was not even invited to talks about that nation.

 

The irony is that the Pashtun issue is one of Pakistan's key weaknesses — the Durand Line arbitrarily divides Pashtun territory into Afghanistan and Pakistan. Pashtuns themselves have never recognised it, and if given a chance, would create an independent Pashtunistan on both sides of the Durand Line. 

This, of course, would be disaster for Pakistan, as it might induce restive Baluchis and Sindhis to secede as well. In fact, some analysts suggest just such a balkanisation to solve the Pakistan problem.

 

Somehow, the enterprising ISI has turned this weakness into a strength, by hijacking the Pashtun elements into their proxy Taliban. Similarly, the ISI, which faced the wrath of America after 9/11 with its peremptory warning to president Musharraf to behave, or else, has turned it into a $25 billion bonanza. Ironically, the Americans are in effect subsidising the Pakistani purchase of Chinese reactors!

 

Instead of containing Pakistan with a pincer movement with one front in Afghanistan, India is now in the unenviable situation that the ISI has achieved the 'strategic depth' it has always craved. 

Uncertain about its goals and ever-eager to appease, India has allowed a failing state one-seventh its size to smother it. Lack of strategic intent has led to dismal failure yet again.

 

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DNA

COLUMN

THERE IS NO LOVE IN HINDI ROMANTIC FILMS

PARSA VENKATESHWAR RAO JR 

 

This is the American season of 'vampire as loverboy'. To speak of romance in the more ordinary sense may seem a little too country-specific, culture-specific, a little too provincial.

 

However, that is what needs to be done in the week after I Hate Luv Storys has been released, which tells the sad tale of how contemporary Hindi films and the new young directors are not able to tell a simple love story which enchants you, which is what it is supposed to be doing. This despite the fact that the hero and the heroine in this film, played by Imran Khan and Sonam Kapoor, carry enough innocence.

 

What seems to derail love in some recent romantic Hindi films is that there is a little too much of intelligent conversation instead of mushy declarations of love, and that is the spoiler really. There are a lot of funny moments — especially when the hero tells the heroine that her boyfriend's shirt was 'fugly' — but there is no romance.

 

When they try to romance each other, they fail utterly. Interestingly, when the girl takes flowers to the boy to declare her love dressed in red, and when the boy does the same in a foyer draped in red, it looks not just cliched but simply like poking fun at the whole thing.

 

Though the ultimate message of I Hate Luv Storys is that love is indeed the story, the manner of telling it takes away the emotional stuffing.

 

The character of Buddha in Herman Hesse's novelette Siddhartha tells the young protagonist Govinda, 'Brahmin, beware of your cleverness.' The new directors of today's Hindi romantic films need to be told exactly this. Don't be too clever.

 

There is also the other problem. In many of the so-called romantic films, the boy and girl are close friends, so close and so un-self-conscious that they do not realise that they love each other not as friends but as a boy and girl. Look at Imran Khan's debut film Jaane Tu... Ya Jaane Na along with Genelia D'Souza. The two realise only at the end that they are lovers.

 

It is the same problem that confounds the lovers played by Ranbir Kapoor and Konkona Sen Sharma in Wake Up Sid, where the boy thinks of her as a friend and the girl bonds with him just as a friend though she loves him. Is this a confused younger generation or is the confusion just in the minds of the filmmakers, as one acerbic critic of Hindi mainstream cinema maintains?

 

It seems the problem is a general one. Romance has taken a backseat among the younger generation. They are busy bonding as friends while they work at career and social goals. There is no personal, much less, emotional life.

 

This dilemma is played out in one part of the double-helix narrative of Love Aaj Kal, where the character of the younger Rishi Kapoor, played by Saif Ali Khan, who is also the lead, is involved in a straightforward love tangle, where he does not even speak to the girl but knows that he loves her and she reciprocates. In the other love story of the film, Saif Ali Khan and Deepika Padukone, the young modern professionals, banter and bicker and even have a party to mark their break-up.

 

It is the other love story that forces Khan in his young avatar to realise that love is not just a pleasant conversation with a girl. It is no good to be merely witty when you have to bare your heart.

 

It is for this reason that two other films work better on the romantic front, though they work backwards from marriage to love. In Namaste London, the lad from the Punjab countryside played by Akshay Kumar whittles down the pride and reserve of a London-groomed Indian girl played by Katrina Kaif. And inRab Ne Bana Di Jodi, a small town government official played by Shah Rukh Khan wins the heart of his distracted young wife played by newcomer Anushka Sharma. It is the simplistic storyline of these two films that allows the basic emotions to come into play.

 

Lesson: Simple love story is good, intelligent love story is bad.

 

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THE TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

MEHBOOBA MUST CO-OPERATE

NO SETTLING SCORES AT COST OF PEACE

 

PEOPLE'S Democratic Party leader Mehbooba Mufti's refusal to attend the all-party meeting convened by Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah to seek to defuse tension in the valley should come as no surprise given her past record of trying to make political capital out of difficult situations. If Ms Mufti was sincere about defusing tension in the valley which has been in deep turmoil for over two weeks, she would have joined the talks and taken the government to task for mis-governance while suggesting concrete steps. By spurning even personal appeals by the Prime Minister and the Union Home Minister to attend the all-party meeting, the PDP leader has strengthened suspicions that she has a stake in keeping the pot boiling. In the words of Omar Abdullah, Mehbooba Mufti has chosen to be "part of the problem" and not "part of the solution." One cannot but recall how she had contributed to the escalation of the Amarnath land row two years ago after her party acquiesced in the allocation of land to the Amarnath Shrine Board.

 

It is becoming increasingly clear that while Mr Omar Abdullah's sincerity is beyond reproach, his government has mishandled the situation in the valley and given Mehbooba and the separatists a handle to beat him with. Army chief General V.K. Singh's observations in a TV interview that the recent flare-up in the valley was a result of the failure to build on the gains made by the security forces can hardly be brushed aside. However, one wonders whether the controversy this would predictably rake up with the political dispensation joining issue with the army chief could not have been avoided at this sensitive juncture when the State Government's hands need to be strengthened.

 

How long will hardline separatists and the political elements who are out to create or fan trouble be allowed to have a free run? It is for the Central and State governments to take a call on this and to define a 'laxman rekha' beyond which secessionist statements would invite action. The signal that should go across should be of strength not weakness. At the same time, the legitimate needs of the people must be met and efforts redoubled to win back the people's trust.

 

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THE TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

WHAT A CARNIVAL!

FOR ONE MONTH, EARTH WAS A FOOTBALL

 

WHO says only cricket is the game of glorious uncertainties? Football too can prove all predictions wrong — except perhaps those made by Paul the octopus. Who in his right mind would have claimed before the FIFA World Cup that former champions Italy and runners-up France will be eliminated in the first round, hot favourites Brazil and Argentina will be shown the door so ignominiously in the knockout stage and the first time finalists Spain will claim the trophy? Well, the unthinkable has happened, ending 76 years of the Spaniards' wait. They dashed the hopes of Holland 1-0 on Sunday in the first World Cup final to be decided in extra time. The sense of dejection among the Dutch fans has been heightened by the fact that this was their third loss in the final, the earlier ones being in 1974 and 1978. This is the first time that a European team has won the tournament outside of its home continent.

 

Only one team was bound to emerge champion and the other 31were to go disappointed. What mattered was that it was one month of sheer soccer ecstasy which engulfed the entire world. There was no dull moment during the tournament. Yes, there were controversies galore, what with numerous refereeing howlers, the irritation caused by the vuvuzela drone being a pain in the ears and the flight and behaviour of the new Jubilani ball being more unpredictable than the outcome of the matches. But overall, it was an excellent tournament.

 

This was the first time that the tournament was being hosted by an African nation and there were genuine misgivings about the state of preparedness as well as the crime situation in the country. However, when the time came, everything fell in place admirably. In fact, the successful conduct of the gigantic tournament has done a lot of good for the pride of South Africa – nay, the whole continent. There is a lesson there for India too, that it also can be equally successful in conducting the forthcoming Commonwealth Games if it puts its heart and soul into it.

 

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THE TRIBUNE

EDITORIAL

IRRESPONSIBLE OUTING

PUNJAB MLAS OFF TO SCOTLAND

 

AT a time when large parts of Punjab are under flood waters and the victims need urgent relief, a team of MLAs has left for Scotland — ostensibly to study the process of Scotch making. It would have been understandable had they gone to Delhi to press the Centre for compensation for the flood damage in the state, estimated at Rs 480 crore. Their foreign trip rather weakens the state's case for relief. If the state wastes public money on such activities as sending MLAs abroad to help them escape the sultry weather here, why should the Centre come to the rescue of the state?

 

Reports say the Finance Department had refused to give them advance money to fund the trip. But if they have the blessings of the Punjab Chief Minister or the Deputy Chief Minister, which is quite likely, then the Finance Department would have to foot the bill even if Mr Manpreet Singh Badal has any reservations. He falls in line when required. The MLAs' foreign jaunt, however, does not come as a surprise. Punjab politicians are notorious for their extravagant ways at state expense. The Akali-Congress leaders unite on such mutually beneficial issues as raising legislators' perks, withdrawing criminal cases against politicians or trips abroad.

 

Punjab Speaker Nirmal Singh Kahlon, who has been chargesheeted by the CBI, is leading the Vidhan Sabha committee delegation. He seems least bothered by the CBI action. This committee of legislators does not hold its meetings in Chandigarh or somewhere in Punjab but at such holiday destinations as Shimla, Srinagar, Goa and the Andamans. The trip was organised on the basis of the committee's supposed finding that there were "huge amounts" of alcohol in groundwater around the distilleries in the state. The Punjab Pollution Control Board, however, has debunked the claim.

 

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THE TRIBUNE

ARTICLE

KRISHNA'S VISIT TO PAK

STARTING POINT FOR A NEW DIALOGUE

BY P.R. CHARI

 

CHARLES DICKENS' opening words in his Tale of Two Cities summarises the current state of India-Pakistan relations — it was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair.

 

These contrary conclusions are inspired by the fact that both countries are inextricably tied to each other by geography and history and civilisational link that span several centuries. And after they became nuclear weapon states in 1998, they went to war in Kargil in 1999, and indulged in a very dangerous border confrontation crisis over 2001-02.

 

Both could have spun out of control. Therefore, they can hardly remain indifferent neighbors. The rationale for resuming the dialogue with Pakistan, suspended after the Mumbai attacks in November 2008 is, therefore, incontrovertible.

 

However, it would be realistic to appreciate that the constraints upon them for resisting any dialogue are also compelling if their past dismal record is reviewed — revival followed by disruption followed by revival ad infinitum and ad nauseum. Contrary impulses, therefore, will govern External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna's ensuing visit to Islamabad for a dialogue with his counterpart, Shah Mahmood Qureshi.

 

A revival of the peace talks can be anticipated. However, the talks could be poisoned at inception by Krishna raising the subject of the Laskar-e-Toiba fishing in the troubled waters of Kashmir. There is deep suspicion that Rawalpindi, read the Inter Services Intelligence organisation, has seized this opportunity.

 

Raising this issue will vitiate the atmosphere; not raising it will be domestically unacceptable and question why Krishna went ahead with this diplomatic enterprise at the present sensitive juncture. Naturally, Pakistan will categorically deny all such allegations.

 

Over to the Pakistani counter-attack. It could reiterate that India should resolve the Kashmir dispute before bilateral relations could normalise. Shorthand for New Delhi holding a plebiscite in terms of the six decades old. Security Council Resolutions. Their interpretation by Pakistan differs radically from that of India. The result: stalemate.

 

Instead, both countries could profitably revive the modality of making borders irrelevant agreed to some years earlier by President Musharraf and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. Conceptually, it could become the starting point for a new dialogue.

 

There is a structural issue that remains. How should this bilateral dialogue be proceeded with? Revert to the earlier composite dialogue? It was revived in 2004 after going into hibernation in 1998 following the India-Pakistan nuclear tests.

 

Reviewing the composite dialogue, however, only highlights the reality that related contentious issues like Kashmir, Siachen, Sir Creek, Wullar barrage/ Tulbul Navigation project, are in deep recess. They cannot be resolved unless basic political decisions are taken by India and Pakistan. That leaves "peace and security, terrorism and drug trafficking, economic and commercial cooperation and the promotion of friendly exchanges in different fields" for being explored in that agenda.

 

Some skepticism arises whether cooperation in mitigating the common menace of terrorism can proceed very far in the prevailing milieu of deep mistrust between India and Pakistan.

 

On the other hand, considerable scope remains for enlarging people-to-people contacts, promoting trade and improving connectivity to enable greater commerce. Basically, the present obstructive visa regime needs to be liberalised and the India-Pakistan dialogue could profitably address this issue.

 

Political commitment is required from both sides, but it might be easier to garner than for politico-strategic issues. Add to this agenda water issues like Kishanganga and other contentions shaping up and a substantial agenda for discussion in Islamabad becomes available which could provide the impetus for the Indus Water Commissioners to address these disputes.

 

There is, of course, a huge caveat that must be entered here that cannot be brushed aside which is the reality that ultimate power in Pakistan vests in the Pakistan Army. Operating as a Praetorian force when civilian governments are in brief authority, the Pakistan Army remains the real power in that country. Of course, Pakistan has been under military rule for half its history.

 

Civilian governments, when they do exist, can only exist with their concurrence and under their patronage. This prevailing reality cannot be wished away. But it would be impossible for democratic India to suggest a direct dialogue with the Pakistan Army.

 

In this situation, the question is vital: how will the Pakistan army react to a bilateral agenda that may not have any major politico-strategic content, but basically addresses non-military issues? Optimists might believe that these 'peripheral' issues would not much interest the Pakistan Army, and they will not obstruct the civilian government from pursuing them.

 

However, this may not be true since the Pakistan Army is widely believed to resist efforts to normalise India-Pakistan relations and seek a modus vivendi on Kashmir since this threatens their institutional interests.

 

Krishna, therefore, needs to travel hopefully, but any great enthusiasm is contra-indicated.

 

The writer is associated with the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, New Delhi

 

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THE TRIBUNE

MIDDLE

 

THANKS FOR THE LOVELY CAPS

BY PRAVEEN VASISHT

 

MY friendship with Rear Admiral SS Jamwal goes back to 1966 when we together joined the Lawrence School, Sanawar. We remained in touch with each other and followed each other's life closely. Even when he got posted to Moscow as Naval Attaché we exchanged notes. Needless to say, he was a great source of inspiration to me. A great officer. A wonderful human being.

 

During my last winter vacations this year, Jonga as we called him at Sanawar invited me and my wife to Cochin for a holiday for a week and we grabbed it with both hands, as I really needed one (running Sanawar can be exhausting). Incidentally, the last time we had a holiday was also courtesy my friend Jonga almost 10 years ago when he was posted at Goa, in INS Godawari. My mother and daughter too joined us there.

 

At Cochin we were put up in a beautiful holiday home next to the waters, and one morning he called up to say that he's taking his daughter Shriya to buy a watch in the evening to one of those 'fancy malls' and if my wife and I would also like to accompany them. Watch purchased, he took pains to select an appropriate trek suit for his wife Geeta and then found me looking for a 'cap' to cover my bald head for winters.

 

Typical of him, he said: 'Peeks, don't buy this as I have many beautiful ones at home, and I'll send you one tomorrow'. Sure enough, early next morning Jonga's butler came with three beautiful caps, each better than the other.

 

On the fateful day of Jonga's demise, when I called his home, it was this same butler Narender who picked up the phone, and after asking him who he was he said: 'Sahab, woh topi wallah'. I love wearing these caps in rotation, and one of them adorns my office permanently.

 

On one of the many visits Jonga had arranged for us at the Cochi Southern Command Naval base, at one of the training schools I was presented with another lovely cap by the officer in charge, with "INS Dronacharya" inscribed on it with its motto below, HIT FIRST. Ironically, it was at this base that Rear Admiral SS Jamwal got accidentally hit by a gunshot.

 

I spoke to Jonga the last time about a week ago, and the first thing he asked me was: "Peeks, have you started writing?" He always encouraged me to start writing for newspaper, magazines and finally books, and I always told him that there's no time for that, and that once I retire, may be I'll do only that.

 

But yes Jonga, you will be happy to know that I have begun writing. Our Cochin visit will always remain very memorable to both of us for the lovely time we all had together. And your caps will always remind me of all the good values we together learnt at Sanawar.

 

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THE TRIBUNE

OPED DEFENCE

INFORMATION WARFARE

DECISION MAKERS SHOULD LOG-ON TO THE NUANCESVULNERABLE INFORMATION NETWORKS CAN ADVERSELY AFFECT NATIONAL SECURITY AND CREATE UTTER CHAOS. SAFEGUARDING THEM IS CRITICAL AND THE COUNTRY OUGHT TO MOVE FAST TO SECURE ITS CYBER ASSETS AS POTENTIAL ADVERSARIES ALREADY HAVE AN EDGE

LT GEN HARBHAJAN SINGH (RETD)

 

'FOR to win one hundred victories in one hundred battles is not the acme of skill. To subdue the enemy without fighting is the acme of skill." So said noted Chinese military strategist and philosopher Sun Tzu. No doubt what he meant was ways to outwit and outmaneuver the enemy without resorting to arms.

 

Today this translates to a type of warfare dominated by the use and manipulation of information and information networks and subversion of data to one's own advantage, thereby bringing down an enemy by without actually firing a shot.

 

Information warfare is the offensive and defensive use of information and information systems to deny, exploit, corrupt, or destroy, an adversary's information, information-based processes, information systems, and computer-based networks while protecting one's own. Such actions are designed to achieve advantages over military, political or business adversaries.

 

One of the prime aims of Information warfare is to so manage the perception of the enemy top decision makers and even its people, that a nation's aims are met without recourse to war.

 

We are living in the Information Age. The means of gathering and disseminating information are exploding -- TV, Internet, media, news on cell phones, e-newspapers and e-books are available at home, in the work place and even on the move. The maxim, 'seeing is believing' has made TV very powerful in forming opinions and perceptions. Internet is another means used extensively. These are already being used as vehicles for information and disinformation. Since information is such a powerful tool, contesting entities, may they be nations, politicians, economic czars, terrorist organizations try and exploit its use and deny the same to the adversary. This leads to Information Warfare.

 

The terminology "Information Warfare" covers propaganda or disinformation leading to "perception management", which is making the targeted people believe, what you want them to believe. This is used both during peace and war, in diplomacy, politics, and economic relations and even in sports (pre match sound bytes!!). Before important international conferences, news leaks by unnamed representatives are commonly used to put pressure on the other side. The propaganda blitz during elections is also common the world over.

 

In a war scenario, information warfare starts much earlier, even before war clouds start to build. The warring nations may try and project their policy and strengths thru speeches, press releases, pictures of their armed forces and so on. Aim being not only to detract the enemy from his plans and thinking but also to mould a favorable international opinion, in particular of international power centers, so important in today's world. The aim may be to see if the national objectives can be met or facilitated through information warfare and actual war avoided. On the other hand some powerful nations may use this to justify to their own people and the world at large going to war!

 

In any kind of warfare, there are both the offensive and defensive aspects. The aim has to be having an overwhelming edge on the adversary in propaganda. The offensive part also includes using electronic and ballistic means to disable or destroy enemy's TV and radio stations or jamming them.

This aspect of Information warfare has to be planned and coordinated at the highest level as part of national strategy. What to project at what time and how. In our case, the PMO will have to get involved.

 

In a war situation, Information warfare operations are to be undertaken, in the military arena; propaganda/perception management being a part and parcel. The armed forces today depend heavily on electronic systems, including communications, surveillance devices (satellites, radars, UAVs), weapon systems (missiles, rockets, guns), air and naval operations and electronic warfare. Information or intelligence is passed instantaneously, processed and disseminated speedily. Plans and orders issued and their implementation monitored leading to Network Centric Warfare. All such systems heavily depend on use of computers.

 

Information warfare is also integral part of deception. Use of computers enables doctoring of images quite realistically. This can help in projecting troops, aircraft, ships and weapon systems where they are not. According to Sun Zu, All warfare is based on deception.

 

Over 70 per cent of all intelligence is derived using electronic interceptions, both in peace and war. The aim has to be to make the battlefield transparent to own forces and blind the enemy. This is one of the prime objectives of information operations during war.

 

Disabling or doctoring enemy's computer based systems while ensuring use of the same by own forces is a critical aspect of information operations. This is also termed cyber warfare. However, cyber warfare is not restricted to armed forces networks but includes all national critical resources like transportation, water supply, law and order, telecommunications, financial systems (banking, stock markets), news media, medical etc. In short all systems which can adversely affect the war effort, the lives of people and thus create chaos. Safeguarding all such systems is critical to over all war effort.

 

Cyber warfare covers hacking and spread of viruses. The worst is to doctor the functioning of systems so that these get out of control. There are many reports of Indian and American computer systems being hacked. The fingers point invariably towards China, which has taken cyber warfare very seriously and made it a pillar of its strategy. It has raised a number of cyber warfare divisions.

 

India has also set up some organisations to counter these threats, both at national and military levels but much more needs to be done and fast. India has the required brains and technical resources. What is needed is the national will and according required priority and resources.

 

Our political leaders and bureaucrats who are the ultimate decision makers need to be well versed in the nuances of this new form of warfare. As of now, our potential adversaries have a big edge.

 

(The author is a former Signals Officer-in-Chief of the Indian Army)

 

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TRIBUNE

OPED DEFENCE

BE READY BEFORE CYBER RAIDERS COME CHARGING

BRIG KIRAN KRISHAN (RETD)

 

ADDRESSING the Army Commanders' Conference at New Delhi in May, Defence Minister AK Antony said cyber attacks were "fast becoming the next generation of threats", and asked the defence services to work in unison to combat computer based external attacks. He also asked them to focus on developing a "force capable of operating in a joint network-centric environment." While remaining alive to current threats, the services can not afford to remain oblivious to the fast changing technological milieu and its effect on war . There is a need to intently peep into the future and start preparations now.

 

The minister's exhortation hasn't come a day too soon. In January, no less a person than the former National Security Advisor, MK Narayanan had pointed an accusing finger at China for launching cyber attacks on computers in the Prime Minister's Office. In February 2009, the Ministry of External Affairs had reported several of its computers had been infected by a spyware originating from a server in China. In 2008 also, the MEA's internal communication network was reported to have been broken into by Chinese hackers. There was also a report of Pakistani hackers defacing an Indian Army website.

 

On January 14, failure of the computerised data processing system with Air Traffic Control at IGI Airport, New Delhi led to a massive disruption for almost two hours, when the airport was already reeling under dense fog and low visibility conditions. Analysts fear such outages could even be engineered as part of planned cyberwar operations. Critical infrastructure - services including rail, air, and sea transportation systems, power generation and transmission, monitoring of oil and gas pipelines, banking services, voice and data transmission are all dependent upon internet based networks.

 

Today, it is difficult to imagine a world without computers and internet. US experts warn of "cybergeddon," where an advanced economy in which almost everything is linked to or controlled by computers falls prey to hackers, with catastrophic results.

 

Information Technology is critical to the defence effort, indeed the whole life of a nation. If a country cannot support its tanks, ships, aircraft, missiles, and satellites with cyber capability, and cyber security, the war is likely to be lost before it has even begun. And, if you cannot guard your banking networks, you would lose your money as well. Possibly, future conflicts would consist of blended attacks - physical attack, accompanied by disruption of cyber systems, or a series of such attacks. The new environment necessitates the ability to defend own networks while retaining the ability to disrupt those of the adversary. The adversaries could be countries, rogue NGOs, and even rogue individuals marching to their own weird tunes. One of the most difficult problem with cyberwar is that the internet gives the originators of attack the power of anonymity. Finding the identity of an attacker is extremely difficult.

 

What does the future hold for the militaries of the world? The ideas swirl has spawned a thousand cyber neologisms; cyberspace, cyberwar, cybersecurity, cyberdeterrence, cyber dominance, cybergeddon (a take-off from Armageddon), digital 9/11, digital Pearl Harbour, cyber shockwave, cyberterrorist, digital warriors, cyberbomb and so on. Rules of warfare are changing once again though the shape and structure of the cyber future is far from clear. Would future wars be contested only by digital nerds punching keys in air conditioned offices and not by heroic soldiers shedding their blood on distant battlefields? Or, would future wars consist of series of near simultaneous bloody and bloodless combats?

 

How does one fight the digital war? What should be the objectives of a cyber attack? How does one deter cyberaggression? Should it be deterrence by denial - prohibitively raising the costs of an attack by strong firewalls, or deterrence - sure, swift and overwhelming retribution? But would the ideas that rule the conventional war today foot the bill of a cyberworld?

 

In the two recent Gulf wars, an information technology dominant USA was able to pulverise an IT deficient Iraq. According to Nigel Inkster, an analyst with the International Institute for Strategic Studies, "There is lot of concern in [China and Russia] that the US is seeking to achieve in cyberspace the same dominance it is perceived to have in the realm of conventional and nuclear weapons."

 

The US military has recently set up the United Sates Cyber Command. A new bipartisan cybersecurity bill introduced on June 10, 2010 seeks to give the US President authority to declare a national "cyber emergency" and protect critical assets. The Department of Homeland Security's new National Centre for Cybersecurity and Communications would be responsible for protection against and responding to attacks on government and critical private networks.

 

India too has started taking hesitant steps to prepare for cyber-conflict. The Indian Army is setting up a cyber-security laboratory at the Military College of Telecommunication Engineering, Mhow to train officers in establishing and maintaining security protocols. This ambit would have to be expanded soon as purely defensive measures are unlikely to succeed against determined attackers who continue probing relentlessly till they find a chink in the cyber armour.

 

The country as a whole would do well to move fast and be ready before the cyber barbarians come calling.

 

(The author is a defence analyst)

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MUMBAI MIRROR

VIEWS

ALL THE REST IS THEORY

DOES SPAIN'S RISE AS A SPORTING SUPERPOWER DEFY AGE-OLD HYPOTHESES OF WHAT MAKES NATIONS EXCEL ON THE FIELD?

 

After Andres Iniesta had had his say, the roof of Johannesburg's glorious Soccer City stadium put in the last word, erupting in fiery colours that were visible for miles through the naked eye and seen by hundreds of millions around the world on TV. It seemed all too elaborate for the World Cup final; more apt perhaps for something that heralds everlasting change, like the birth of Jesus. 

 

But then sport in the modern era often defies perspective. Seen by some as a device to bring nations together, by some as a mirror of how well a country is doing socially and economically, and by some others as a combination of the two, it is often heralded as a yardstick for many things that it doesn't illustrate. The unprecedented success of Spain across sport over the last two years is an example of that, if ever there was one, but we'll get to that later. 

 

In his 1945 essay, The Sporting Spirit, George Orwell had taken on the promoting-bonhomie assumption by writing that international sporting contests led to "orgies of hatred" instead. "The significant thing is not the behaviour of the players but the attitude of the spectators: and, behind the spectators, of the nations who work themselves into furies over these absurd contests, and seriously believe that running, jumping and kicking a ball are tests of national virtue," he said. 

 

Then, this year, in a book called Why England Lose that was timed to coincide with the World Cup, leading sports anthropologist Simon Kuper took the economic assumption forward by listing the pre-requisites that define a great football team. With co-author Stefan Syzmanski, he said the greatness of a team depends on three factors – population size, wealth and experience. For example, Brazil was the wealthiest of the emerging third-world countries with a very large population whose players gained experience playing in the great leagues all over the world – a perfect combination. England, on the other hand, lost out because so few of its players were in non-English clubs. 

 

But Spain's Midas touch – not just in football but across sport over the last two years – seems to challenge this theory at various levels. Sticking to football for now, the entire first-11 of the Spanish football team was from either Barcelona, Real Madrid or Villareal. Two of their biggest players in overseas clubs, Arsenal's Cesc Fabregas and Liverpool's Fernando Torres, were warming the bench and came on in the 87th and 106th minutes in the final. 

 

Secondly, defying the hypothesis given by Kuper, and several other sociologists, that a country's sporting success is directly proportional to its overall growth, Spain is reeling from its worst economic crisis in history. The collapse of its real-estate boom over the last two years has resulted in a personal debt crisis, leading to trade deficit, its credit rating being downgraded by ratings agency Standard & Poor's, and its unemployment rate rising to nearly 20 per cent. 

 

The effect is being felt in every industry, particularly local tourism and entertainment. For example, reports suggest that in the Mediterranean seaside resort of Estepona officials have failed to find a promoter to stage bullfights at the local festival starting today. The town, which usually spends 250,000 euro on its week-long summer festival of music, parades, and drinking, will have no government spending and no parade this year. 

In the middle of this atmosphere of gloom, how does one explain the Euro and World Cup titles in football, Rafael Nadal's Grand Slam titles, Alberto Contador's Tour de France victory, and the presence of Fernando Alonso on the Formula 1 circuit and Sergio Garcia and Miguel Angel Jimenez on the golf tours – all at the same time? 

 

What's more curious is that unlike East Germany in the 80s, China in the 90s, and England in the latter half of the 2000s, this success is not part of a systematic government movement aimed at getting Olympic medals. It has happened in a variety of sports, most of them home-coached, almost like a series of accidents taking place simultaneously. 

 

Incredible as it may sound, this explanation is probably good enough for those who believe in coincidences. For those who don't, go figure.

 

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EDITORIAL

INCENTIVE FOR A NUMBER

THE UIDAI PROPOSAL NEEDS FINANCIAL BACKING

 

The Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), entrusted with the task of providing identification numbers to all residents, had a brush with controversy last week. Newspaper reports said that the expenditure finance committee of the finance ministry had slashed its budget by more than half, to Rs 3,000 crore. The implication of the reported cut was that the Authority would be able to issue only 100 million unique identification numbers, compared to 600 million numbers originally planned for the first phase.

 

The facts, however, are somewhat different. First, the expenditure finance committee does not have the final power to cut the budget of an Authority, created under an Act of Parliament. It certainly has the power to recommend cuts, but that is not the same thing. Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee said as much by issuing a statement yesterday, reiterating his ministry's commitment to provide all funds required for the expeditious and smooth implementation of the UID project. Secondly, there is no change in the plan for rolling out the identification numbers over the next four years, according to which the Authority would issue 100 million numbers by February 2011 and another 600 million by 2014. Yet, it would be naive to conclude from the finance minister's clarification that all is well with the UID project and that the controversy over its implementation has been resolved. The controversy arose from the manner in which the Authority proposed to register people, particularly those falling below the poverty line, before allotting them identification numbers. Finance ministry officials have argued that since the Registrar General of India (RGI) is collecting demographic and biometric data, the Authority need not undertake this exercise as it would lead to duplication of efforts. The Authority, on its part, has argued that it could not rely only on the RGI and it would collect such data independently from areas which the RGI cannot reach. Another area of conflict pertains to the Authority's proposal to pay Rs 100 to every poor person who registers her name with it for getting an identification number. The ministry has questioned the need for paying the incentive to people for getting a number that should be incentive enough since it would entitle them to a host of financial and non-financial benefits. Should the government, therefore, pay out Rs 12,000 crore for allotting identification numbers to all residents, the ministry has asked. The Authority has argued in favour of the incentive on two counts. One, the payment of Rs 100 per person will be restricted only to the poor. Two, the amount involved is reasonable and fair compensation for a poor person who will lose a day's earnings when she comes to get enrolled for the number.

 

There is no doubt that any payment of incentive to people for getting enrolled for the identification number should be subjected to strict scrutiny. However, for a scheme that has the potential of saving thousands of crores of rupees by eliminating ghost beneficiaries, the proposed payment of incentive money to the poor is worth the investment.

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BUSINESS STANDARD

EDITORIAL

NOT THE LAW

THE FOCUS SHOULD BE ON OPERATIONAL PROBLEMS IN THE FIELD

 

A bad workman, it is said, finds fault with the tools. This seems to be true of the environment and forest ministry when it comes to wildlife conservation. Unable to check the rise in wildlife crime and the illicit trade in wildlife products, the ministry has put the blame on the Wildlife Conservation Act, 1972, which, it feels, is not stringent enough to deter criminals. It has, therefore, come out with a draft Bill to amend this statute, and hike steeply the penalties for wildlife-related misdeeds, the idea being to raise the economic cost of committing wildlife crimes. This is fine, but the cost of a crime becomes an effective deterrent only if the perpetrators are caught and convicted. This is not usually the case; wildlife activists reckon that the conviction rate is as low as 1 per cent. Even when notorious wildlife traders, such as Sansar Chand, are nabbed and convicted, the follow-up action to destroy their networks is usually found wanting. Little wonder then that the illegal trade in wildlife products continues to flourish. In value, it now ranks below only arms and narcotics.

 

Behind much of this trade are international gangs of criminals who run sophisticated networks. China is known to be a major destination for illegally procured wildlife products. But tigers and leopards are not the only animals sought after by poachers and smugglers. Going by the database of the Wildlife Protection Society of India (WPSI), over 400 species of animals are on the hit list of wildlife criminals and traders. WPSI also claims (on its website) to have collected information about more than 14,000 wildlife criminals and their associates, wildlife traders, smuggling routes and the methods used for poaching.

 

 The problem then goes beyond the law and its penalties. The problem cannot be dealt with without cooperation between the major forested states, on the one hand, and the countries where these gangs operate, on the other. Though the Convention on the International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora, to which India is a party, should have come in handy, the accord is not being adhered to in its true spirit. On the home front, wildlife poachers who use sophisticated weapons and fast-moving transport, cannot be confronted with the outmoded guns and rickety vehicles that forest officers usually have. Besides, in most states a large number of posts of ward and watch staff lie unfilled. As for those who are on the rolls, the average age of forest guards is estimated by wildlife activists at around 50 years. But the most important factor is that wildlife habitats are shrinking, forcing animals to venture outside the core forest areas and become easy targets for poachers. Unless all these issues are suitably addressed, merely giving more teeth to the Wildlife Act will be meaningless

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BUSINESS STANDARD

COLUMN

 

 ARE HAPPY DAYS HERE AGAIN?

THE GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS SEEMS ALMOST OVER

SUMAN BERY

 

Yesterday's editorial in this newspaper ("The IMF gets more upbeat", July 12, 2010) noted that the IMF has had a patchy record in charting the evolution of the present crisis, following developments more than anticipating them. Despite this performance, and its poor performance in predicting the crisis, each update of its forecast for the global economy (the "World Economic Outlook", or WEO) receives considerable international press attention and commentary.

 

While the Fund's full analysis of the global economy is undertaken twice a year — in April and September at the time of the meetings of the governors (i.e. finance ministers) of the IMF and the World Bank — the organisation also undertakes summary intermediate revisions. One such forecast was unveiled last week (World Economic Outlook Update, July 8, 2010; www.imf.org). Before examining the implications of this forecast for Indian policy, particularly the quarterly monetary policy update due at the end of July, it is worth reflecting briefly on the context in which this latest forecast has been prepared.

 

 Unusually, the release occurred in Hong Kong, China. It was timed for the eve of a major gathering of Asian policy-makers to take place in Seoul, Korea, this week, on the joint invitation of the Korean government and the IMF. Both events signal the increased importance of Asia in the global economy. They also indicate the desire of the IMF to reconnect with a group of countries which it alienated through its response to the Asian crisis of 1997.

 

With the notable exception of Pakistan, these Asian countries (Asean, China, India, and the "old" newly industrialised economies of Singapore, Taiwan and South Korea) are unlikely to return to the Fund for resources any time soon. Instead they have spent the past decade "self-insuring" against an unpredictable global financial system through a large build-up of foreign exchange reserves. Under Chinese and Japanese leadership, within the framework of a mechanism of swap arrangements referred to as the Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI), the underlying agenda has, in fact, been to develop alternatives to an IMF seen as subservient to American and European interests.

 

The alacrity with which the Fund has rushed to support countries and banks in Europe in the present crisis, even as the reform of voting power and board representation in the Fund proceeded at a glacial pace, would perhaps have done little to assuage these concerns. Yet the Fund wishes to remain at the heart of the reform of the international monetary order (exchange rate regimes, capital movements, liquidity provision, safety nets) and the rebalancing of the global economy. For this, it badly needs Asian engagement, particularly from the Asian emerging market members of the G20 (South Korea, Indonesia, China and India).

 

As widely reported in the Indian press, global growth in 2010, weighted by purchasing power parity, is now forecast at 4.6 per cent as against 4.2 per cent as recently as late April. Despite the turmoil in European sovereign debt markets, almost all parts of the globe have been upgraded. In addition, the charts supplied in the document clearly indicate that the world is experiencing a classic "V"-shaped rebound in output, of the kind associated with an extreme inventory cycle.

 

Within this generally positive global picture, as might be expected, both the absolute levels and the upgrade are strongest for Developing Asia: China, India and the "Asean-5" (Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam). The April projection of 8.8 per cent for calendar 2010 has been further boosted to 9.4 per cent. Several people have asked me how it relates to the more usual forecast of 8-8.5 per cent for fiscal 2010-11 that is circulating in official Indian circles. I would surmise that the main difference is the very strong growth performance of the first quarter of this calendar year. Given the very weak performance in early 2009, this can have a big effect on the calculation of the change in average level of GDP for 2010 over 2009.

 

What does this comparatively buoyant picture imply for Indian policy? While the usual caveats about forecasts are in order, and for many parts of the world, notably the US, the jobs picture remains dismal, it now seems safe to say that the global recovery is well established. This was not my view at the time of the April monetary policy. My earlier concern was that simultaneous tightening of both fiscal and monetary policy was risky at a time when the global prospect was uncertain and domestic private investment was still shaky; but now, equity market developments, the continuing good news on the manufacturing front (the index of industrial production) and indirect tax receipts are reassuring.

 

This then leaves the external sector: trade, capital movements and the external price of the rupee. There have been a number of developments in this space in recent days. These include the release of the preliminary balance of payments data by RBI for the full fiscal year 2009-10; the simultaneous release, also by RBI, of data on external debt of India; recent numbers on merchandise exports; the announced return to a gradual crawl of the Chinese yuan (RMB) against the US dollar; and the general recovery in world trade.

 

As I noted in April, eminent columnists of this paper have expressed concern on the real effective appreciation of the Indian rupee. In speeches delivered in Washington and Zurich, RBI Governor D Subbarao has also expressed concern on volatile capital flows and their impact both on asset markets and on managing the nominal exchange rate. The balance of payments data for the last quarter of FY10, and for the full fiscal year, would seem to give some credence to these concerns, with the current account deficit estimated at 2.9 per cent of GDP by RBI. This is certainly a level that deserves watching, but given the big difference between the trade data reported by the Directorate General of Commercial Intelligence and Statistics and that reported by RBI, as well as the healthy growth of overall exports, it may make more sense to adjust the current account through fiscal consolidation, rather than through aggressive intervention in the exchange market.

 

The author is director-general, NCAER, and member, Prime Minister's Economic Advisory Council. Views expressed are personal

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BUSINESS STANDARD

COLUMN

SINO-INDIAN BORDER - FRESH OPPORTUNITY

AJAI SHUKLA

 

The last couple of weeks have seen interesting developments in the Sino-Indian relationship. On June 28, a Chinese Web newspaper called Global Times posted an article that argued forcefully that Indian control of the northern Indian Ocean would be a positive development for China's security. The timing of this article was noteworthy, coming as it did just four days before National Security Adviser Shiv Shankar Menon left for China to begin a new dialogue on exploring new ways to impart a positive direction to the Sino-Indian relationship.

 

The author, Zhang Wenmu, a Beijing University professor, argued that only Russia, India and the US had direct interests in the northern Indian Ocean, while China had only an indirect interest. Indian control of these waters would suit China better than a strong US Navy presence in these waters. Besides, argued Prof Zhang, the more India focuses on the Indian Ocean, the safer Tibet becomes for China. If India were bent on containing China, it would focus on Tibet, not the Indian Ocean. Prof Zhang believes that India's ongoing naval build-up would bring India into confrontation with the US, rather than with China, mirroring the way that China's naval expansion is currently precipitating a confrontation between the Chinese and US navies.

 

Admittedly, this radical idea has been expressed only unofficially, and in just a single media article so far. But it is standard Chinese practice to test reactions to potentially controversial ideas — such as an entente with India in the Indian Ocean — through a trial balloon of this kind.

 

Furthermore, Mr Menon's visit to China, from July 3 to July 6, took place in the backdrop of the naval confrontation that is building up between China and the US. Beijing has made it clear that it would not allow a joint US-South Korea naval exercise, scheduled for mid-July, in the Yellow Sea to be conducted unhindered in waters that it regards as China's zone of influence.

 

In March 2010, according to The New York Times, Beijing had told two visiting US administration officials that China would not tolerate US interference in its territorial disputes in the western Pacific, labelling the South China Sea for the first time as a "core interest" for China, on a par with Tibet and Taiwan.

 

Now, Washington has challenged Beijing; an American nuclear-powered aircraft carrier, the USS George Washington, the flagship of the US 7th Fleet, is leading a powerful naval flotilla into the waters off China.

 

China's predicament explains Prof Zhang's argument as well as the warmth with which Mr Menon was received in China. Premier Wen Jiabao received him for a 40-minute meeting, as did Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi and Vice Foreign Minister Dai Bingguo, Mr Mr Menon's interlocutor on the border issue. Wen Jiabao was quoted as pointing out to Mr Menon that "It will be Asia's century if India and China have a strong relationship", and officials told the media that "a way forward" for the relationship was explored.

 

China's new appreciation for India's concerns — which has flowered since Prime Minister Manmohan Singh supported Premier Jiabao's stand at the Copenhagen climate summit — must be leveraged by New Delhi into forward movement on the Sino-Indian territorial dispute. While fully resolving the dispute is a complex task, Beijing must be made to understand that better relations with China hinge on convincing Indian public opinion about China's bona fides on the border.

 

A viable suggestion to China would be to diminish the profile of the dispute, transforming it from a territorial dispute — involving vast tracts of land amounting to 130,000 square kilometres — to a border dispute over where the boundary lies. Astonishingly, given the animosity and bloodshed that the dispute has generated, this is not difficult. Since the 1950s, China had been suggesting an East-for-West swap, in which China recognises India's sovereignty over NEFA/Arunachal Pradesh (which India occupies) in exchange for recognition of Chinese sovereignty over the areas it already occupies in Aksai Chin/Ladakh.

 

The same proposal, with relatively minor changes, has also guided the settlement being discussed since 2003 between the special representatives of the two countries: currently Shiv Shankar Menon and Dai Bingguo. Beijing's insistence, after 1984, that the Tawang tract in Arunachal Pradesh be ceded to China has been the only new stumbling block. The other disputed areas are small and relatively insignificant.

 

Today, it is theoretically possible for the two countries to agree on a border where China keeps Aksai Chin and India keeps Arunachal; while the Tawang tract and a dozen or so disputed enclaves be settled through further dialogue. This would radically diminish the very nature of the dispute, allowing an overall improvement in relations.

 

All that prevents such a settlement (other than an Indian parliamentary resolution, which would have to be dealt with anyway) is China's belief that it could extract a more favourable settlement in the future. But China is pragmatic; when the US-India relationship was surging in 2005, Wen Jiabao made bold concessions, accepting an India-friendly draft of the "Political Principles" for a settlement, an important document that India holds up today to buttress its claim on Tawang.

 

With China under pressure on the Pacific front, and exploring common ground with India, Beijing must be persuaded to neuter a dispute that has long been, in the Indian psyche, evidence of Chinese animosity towards this country.

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BUSINESS STANDARD

COLUMN

GROWING THE ORGANIC WAY

DESPITE IMPRESSIVE GROWTH, ORGANIC PRODUCE FORMS LESS THAN 1 PER CENT OF THE TOTAL FARM OUTPUT, AT HOME AND ABROAD

SURINDER SUD

 

From just 42,000 hectares under certified organic farming in 2003-04, farmland under this nature-friendly form of cultivation has expanded to about 750,000 hectares in 2009-10, marking a spectacular 18-fold increase. If 300,000 hectares of area under various stages of conversion to recognised organic farming is also taken into account, this growth would work out to a whopping 25-fold. To this can be added millions of hectares where fertilisers and other chemicals are, in any case, seldom used.

 

However, this remarkable spread of organic agriculture is not so much because of the farmers' concern for ecology as it is due to a growing demand for organic food as well as promotion of such farming by the government and non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Besides, it could also be viewed as the farmers' response to the premium prices that organically-grown products fetch in the niche market for such food items. Non-food crops are rarely grown on certified organic farmlands.

 

 Globally, too, organic farming has taken rapid strides as a demand-driven activity. According to the International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements (IFOAM), an apex body of organic organisations, about 32.2 million hectares worldwide were cultivated organically in 2007. In addition, organic wild products were harvested in approximately 30 million hectares to cater to an estimated $46-billion global market for organic products.

 

However, despite such impressive growth as well as good future prospects, organic agriculture has no precise and universally accepted definition. Nor is this mode of cultivation wholly incontrovertible from the standpoint of sustainability and food security, notably for filling the billions of hungry or under-fed bellies. As a proportion of total agricultural output, organic produce remains just a tiny fraction, less than 1 per cent, domestically as also globally.

 

Most people deem organic agriculture as a farming system that does not use synthetic fertilisers, pesticides, plant growth regulators and other such inputs. But some other definitions view it from the health angle — the health of various types of soil, ecosystems and people. That makes organic farming a relatively more complicated activity, requiring judicious mix of crop rotation, green manure, compost, biological pest control and farm mechanisation. Genetically modified crops are strictly prohibited in all modes of organic agriculture, though such crops can make it easier to reap bigger harvests without productivity-boosting inputs like fertilisers and pesticides.

 

Indeed, organic farming found its most formidable detractor in the late Nobel laureate Norman E Borlaug, who is globally hailed as the father of green revolution. His most often quoted, albeit controversial, remarks seem worth recalling. Borlaug said: "Even if you could use all the organic material that you have — the animal manure, the human waste, plant residues — and get them back in the soil, you couldn't feed more than 4 billion people. In addition, if all agriculture were organic, you would have to increase cropland area dramatically, spreading out into marginal areas and cutting down millions of acres of forests."

 

Borlaug even discounted the plea that organic farming produced more nutritive products. "As far as the plants are concerned, they can't tell whether nitrate ion comes from artificial chemicals or from decomposed organic matter," he often argued.

Indeed, some of Borlaug's views, especially those concerning the quality of organic products, have since been corroborated by the outcome of scientific investigations published recently in reputed international journals. These studies have found no substantive nutritive superiority of the organically grown products over others.

 

Borlaug's logic regarding the source of plant nutrients for the crops, too, is not wholly unfounded. For, farmyard manures usually contain very little, less than 1 per cent, nitrogen (N) against that of 46 per cent in urea. Manures also have a low content of phosphorous (P) and potash (K). These are, therefore, required to be added in huge quantities to meet the needs of plants, especially those of high-yielding varieties. That much quantity of manure may be difficult to arrange for. But the utility of manure in replenishing soils' micro-nutrients and maintaining their biological and physical health is indisputable.

 

Regardless of its merits and demerits, however, organic farming needs to grow to cater to the consumers who, for whatever reasons, wish to eat such products despite high prices. Also, this form of agriculture is desirable for fragile soils of hilly areas. It is, therefore, an encouraging sign that several hilly states, notably, Uttarakhand, Nagaland, Sikkim and Mizoram, have declared their intention to turn 100 per cent organic. Other hilly areas need to emulate their example

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BUSINESS STANDARD

COLUMN

THE FREEDOM TO EXPLORE - IMAGINING SHIVAJI

NILANJANA S ROY

 

It was in 2003-2004 that a minor academic work by the scholar James Laine set off a fierce, orchestrated campaign of political protests that led to the state-banning of a book, threats to the author and other Shivaji

scholars, and ransacking of the BORI library in Pune by members of the then little-known Sambhaji Brigade.

 

In the wake of the recent Supreme Court judgment overturning the ban on Laine's Shivaji, two things are very clear. The first is that the Shivaji case is no longer about free speech, but about complex political reactions. And the second is that the Shivaji case goes beyond just free speech and free expression; at the heart of Laine's continuing travails is the question of what we're free to think and explore in contemporary India.

 

 The Supreme Court judgment turns on an apparently minor point: can an Act (Section 153A) that invokes the possibility of censorship in cases where religious sentiments may be hurt apply to a great historical figure who is, however, neither a prophet nor a God? The Maharashtra government was forced to admit that Shivaji, however great a Maratha hero he might be, is not a religious figure, and the state ban on the publication of Laine's Shivaji was overturned on this technicality.

 

The judgment has caused a political storm. Various right-wing Hindutva parties have protested and threatened violence; Maharashtra Chief Minister Ashok Chavan has announced that his party shares "public sentiments" on the sanctity of Shivaji and may not endorse the SC judgment. This is a red herring: given the track record of Indian publishers and booksellers, few of them are likely to demonstrate the moral courage required to put the Laine book back in stores.

 

In this debate, free speech is invoked only cursorily; and the phrase "offended sentiments" is reflexively and thoughtlessly invoked — in 2010, the Laine case is all about political battle, not censorship issues.

 

The ostensible reason for the protests and the thuggish violence that led to the 2004 ban on the book was a brief section in Laine's work that reported the "naughty" tradition of speculation on Shivaji's parentage. But what was really at work was a question of ownership of the Shivaji legend and franchise. Laine asks: "Can one imagine a narrative of Shivaji's life in which, for example, Shivaji had an unhappy family life? Shivaji had a harem? Shivaji was uninterested in the religion of bhakti saints? Shivaji's personal ambition was to build a kingdom, not liberate a nation?"

 

These points were pounced upon as evidence that Laine was a "sensationalist" historian, seeking more readers. But when we speak of defending free speech, it is this question that is really at the heart of current free speech and censorship debates in India.

 

Political parties often frame free speech in strictly negative terms: no one should have the right to offend or harm the sentiments of the (undefined) public. The alternative to this line of thinking would be: "Everyone should have the right to engage in debate, intellectual exploration or questioning, however uncomfortable this process of debate may be, so long as it is not malicious."

 

Few political parties in contemporary India have ever thought deeply about the implications of curtailing — or supporting — free speech, which is why we've seen a process of death by deification where it comes to understanding the lives and times of our national leaders.

 

If you look more carefully at Laine's argument, it gives you a better understanding of the ban, the violence, and the current unrest after the Supreme Court judgment. What Laine, in his naivete, is really asking is this: Are we free to step away from a rigid, politically defined way of looking at a great historical figure, be it Shivaji, Nehru, Sardar Patel or Mahatma Gandhi, and examine the more human, and to him, more complex and rich narrative around that figure?

 

Gandhi is an exception: in his inconvenient fashion, the Father of the Nation aired his life with such ruthless honesty and such thoroughness that he is impossible to sanitise beyond a certain point. But with other historical figures, especially those being claimed by the Hindu right-wing as Shivaji currently is, the answer to that question is a blunt no. We're not free to imagine the life of Shivaji within the perspective of his own times, or to see him as a human subject to human biases — because that open narrative is directly threatening to the present-day mythology of Shivaji.

 

And this is what makes the Laine case so crucial. The Supreme Court has upheld free speech, if on a technicality. Political parties, in contrast, are unlikely to see the importance of allowing imagination and contemporary scholarship to remain free. Step away from Laine for a moment: the larger question is, are we free to write, or imagine, an honest, questioning history of some of the most important historical figures in India? At present, the answer to that is, unfortunately, no.

 

nilanjanasroy@gmail.com 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

ECONOMY ON EVEN KEEL

INDUSTRY'S STILL HUMMING

 

WITHIN days of the International Monetary Fund revising its growth forecast for India from 8.8% to 9.4%, Monday's data on industrial production provided a much-needed reality check. Albeit a small one! Quick estimates of the index of industrial production (IIP) show industrial production up 11.5% in May, down from the previous month's scorching 16.5%. At one level, this might seem to suggest the strong recovery seen in April was only a flash in the pan. But that would be altogether too hasty. Even after factoring in the base effect — the IIP for May 2009 was only 2.1% — an industrial growth of 11.5% is not to be scoffed at. This is the eighth straight month industrial output has clocked double-digit growth. Indeed, the cumulative index of industrial production for the first two months of the fiscal year is an encouraging 14%, up from 1.6% in the same period last fiscal year. Moreover, the recovery continues to be broad-based, with 15 of the 17 industry groups showing positive growth in May 2010 compared to the corresponding month of the previous year. Mining witnessed a growth of 8.7% in May 2010 compared to 3.4% in May 2009, manufacturing 12.3% compared to 1.8% in the year-ago month, electricity sector was up 6.4%, up from 3.0% in May 2009. Cumulatively too, growth in the mining sector for the first two months of the fiscal year was 10.2%. Manufacturing sector grew 15.1% in April-May, while electricity registered a growth of 6.6%. 

 

The drop in the growth rate of industrial output in May as compared to April is mainly because of the sharp decline in the output of capital goods. Capital goods production dropped more than 50% to a much-less-heady 34.3% in May compared to 72.8% in April. On a sequential basis, the output of capital goods, consumer goods, consumer durables and non-durables is lower in May 2010 compared to April — suggesting fears of overheating may be overblown and the economy may be returning to a more even keel. And that is good news. Strong, sustainable growth is any day preferable to one that is marked by sharp ups and downs.

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

SATELLITE LAUNCH SUCCESS

BUT WHERE'S THE NEW SPORTS BRA?

 INDIA'S satellite launch capability has come to be taken for granted by the public at large to an extent where one more successful launch fails to excite. Excitement is not the point, however. It's time for Indians to move on from celebration of belonging to a tiny, elite club of nations that can fabricate and launch their own, and others', satellites to optimal utilisation of not just the data captured by the satellites but also the technological advances made by the Indian Space Research Organisation (Isro). A successful satellite launch brings together diverse capabilities in material sciences, communications, signalling, microelectronics, fuels, aerodynamics, computing, data management and project management. All these capabilities are eminently qualified for being put to use by industry in non-space areas of activity. The Antrix Corp, Isro's commercial wing, offers some of these capabilities to industry. But the bulk of the corporation's Rs 900-crore revenue comes from core activities such as launch of satellites and lease of transponders. Commercialisation of Isro's technology is yet to achieve a respectable fraction of the potential. This must change. And for that, there has to be greater effort both by the space agency and by Indian industry. 

 

From CAT scans and ultrasounds to quartz timekeepers and sports bras, from flat panel television to trash compactors, a whole range of things that we do not commonly associate with space missions owe their origins, in fact, to space research. Commercialisation of technology is not a function that technologists are necessarily good at. It calls for not just marketing skills on the part of the agency that creates the technology but also an ecosystem that brings together risk-taking entrepreneurship and a financial system that can mediate a slice of the collective pool of savings to commercial experimentation with new technology. Fast-growing India needs to create such an ecosystem, to fully tap the fruits of the research that send launch vehicles and their payloads soaring into the sky and beyond. And the responsibility for that cannot be dumped on our space scientists.

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

EDITORIAL

TINKER, TAILOR, AND NO SPY

THE FARCICAL SPOOK SWAP

 

FOR anyone who thinks that a James Bond-style life, all that cloak-and-dagger stuff, was fun would do well to look at the farce that was enacted last week. First came the news that a huge, deep-cover Russian spying ring had been busted in the US. Not that strange: after all, spies, well, spy. And all countries keep tabs on each other. The warped logic is that it actually helps the world stay safe. For, if one country doesn't spy on a rival, then it becomes a strange, unknown entity since there is no real information about how that state thinks, and what its possible intentions are. This makes for a jittery situation. Spying, on the other hand, provides knowledge, and thus even if there are tensions, intentions are known to a degree and states can approach each other or talk on that basis. But then, this also entails having some real intel, some real information. The Russian spy network, on the other hand, seems to have been notable for its exceptional ability to have gathered almost nothing. Just what sort of spies can we call these characters who stayed in the US for ages, led normal lives, gained no intelligence on anything, and yet call themselves spies. Any self-respecting spook would, in such a situation, perhaps get a piece of rope and find the nearest tree. 

 

The Russian 'spies' were actually not charged with relevant laws as they simply hadn't gathered any sensitive information. It just seems like people are desperately trying to relive the Cold War era and try and recreate some drama where none can exist. Why on earth didn't the Russians just use Google and get better results and info than what this lot seems to have got in years? And then came the spy swap. Two planes doing hush-hush stuff in a city famous for hosting a lot of Cold War espionage. The spies hadn't done any spying, one wanted to shout! But then, spooks presumably like the drama. At least that makes you feel self-important.

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

ASIA, INDIA AND THE WEST

 

Prudence and lessons from the last three decades of the West's public policy choices should guide us, as the new 'common sense' celebrates Asian growth and predicts Western decline, says Saumitra Chaudhuri

 

INCREASINGLY, as the facts pile up, the perception seems to change. In the last three decades, the fact of Asian growth — the Asian miracle economies, the Chinese behemoth, the incredible India stories — were seen as embellishments to a world still dominated by strong growth and economic prosperity in the developed West — in the US and Europe. Let us not forget that while there were periods of recession in both the US and Europe, the last time that there was a really bad one was in the 1970s that overlapped the first and second oil shocks. 

 

The decade of the 1970s was the first time in the post-war world when the developed economies of the West went through a really bad crisis. This also extended to the social sphere — and fed back into the economic sphere — bringing about a deep transformation in cultural values and social attitudes. The most extreme and visible, often violent signs of this period, ranged from the Italian Red Brigades, the German Baader-Meinhof Group to the Japanese Red Army; and in a less violent form to the widespread student agitation on both sides of the Atlantic. 

 

 Since 1980, the advanced economies have had a good run for three decades, which have also seen a total decline in unrest and violent extreme fringe behaviour. The revisitation of terrorism in the West has come from elsewhere. 

 

The average rate of growth was 3.3% in the US between 1980 and 2000, around 2.5% in the first decade of this century before the crisis set in, and little over 3% for the entire three decades up to 2007. That is pretty good going for the largest and richest economy in the world, notwithstanding the recessions in the early 1990s and at the turn of the century. 

 

Likewise, western Europe also fared well during this period. The larger European Union registered average growth of little over 2% in the period 1980-2000 and a slightly one of 2.5% in the period 2000 to 2007. For the advanced economies as a whole, growth averaged 2.7% in the three decades to 2007. 

 

This pace of expansion on an alreadyhigh base of income and development permitted the economies of the developed West to put in place strong welfare measures, more so in Europe than in the US, and maintain unemployment at acceptable, though high, levels. 

 

It allowed Europe to trade-off high unemployment and other social benefits against unemployment levels that were much higher than in the US. The Europeans more so, and the US to a lesser extent, chose a regime of fairly high taxation to fund their enlarged public expenditure, and this, as evidenced by the experience of three decades, appeared to be consistent with about 2% economic growth and its associated level of investment activism. 

 

The crisis has reopened many of these issues, throwing a question mark on whether there was indeed a balance, or whether this apparent balance was a path of slow and perhaps chronic decline in the pace of productive activity. High rates of taxation curb economic activity. Even the kings of antiquity knew that. The pressure from rising expenditures has tended to push upwards both the fiscal deficit and adjustments to tax rates. Whether this is sustainable and what its effects may be on the future of economic activity and hence on employment and general economic well-being are open to question. 

 

THE decision taken by European governments to pursue fiscal consolidation, for the most part by trying to curb expenditure, is certainly a response to the probing questions that have been begun to be asked of public finance in the developed West after the imbroglio in Greece and the perceptible stress in Portugal, Spain, Ireland and Italy. Without doubt, the monetary union and common laws and regulations have exacerbated the problems. 

So, there is the larger proximate question about how Europe wishes to pursue first its monetary union and second the regulatory union. The meaningful resolution of these questions, especially of the latter, is inextricably linked to questions about the previous consensus on the trade-off between high publicly-mandated costs (including tax rates) and acceptable levels of investment, growth and employment. The same question will also arise in the US, though perhaps not in all of its complexity or urgency. 

 

 Thus, the genie that the financial market crisis of 2008 has let out of the bottlebears upon the transcendental choices in fundamental public policy. In that sense, the real crisis in the developed West begins now. It cannot have an early resolution, but it will have one in the course of time. In case memories are short, it is worth recalling the great challenges that Europe and later the US have successfully faced and overcome: from the hundred years war, the centuries of battle and conflict as Europe industrialised, and finally the devastation of the first and second world wars, as well as the rise and fall of the Soviet Union, to emerge at every round as the dominant powers in the world. 

 

In the interim, the focus of attention is on Asia. From being a sideshow, to a strange phenomenon widely expected to undergo a sudden deflation, to being the central piece in the act. The IMF in its July 2010 Update to the World Economic Outlook has given even more powerful expression to this. The world will now apparently run on the engine of China, India and the rest of Asia, fuelled by their robust domestic demand and soaring intra-regional trade and investment. 

 

Perhaps that will indeed be for some time, as long-term economic growth in developing Asia appears to be robust. However, it would be incorrect to infer that the West, especially Europe, has entered terminal decline — for demographic or whatever reason. That is not to say, defeat cannot be snatched from the jaws of victory. Yes, the leadership of Europe and the US may fail to rise to the task of preserving the great vitality of their economies that has powered them for so many centuries. I do not, however, share the pessimism that failure here is inevitable. 

 

As Asia expands and intensifies its regional trade and investment ties, it should take nothing for granted. Success is never assured; it has to be earned. And in this, we should try and learn from the impact that public policies have had on Europe and the US in long-term growth potential, i.e., the past three decades, and closely follow their efforts to rejuvenate their economies. 

(The author is a member of     the Planning Commission)

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

CITINGS

DOES DIVERSIFICATION CREATE VALUE?

VENKAT KUPPUSWAMY 

 

THE global financial crisis of 2008-09 has led academics and practitioners to question many widely-held beliefs about business and economics. One such belief relates to the value of corporate diversification. Popular views about diversification have swung like a pendulum over the past half century, from a generallypositive view in the 1960s and 1970s, when many large conglomerates were formed, to a generally-negative view in the 1980s and early 1990s, when many such conglomerates were dismantled or at least fell out of stock market's favour. 

In the wake of the global financial crisis, a new view seems to be emerging that conglomerates are ready for a comeback. We examine whether and why the value of diversification changed during the 2008-09 financial crisis. We find that diversified firms increased in value relative to single-segment firms during the crisis, a result that is not driven by the endogeneity of either financing constraints or firms' diversification choices. 

We also find that the increase did not simply reflect changes in investor perceptions but real differences in corporate finance and investment, through two different channels: a 'more money' effect arising from the debt coinsurance feature of conglomerates, and a 'smarter money' effect arising from more efficient internal capital allocation. …the shift in the relative pricing of diversified and single-segment firms suggests that the stock market anticipates the advantage gained by conglomerates will last well beyond the crisis.

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

TH RO U G H TH E TH I R D EYE

Ace rider? 

HARAD Pawar seems to have a prophetic imagination. The painting he displays at his Krishi Bhavan office has three horses running (or stumbling?) in three directions. After getting caught in the IPL mud and arm-twisted by Congress, Pawar 'wants' to lessen his 'job burden' like a batsman wants to nurse a sprained wrist. Typically, he then fielded the NCP spokesman to vent anger with a hint of blackmail: NCP will opt for new allies wherever Congress denies it 'growing space'. Courtesy three allies deserting the LDF in a row, the NCP finally got the Kerala entry pass after two years of waiting. The party will be open for tieups with Lalu or Mamata or anyone offering fodder for growth. Trying to ride many horses simultaneously could be a show of bravado that also risks a pathetic fall. What else is responsible for reducing the famed Maratha warrior from a prime ministerial aspirant to a humble leader of a nine-MP party in a national poll that saw Pawar aligning with Congress, courting the Third Front and eyeing the NDA. Familiarity breeds… 

 

FAMILY DNA 

A SENSE of history could help put the AICC-Jagan Mohan Reddy see-saw game in perspective. Before the late Y S R Reddy became the undisputed leader and CM, he had been the perennial rebel of the AP Congress. Many former Congress CMs — from Chenna Reddy to Vijay Bhaskara Reddy to Janardhan Reddy — faced the 'YSR assault' and fumed and lamented just like Rosaiah. Supporters of P V Narasimha Rao once alleged YSR's hand in a 'chappalthrowing' incident when the then-PM visited his home state. YSR was the enthusiastic strategist of the late Rajesh Pilot when he challenged Sitaram Kesri for the top party post. For YSR, constant rebelling against his leaders was a way of establishing himself and rallying Congress workers behind him. Only when Indira, Rajiv and Sonia Gandhi hoisted did YSR rest the rebel in him to become a leader. As Jagan is following his father's path, some AICC managers are talking about this 'DNA factor'. 

 

SAFFRON ALERT 

THE term 'Hindu terror' is no more a provocation or blasphemy for the RSS, but a matter of 24×7 concern. As investigations into some bomb blasts have led to characters allegedly linked to the Sangh, there is a saffron alert. The very RSS brass who had been playing guide to BJP leaders is frantically reaching out to the latter to seek help in these testing times. After a series of BJP-RSS 'stocktaking exercises', there is muted acknowledgement that the need of the hour is not to deny the emergence of 'Hindu terror' as a counterpart to 'Islamic terror' but to ensure that it does not blow up in the Parivar's face. As the in-house tension builds up, some saffron foot soldiers, used to mudslinging anyone who uttered the phrase 'Hindu terror', have suddenly developed Ostrich-like denial. But the slip is showing. 

 

ECLIPSE IN THE VALLEY 

ONCE Omar Abdullah threw up his arms and acknowledged that he has managed to drive himself to the wall, Farooq Abdullah returned home from his vacation and showcased, at least, one thing his 'bright-andimpatient GenNext' has managed to squander: the basic support of the National Conference (NC) brass. Whether the father and NC veterans will salvage the situation remains to be seen. But the buzz in Delhi is that the informal role-reversal has also clipped the wings of Devender Singh Rana, Omar's businessman buddy from Jammu who instantly became the adviser to CM and was virtually his co-pilot in a fanciful flight.

 

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

GU EST COLU M N

IT'S NOT JUST THE ECONOMY, STUPID!

RAGHU KRISHNAN 

 

AFTER the Greek economy was rocked by the sovereign debt crisis that reduced its government bonds to junk, Spain, Portugal and Italy are regarded as the three other eurozone countries most vulnerable to an unemployment crisis. However, ask 46 million Spaniards whether they would swap nationalities with the most-economicallystable nations and the answer could be a resounding 'No'! 

 

Spain's football World Cup triumph is just the latest instance of how sports can transform the national mood despite everything else seeming to go wrong. After England won the 1966 World Cup, sociologist Chas Critcher observed that the victory "seemed to set the seal on the resurgence of England in the 1960s and achieved the status of a myth". 

 

Conversely, Coventry Business School professor Simon Chadwick estimates that if England had qualified for the Euro 2008 football tournament, it could have led to a £2-billion bonanza for the UK's economy through a spurt in sales of not just beer in pubs but also of flat-screen TV sets, flags, and airline and train tickets by fans wishing to watch their team at the venue. 

 

Brand England could now, blogs the BBC's business editor Robert Peston, be adversely affected by the national football team's poor performance in the 2010 World Cup. War and peace can both be trumped by sports that fosters what the Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm calls an identity where "the imagined community of millions seems more real as a team of 11 named people". 

 

The classic case is Sri Lanka where 80,000-1,00,000 people were killed in a 25-year-long civil war that ended in May 2009. Due to live telecasts of all international matches played by the Lankan cricket team throughout this period, which also saw them win the 1996 World Cup, the most enduring symbol of emotional unity at the height of the ethnic divide between the Sinhalese majority and the Tamil minority was Muttiah Muralitharan who will be retiring from Test cricket on July 22, the last day of the first Test between India and Sri Lanka at Galle. 

 

South Asia loves its cricketers, especially those who keep smiling like Murali. He is the most successful bowler in international cricket, with 792 wickets from 132 Tests. He started his Test career in 1992 but it was during the period 2000-09 — when batsmen were at their most dominant since the 1940s, according to Cricinfo — that Murali was at his awesome best, taking 565 wickets for an average of just 20.97 runs. 

 

The decade 2000-09 was also the climactic and worst phase of Sri Lanka's ethnic war. It is estimated that of the 27,639 Tamils who fought and died in the 25-year-long war, over 22,000 were killed in the last three years from 2006. 

 

With an estimated 23,790 Sri Lankan soldiers dying in the 25-year-long war and 1,155 Indian troops being killed when the Indian Peace Keeping Force was stationed there, the remaining 27,416 to 47,416 were innocent civilians caught up and killed in the conflict. 

 

It was the LTTE that gave the world the dreaded suicide-bomber. Even the ending of the war in May 2009 did not see the suffering stop, with over 3,50,000 internallydisplaced persons being forcibly kept in camps for months. It is when we juxtapose Murali's cricketing achievements with the grim tally of the victims of war that we realise that it was almost a miracle how cricket could not just survive but sometimes transcend the brutality of a conflict that devastated a country poetically described as a teardrop in the Indian Ocean. 
    The International Cricket Council has recently commissioned a post-war project in Sri Lanka to rehabilitate 370 traumatised child soldiers and workers by inculcating in them a love for sports and values like team-spirit. In the wake of the 2004 tsunami, Murali organised at his own expense truckloads of food aid to the worstaffected region in southern Sri Lanka. 

 

 "What do they know of cricket who only cricket know?" queried the cricket-lover and Marxist intellectual C L R James in Beyond a boundary, published in 1963. The last 25 years in Sri Lanka have seen two stories running in tandem. The horrific one was the long, brutal war. The silver lining was the story of the boy from the minority community who started his career playing for the Tamil Union Cricket and Athletic Club, and is ending it as the world's most successful bowler and the first sportsman in Sri Lankan history to be felicitated by the national parliament. 

 

It might seem simplistic to say so, but Sri Lanka's tragic history need not be repeated if members of the majority community see a Murali in every Tamil, and if those in the minority community are fully convinced that they have an equal opportunity to excel at the highest level!

 

After the morale-boosting soccer world cup win, the crisis-faced Spaniards would now be unwilling to swap nationality 

Sports not only expand the economy but also unite a country, as was seen in cricket-loving, but conflict-torn, Sri Lanka 

 

A 25-year-long ethnic war that consumed a lakh lives couldn't stop Murali from becoming world's most successful bowler

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THE ECONOMIC TIMES

CO S M I C U P LI N K

LOTS OF TIME, YET NOTHING TO DO

MUKULSHARMA 

 

AFRIEND retired a year back and almost immediately — within a matter of weeks really — hit the skids. He used to be a high roller in the hierarchy of the organisation where he had worked for over a decade, getting respect, fear and perhaps some friendships now and then along the way, but then, overnight, it was all gone. Vanished. Or so he believed, because the first thing he thought was he had become worthless and, who knows, maybe his worth had declined drastically as far as his former colleagues were concerned since he no longer counted or mattered in their daily preoccupation with employment. 

 

As a kind of compensation, therefore, one of the first mistakes he made was exult in the thought that he didn't have to wake at six, seven or eight in the morning to arrive in time somewhere a little later. That was heady and, in fact, it went straight to his head. Much to the chagrin of his spouse and other members of his nuclear family who were all still busy wage-earning their way through life, he would rise close to noon and listen to music, make some passing reference to lunch and grab another nap in the afternoon that often stretched to the evening when the others started trickling back. Did he care that they seemed to be frowning on this sort of a thing? No, he had enough money. 

 

The only problem with this lifestyle, however, was what to do with weekends. The ones he ran into initially merely amused him. Thereafter, they became a source of irritation. Everyone was home, waking up late after watching television or partying into the night, then making plans to visit people, see a movie maybe or just generally hang around at home. But for our friend, time suddenly hung heavy. So he decided that was the day he would catch up on his correspondence, sort out some personal papers and — yes, why not? — begin learning yoga since the course classes were open through the afternoon on Sundays. Pretty soon, he had totally reversed his earlier life and made amess of it in the process. 

 

Six months later when he was institutionalised for a mental breakdown, he knew the asanas well enough to look after his body — if not his mind. Now this is a true story about a real person, so there can obviously be no moral here without moralising, but perhaps it might be a good idea to keep weekends free to do nothing when you think you have nothing to do during the rest of the week.

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                                                                                                               DECCAN CHRONICAL

EDITORIAL

SPANISH CONQUEST TO HERALD NEW ERA

 

Poetic justice was rendered in the end in the World Cup final in which the team capable of playing the most beautiful game was not allowed to do so by an opponent prepared to use ugly and outright physical tactics to try and deny it victory. Spain were the deserving champions even if they tended to retaliate at times for all the fouling by Holland's players at Johannesburg's Soccer City. On Sunday night, the English referee Webb brandished as many as 14 cards, two at John Heitinga that reduced the Netherlands to 10 men. In the dying minutes when it seemed Holland had managed to stanch the free flowing Spaniards to push the match into penalty-kicks, came the winning goal, born as it was of the kind of creativity the Spanish champions most seemed capable of. They had lit up the month-long event with their brand of 'possession' football, playing it in the right spirit and in an elegant manner. Spain literally rode on the creative feet of Xavi Hernandes and Andres Iniesta to the final, with the latter providing the coup de grace in a footballing masterclass. The policeman Webb may not have got everything right on the night but his and his colleagues allowing of the splendid goal scored by Iniesta, who worked his way up 'onside', was spot on. Many former champion teams with a pedigree and a record to boast of had fallen by the wayside leaving two nations in the final that had never won the cup in the competition's remarkable 80-year history. Holland, once the home of Total Football, had been twice in the final — in 1974 and 1978 — and yet it was left to a team that previously never got past the quarter-final stage to walk away with the gleaming trophy. Does this spell the start of a new era in the sport? Will the Spaniards play on in this manner, always stressing the positive, eternally trying to shift the boundaries of the sport and gladdening the hearts of the purists? Even Brazil, once justly famed for brilliant native skills, had given up the spine-tingling joy of the Joga Bonito for a more pragmatic approach that its fans would prefer to call pedestrian. It appears that under the concomitant pressures of the modern world in which winning is everything even the most artistic of teams have turned into soccer machines in order to seek success. Spain's victory also stresses the greatness of teamwork over individual brilliance even as the most talented players like Argentina's little maestro Lionel Messi and Diego Forlan of Uruguay turned on the style but had to bow out of the running because support was insufficient. The final will certainly not be the most memorable one but the world will remember for long South Africa, which hosted its maiden tournament while belying widespread fears over crime, organisation and logistics. There again, teamwork counted more than the individual in shaping a tournament that was enjoyed by people of all races who laid on a magical party in a month filled with the joy of football as played by so many great sets of striving players , including the exuberant Ghanians who carried the best wishes of a whole continent before they faded away while bigger teams strode on to the higher stages. Finally, the winner was not only champions Spain but also Africa and the game as well. Who could have asked for more?

 

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DECCAN CHRONICAL

EDITORIAL

BADLA FOR BANGLADESH

BY SHANKAR ROYCHOWDHURY

 

The country wishes our foreign minister well when he meets his Pakistani counterpart on the sidelines of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (Saarc) meeting in Islamabad on July 15. It is not easy to put down the historical baggage of bitter cynicism regarding Pakistan, but, for some reason, India seems to have discerned some kind of a game — changing breakthrough at Thimphu through arcane interpretations of "personal chemistry" and "body-language" between the Prime Ministers of the two countries.

Dialogue, howsoever interminable and frustrating, is always preferable to artillery fire. India and Pakistan are no exception, even though public opinion in both countries has hardened into a subconscious state of mutual hostility almost since Partition. It is not surprising therefore that the eager peace overtures to Pakistan initiated at Sharm el-Sheikh and elsewhere have been summarily smacked down with such vehemence that further perseverance seems almost masochistic.

"Trust deficit" is the latest buzzword on Indo-Pak relations parroted in India with a dreary simplemindedness which has started bordering on the tiresome. But even as India's external affairs minister piously intoned, "We feel Pakistan will not encourage terror-related activities any more", Pakistan's disdainful counter-battery came crashing right back, "India's approach is self delusional".

While maintaining open attitudes, India's discussants at Islamabad must always keep in mind that Pakistan's requirement for peace with India is more urgent than is India's for "peace at any cost" with Pakistan, all the more so because now, for the first time since Independence, the Pakistan Army finds itself caught in its own "two-and-a-half front" strategic nutcracker: between the Tehrik-e-Taliban in the west, and a perceived threat from "Hindu" India in the east, coupled with a half-front of internal instability with Punjabi Taliban and sectarian Shia-hunters ripping the Pakistani heartland apart. Such contingencies had hitherto been engineered exclusively for India by the Pakistani military and covert operations establishments and it is surely some kind of poetic justice that these have now appeared within their own compounds. That is why peace with India, howsoever opportunistic or cynical, is what the Pakistan Army requires for itself in its own interest, even though it is very likely to be transitory. Nonetheless, it has to be factored into the backdrop as both governments begin planning for the talks, incorporating political parties and other national constituents within their own countries, all perfectly normal, except it cannot escape notice that Pakistan foreign minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi reported personally to the Pakistan Army general headquarters in Rawalpindi to meet the Chief of Army Staff, as well as Pakistan's chief covert operations executive Lt. Gen. Shuja Pasha, the director general Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The increase in the intensity of the separatist intifada and the return of the Indian Army to the streets of Srinagar at this exact moment cannot be a coincidence. It is just too precise and calibrated to be anything except enemy action. The implications are clear — the leopard is disinclined to change its spots just as yet.

For India, part of the problem is the blanket appellation of "Kashmir" as shorthand for the entire state of "Jammu and Kashmir" which obfuscates the ground reality of three separate and distinct sub-regions in the state — Jammu, the Kashmir Valley and Ladakh, all quite diverse and divergent in their outlook and mindset. Amongst these, Jammu and Ladakh are wholeheartedly Indian, and only in the sub-region of the Kashmir Valley (aka "the Valley" to generations of Indian soldiers) do substantial sections of the population demonstrate their strident hostility towards an Indian identity. They demand instead either a merger into the Promised Land of Pakistan, or "Azaadi" as an independent state which, by inclination, would be a natural ally of Pakistan and enable it savour a successful strategic end-state in its plans for "Badla for Bangladesh".

Though Hindu pandits and other minorities have been forced out of the Valley and into internal exile in other parts of the country, the Valley region alone does not represent the whole of Jammu and Kashmir. It is important that Indian public opinion is educated and informed that even within the Valley there are fairly substantial non-Kashmiri speaking Muslim segments — Gujjars and Bakarwals in the upper reaches nurture a long-standing disconnect with the dominant Kashmiri-speaking mainstream because of economic and social marginalisation. The Gujjar and Bakarwal constituencies are not inimical to India and, given focused political empowerment in an inclusive manner, can form significant political counter weights to separatist forces.

Meanwhile, in spite of best efforts at political and economic outreach, there is little prospect of change in the foreseeable future in the traditional adversarial mindset of the Kashmiri-speaking majority in the Valley.

 

"Hearts and minds" will remain a distant goal here, no matter how many political or material inducements may be offered in terms of Article 370, "free and fair" general and state elections, or special subsidies and other facilities. Anti-India actions by Pakistan-sponsored jihadi terrorists of the Lashkar-e-Tayyaba and others will continue to find resonance within the Valley, periodically bursting out as stone-throwing intifada in downtown Srinagar, political violence in Sopore or Baramula, and support for "mehman" mujahideen from across the border wire.

Democracy has many manifestations, each appropriate for a particular environment. For Jammu and Kashmir and particularly the Valley, preservation of India's parliamentary democracy requires a large and visible police, paramilitary, and military presence along the Line of Control as well as in disturbed regions in the interior. Faux-intellectuals and liberals who often deplore the large military presence in Kashmir would do well to comprehend the stakes involved, because the larger Indian community will not accept under any circumstances a "political resolution of the Kashmir issue" based on either merger of any portion of the Kashmir Valley with Pakistan or its secession from India by "azaadi".

 

- Gen. Shankar Roychowdhury is a former Chief of Army Staff and a former Member of Parliament

 

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DECCAN CHRONICAL

EDITORIAL

FECKLESS FEDS DRIVING US TOWARDS DEFLATION

BY PAUL KRUGMAN

 

Back in 2002, a professor turned Federal Reserve official by the name of Ben Bernanke gave a widely quoted speech titled "Deflation: Making Sure 'It' Doesn't Happen Here". Like other economists, myself included, Mr Bernanke was deeply disturbed by Japan's stubborn, seemingly incurable deflation, which in turn was "associated with years of painfully slow growth, rising joblessness, and apparently intractable financial problems". This sort of thing wasn't supposed to happen to an advanced nation with sophisticated policymakers. Could something similar happen to the United States?

 

Not to worry, said Mr Bernanke: the Fed had the tools required to head off an American version of the Japan syndrome, and it would use them if necessary.

 

Today, Mr Bernanke is the Fed's chairman — and his 2002 speech reads like famous last words. We aren't literally suffering deflation (yet). But inflation is far below the Fed's preferred rate of 1.7 to two per cent, and trending steadily lower; it's a good bet that by some measures we'll be seeing deflation by sometime next year. Meanwhile, we already have painfully slow growth, very high joblessness, and intractable financial problems. And what is the Fed's response? It's debating — with ponderous slowness — whether maybe, possibly, it should consider trying to do something about the situation, one of these days.

 

The Fed's fecklessness is, to be sure, not unique. It has been astonishing and infuriating, as the economic crisis has unfolded, to watch America's political class defining normalcy down. As recently as two years ago, anyone predicting the current state of affairs (not only is unemployment disastrously high, but most forecasts say that it will stay very high for years) would have been dismissed as a crazy alarmist. Now that the nightmare has become reality, however — and yes, it is a nightmare for millions of Americans — Washington seems to feel absolutely no sense of urgency. Are hopes being destroyed, small businesses being driven into bankruptcy, lives being blighted? Never mind, let's talk about the evils of budget deficits.

 

Still, one might have hoped that the Fed would be different. For one thing, the Fed, unlike the Obama administration, retains considerable freedom of action. It doesn't need 60 votes in the Senate; the outer limits of its policies aren't determined by the views of senators from Nebraska and Maine. Beyond that, the Fed was supposed to be intellectually prepared for this situation. Mr Bernanke has thought long and hard about how to avoid a Japanese-style economic trap, and the Fed's researchers have been obsessed for years with the same question.

 

But here we are, visibly sliding towards deflation — and the Fed is standing pat.

 

What should it be doing? Conventional monetary policy, in which the Fed drives down short-term interest rates by buying short-term US government debt, has reached its limit: those short-term rates are already near zero, and can't go significantly lower. (Investors won't buy bonds that yield negative interest, since they can always hoard cash instead.) But the message of Mr Bernanke's 2002 speech was that there are other things the Fed can do. It can buy longer-term government debt. It can buy private-sector debt. It can try to move expectations by announcing that it will keep short-term rates low for a long time. It can raise its long-run inflation target, to help convince the private sector that borrowing is a good idea and hoarding cash a mistake.

 

Nobody knows how well any one of these actions would work. The point, however, is that there are things the Fed could and should be doing, but isn't. Why not?

After all, Fed officials, like most observers, have a fairly grim view of the economy's prospects. Not grim enough, in my view: Fed presidents, who make forecasts every time the committee that sets interest rates meets, aren't taking the trend towards deflation sufficiently seriously. Nonetheless, even their projections show high unemployment and below-target inflation persisting at least through late 2012.

 

So why not try to do something about it? The closest thing I've seen to an explanation is a recent speech by Kevin Warsh of the Fed's Board of Governors, in which he declared that doing what Mr Bernanke recommended back in 2002 risked undermining the Fed's "institutional credibility". But how, exactly, does it serve the Fed's credibility when it fails to confront high unemployment, while consistently missing its own inflation targets? How credible is the Bank of Japan after presiding over 15 years of deflation?

 

Whatever is going on, the Fed needs to rethink its priorities, fast. Mr Bernanke's "it" isn't a hypothetical possibility, it's on the verge of happening. And the Fed should be doing all it can to stop it.

 

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DECCAN CHRONICAL

OPED

THE IMF'S PITILESS HELPING HAND

BY JAYATI GHOSH

 

For a while after the global financial crisis broke, we were told that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) would change. The Group of Twenty (G-20) meeting in April 2009 provided a massive increase in resources for the IMF to provide lending to countries affected by the crisis. In return, the Fund announced that it was going to be more supportive of enlarged fiscal deficits and other expansionary measures in the face of the crisis, and provide large amounts of funds to developing countries to cope with the situation. It would strengthen the focus on supporting poverty alleviation and growth; to protect public spending even as economic downswings cut revenues; and to prioritise national budgets in the direction of spending targeted at the poor.

 

If all this had actually happened, it would imply a sea change in the extent and manner of the IMF's delivery of emergency and other financing to developing countries. But, of course, it was too good to be true. In actual fact, the implementation of IMF lending has been rather different from what is suggested by the public pronouncements.

 

First, the amounts lent out by the Fund are still small and even negligible in relation to the projections made by the G-20 when the Fund was given such an important role, and certainly in relation to the actual funding requirements of the countries it has signed agreements with. Second, the programmes agreed upon for IMF funding are generally still heavily pro-cyclical in terms of requiring public expenditure cutbacks and often stringent fiscal austerity and tighter monetary policies as the means of ensuring adjustment. They are also still heavily skewed towards encouraging or requiring the privatisation of public enterprises and utilities, with associated job losses and increases in user charges.

 

In April 2009, the IMF's resource base was effectively tripled from $250 billion to $750 billion, and it was promised that the concessional lending to low income countries would be increased ten-fold from the pre-crisis levels by 2014. However, since the onset of the crisis, the IMF promised less than a total of SDR 2.6 billion to 25 countries (an average of just around SDR 100 million per country), and less than half of that amount (only SDR 1.2 billion) has actually been provided.

 

Under non-concessional lending, SDR 20.5 billion was proffered in 2009 and SDR 10.4 billion in the first half of 2010. This was only a quarter of the committed resources, and of this only one-third was actually provided to countries. Just five countries — Hungary, Romania, Ukraine, Pakistan and most recently Greece — have accounted for nearly half of the amount disbursed. This means that the other countries received minuscule amounts of IMF resources, which are unlikely to have gone very far in even compensating for the loss of export revenues and private capital flows, much less easing the constraints on domestic investment, consumption and growth.

 

Uncommitted usable resources actually increased from SDR 213 billion in 2009 to SDR 230 billion in 2010. So it is not lack of available resources that has constrained the IMF from offering more resources to developing and other countries hit by the crisis. Nevertheless, the fact that the amounts made available to different countries have been so niggardly has definitely affected the recipient countries, which have not really been able to use this as a viable alternative to market finance that had dried up.

 

Perhaps even more significant is that the conditions attached to this rather paltry lending have not really changed. Several independent assessments have found a disturbing lack of change in the basic conditionalities being imposed on recipient countries, notwithstanding some minor changes in terms of preserving certain types of social expenditure or safety nets.

 

A recent study by United Nations Children's Fund (Unicef) (Ortiz, Vergara and Chai 2010) of 86 countries showed that nearly 40 per cent of governments were planning to cut total spending in 2010-11, compared to 2008-09, with the average size of the projected expenditure contraction amounting to 2.6 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP). Very large cuts (4-13 per cent of GDP) were expected in seven countries. The fiscal cuts were forced onto countries by the absence of adequate funding, including from the IMF. Many of these countries have dominantly poor populations and very inadequate provision of infrastructure and public services that provide minimum socio-economic rights for the majority of the people. Therefore, cutbacks in fiscal spending in such countries are likely to have direct implications for economic and humanitarian conditions.

 

In many countries, it was not just lack of resources, but the IMF's policy advice that led to fiscal cuts. In a substantial majority of countries (57 out of 86 countries), the IMF recommended contractions in total public expenditure. It is true that in some cases it has pointed to the need to protect and, in some cases, expand pro-poor, priority social spending within this. But even so, this essentially points to a contractionary fiscal stance in the midst of crisis.

 

Even within supposedly protected social spending, a significant number of countries have been advised to make cuts, in the form of limiting/reducing subsidies (including on food and health), "reforms" in pension and health systems which essentially reduce pensions and make public healthcare services more expensive, and reduce the spread of social spending by emphasising targeted rather than universal provision.

 

The only "positive" recommendation for a significant number of countries is the expansion of targeted transfer programmes. While this may appear to be a positive sign, the many problems associated with targeting in developing countries (problems of unfair exclusion or unjustified inclusion, higher administrative costs, diversion and overall reduction in quality) suggests that such increases are unlikely to benefit or even counter the negative impact of other measures for much of the population, including vulnerable groups.

 

Most countries have also been told to place caps or induce cuts in public sector wages. But it is now recognised that erosion of pay and arrears in wage payments can have significant adverse effects on public service delivery in such essential areas as health and education, through greater absenteeism, internal and external brain drain and loss of motivation.

 

The pity of it extends beyond the impact on the countries concerned. With fears of double dip recession now emerging in so many places, the world economy really cannot afford a dysfunctional IMF that does not even do what it has explicitly promised.

 

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DECCAN CHRONICAL

OPED

MANGOES, SOUL & OTHER FRUITS

BY DOMINIC EMMANUEL

 

The season of mangoes, the king of fruits, is in full swing and though that of jamuns is on wane, hopefully most people have enjoyed these fruits to the hilt. The lucky ones must have relished apricots and plums, too, besides the regular fruits.

 

Apart from a few basic things such as the cost, the sweet/sourness, the size and colour of fruits, one pays little or no attention to its other aspects. One hardly cares, for instance, about the variety and the place from where they come, type of trees that produce them and so on. But should one really be bothered about these details?

 

It is fascinating to look into what it takes for a fruit to become delicious and, therefore, sought-after in the market. What increases the demand for a fruit is its quality which depends largely on the type of tree that produces it. But then, the type of tree alone is not sufficient. Did the farmer also prepare the soil well with enough and right manure in it? Did he water the plant well when it was growing up? Did it receive plentiful sunlight which is a key to maximising fruit production? And what about timely pruning, grafting and so on? All these things matter.

 

Curiously, Jesus, both in his sermons and in his conversations, often used images from nature, of sheep and shepherds, birds of the air, lilies in the field, fruit on a fig tree, vineyard and so on. He then applied those to real life situations of his listeners who could then more easily relate to them to their own lives.

 

Thus, once while cautioning people against impostors, cheats, charlatans and such, Jesus told them, "Beware of false prophets who come to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly they are ravenous wolves. You will know them by their fruits. Do men gather grapes from thorn bushes or figs from thistles? Even so, every good tree bears good fruit, but a bad tree bears bad fruit. A good tree cannot bear bad fruit, nor can a bad tree bear good fruit… (Mathew 7:15-18)".

 

This is where the simile of the tree and its fruits comes in handy for us. In order for a tree to produce good fruit the gardener has to make sure that he manures, prunes, waters and takes good care of it so that the tree grows to be a fruit-bearing tree. One's personality can be distinguished when one takes good care of one's character the way a gardener takes care of a tree.

 

Pruning and removing evil tendencies and unhealthy desires from one's personality can help one produce good fruits. Our actions, based on spiritual and positive human values, function as manure, water and sunlight to for our personality which begins not only to shine in public but which, like delicious fruits, also begins to appeal to people we interact with, both at home and in public places.

 

And, of course, in addition to our own efforts, the more we allow God and His Spirit to guide our lives through meditation and prayer, the tastier fruits our actions will yield. That is why St. Paul in his epistle to Galatians, writes, "But the fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness, faithfulness, gentleness and self-control (Galatians 5: 22-23)".

 

These fruits, as also the fruits on a natural tree, do not appear overnight but will blossom as we make sincere efforts to live each day in obedience and faith to the God or Goddess, our Ishtdeva, we believe in and worship from our heart, always remembering the old adage, "God helps those who help themselves".

 

— Father Dominic Emmanuel, a founder-member of Parliament of Religions, is currently the director of communication of the Delhi Catholic Church. He was awarded the National Communal Harmony Award 2008 by the Government of India.

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DECCAN CHRONICAL

OPED

MEL GIBSON: A MAD RACIST AND A GENIUS

BY HUGO RIFKIND

 

You've got to hand it to Mel Gibson. When it comes to potentially career-ending outbursts of vile bigotry, there really is nobody better. As somebody posted on Twitter this week (there is increasingly little point in even trying to formulate this stuff yourself), "You're a pretty hardcore ass when drunkenly yelling about Jews running banks and calling a lady cop 'sugar tits' is your cute, lesser rant".

 

We'll come to that one in a moment. This time around, the star of many of my favourite films was taped, allegedly, having a go at his then girlfriend Oksana Grigorieva. Go out dressed like that, he basically said, and you are liable to "get raped by a pack of niggers".

 

Which, do you reckon, is the most offensive bit? The N-word made the headlines, and "raped" isn't great either, in context. For my money, though, it's the rather more subtle "pack" bit that does a lot of the work, racistly speaking. Mind you, it's worth noting that this was not solely a racist statement. You see, what Gibson is saying to his other half here (allegedly, allegedly) is that even given that black people are sub-human molesters who roam like dogs, if she goes out like that, and they rape her, it won't be their fault. It'll be hers. Because of her clothes. Misogyny, in other words, and at no extra cost. Awesome stuff.

 

Gibson has racist form. The "cute, lesser rant" mentioned above took place in 2006, when he was arrested for driving under the influence. The story goes that he called a female arresting officer "Sugar Tits", before asking her male partner if he was Jewish and saying "the f***ing Jews are responsible for all the wars in the world". Since then, the only bit he's denied was the "Sugar Tits" stuff. Gibson's dad, not entirely irrelevantly, is a noted conspiracy theorist and Holocaust denier. "Go and ask an undertaker or the guy who operates the crematorium what it takes to get rid of a dead body", he once instructed a reporter from the New York Times. "It takes one litre of petrol and 20 minutes. Now six million?"

 

Still, modern society is surprisingly forgiving of people who randomly blame Jews for wars, as frequently evidenced by the comment pages of the Guardian. Pure vanilla racism, though, is altogether more damaging. People forget, but before he was mad, Gibson joined Danny Glover in the greatest black/white cop-buddy act that Hollywood has seen, in the form of the Lethal Weapon franchise. Indeed, Lethal Weapon 2, in which the villains were South African, had a powerful anti-racist message. Racists, said that film, are such bad people that they deserve to be shot in the head, even if they're unarmed, holding up their hands and saying "deeeplomatic eeemunity". And yet, two decades later — "raped by niggers". God knows how that happens. Maybe he never saw it.

 

So is Gibson a racist? Yes, unquestionably. And does it matter? Well, that's got to be a big "yes" again. At least, inasmuch as we're talking about his moral worth as a human being (low), or whether you'd want to introduce him to your rabbi (not much). But where it doesn't matter at all, I'd suggest, is when it comes to whether or not we're still allowed to enjoy his films.

 

"Now hold on", you may be thinking. "This is Mel Gibson we're talking about. Not Ingmar Bergman. What's even to like?" Plenty, I'd say. The comic book dystopia of Mad Max and the aforementioned flawlessness of the Lethal Weapons were all good enough, but it's only really since he went nuts that Gibson has been brilliant. Braveheart was brilliant without actually being very good, but the intense, flesh-rending, bloodied squelchiness of The Passion of The Christ and, most of all, Apocalypto are your proper, bonkers sort of genius. I'm serious. Snigger all you like.

 

Plenty of creative geniuses, after all, are racist. I think we're pretty comfortable saying that Richard Wagner was probably a racist, aren't we? Martin Amis virtually confessed to being racist, and said his father was too, and it's hard to see why that should have a bearing on the books of either. One might even argue that J.R.R. Tolkien was only good because he was a racist, and got considerably less good when, in his later years, he stopped being one. Film legend holds that Michael Maloney turned down a part in Withnail and I because he considered the script "anti-gay, anti-black and anti-Irish". He was right, but that doesn't make the film itself any less brilliant, or him any less sanctimonious, for avoiding it.

 

How dull life would be, if we were only allowed to enjoy the creative labours of those of whom we morally approved. Most pop stars and footballers are pretty dubious, sexually speaking, but we're allowed to be fans of theirs. Nobody says Polanski doesn't make good films, just because he's a nonce. Damn it, no, I refuse to feel ashamed. I remain passionately keen on the work of Mel Gibson. I just wouldn't have him in the house. Ghastly man.

 

I'm quite upset that the coalition has scrapped plans to introduce a 55 per cent barrier for a vote to dissolve Parliament. It's not that I thought it was a good idea. It palpably wasn't. It's just that I understood it, and almost nobody else did, at all.
As I've written before, knowledge for a journalist usually arrives by accident. For me, in this case, it involved being told to write something about it, and having a long conversation with my then colleague Peter Riddell, and then staring at a wall for most of an afternoon, going "...but that would mean... oh!" Thereafter, I suppose I became quite insufferable.
When people mentioned the 55 per cent, I had to chip in. When people wrote about it, correctly saying it wouldn't work but not quite accurately grasping why, I had to email them and put them straight, even if I didn't know them very well. Sometimes I'd even do this on messageboards. I genuinely couldn't stop myself. The problem was that people kept calling it a "no confidence threshold", and it wasn't one at all. In fact it was something quite different, and would have meant that... no. It's starting again. I'm sorry. No more.

 

- Hugo Rifkind is a writer for the Times

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THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

OLE! OLE! OLE! 

RAINBOW NATION THE REAL WINNER? 

 

SANITY can now return to the planet. Four weeks of football craziness reached a somewhat disappointing climax, though the World Cup went to truly deserving winners. Was it the fact that neither Spain nor Holland had attained that summit before that prevented the finale from rising above a tense, feisty, physical confrontation? Did referee Howard Webb wave the first of a plethora of yellow cards so early that players were on edge before the game began to flow, indeed only rarely did the winners offer flashes of the flair that made them the most admired squad. It was fitting that both were first-time finalists, a stranglehold of sorts was broken with the exit of Italy and France in the league phase, then England, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Germany were knocked out. Has the pecking order been seriously re-calibrated? Well, Spain and Holland were never really far from the top. More reputations were marred than made in South Africa in June-July (Rooney, Messi, Christiano Ronaldo, Torres etc), and to be honest the new heroes ~ Forlan, David Villa, Sneijder ~ have a long way to go before they can capture the imagination like Zidane, Beckenbauer, Platini, Maradonna or Beckham did; let's not go in history and talk of Pele, Yashin, Eusebio, Zico, Kempes… No, for all the media hype, the massive TV viewership and packed stadiums, what was on offer on the pitch was not consistently top-draw stuff. Maybe pragmatic contemporary professionalism curbs individual enterprise, overstretched schedules rendered some players stale even before they deplaned in South Africa. Still, every great tournament needs a superstar, a heart-throb ~ none was found in World Cup 2010. Forlan and Mueller got the golden awards, did they really outshine their competitors? On the negative side were the wayward Jabulani, the foolishness in not using modern technology, and the distracting vuvuzelas. 

Football was not the winner, perhaps the Rainbow Nation was. Few of the apprehensions over criminals ruling the streets materialised; there were no major organisational glitches; royalty, tycoons and movie stars rubbed shoulders; and Nelson Mandela, the most respected man to walk the earth today made a brief appearance. South Africa "proved" itself, maybe not for all time to come, certainly for the four-week pinnacle of the sport that so appeals because it remains inherently simple. The ten venues were truly world class, and fears of missing completion dates proved unwarranted. We can only hope that does not create false confidence among the organisers of New Delhi's Commonwealth Games. 

 
NALANDA UNIVERSITY 

WITHOUT THE DALAI LAMA 

IT is ironical, or perhaps not so ironical, that the greatest exponent of the Nalanda school of Buddhism doesn't figure in the exercise towards a revival of Nalanda University. As the cabinet gears up to introduce the Bill in the monsoon session of Parliament, there is an unmistakable kowtowing to China's sensitivities in India's calculated decision not to involve the Dalai Lama. And not least because both India and China are important members of the 14-nation East Asia summit which has taken the initiative to revive the university. Delhi has been as diplomatic as it could be; geo-political considerations have clearly been accorded precedence over the exiled leader's profound contribution to Buddhist studies. Even the Dalai Lama's disciples appear to have reconciled themselves to the dominant underpinning that Nalanda University should get re-started. Those who assemble at the high table of the East Asia summit, pre-eminently China, can't afford to forget the  accident of history. The university was desecrated by the invaders in the 12th century and were it not for the Dalai Lama and his school of Tibetan Buddhists, the teachings of Mahayana Buddhism would almost inevitably have lapsed in the limbo of history. That tradition is set to be revived by the Nalanda Mentor Group, pre-eminently under the stewardship of Amartya Sen. He will perhaps concur that like the Government of India, he too has no option but to accept Beijing's sensitivities. 

The exclusion of the Dalai Lama is the only sore point in this exceptional Asian cooperation to revive a university and initiate multi-disciplinary studies. Apart from Buddhist studies, Nalanda University will offer courses on history, international relations, philosophy and comparative religions and such contemporary disciplines as business management, public policy and environmental studies. There are few institutions in the world that can match this level of international cooperation, of far, far greater import than the foreign universities on the anvil. East Asia is set to rewrite history but unfortunately without the contribution of the Dalai Lama. It is the way history often works. 

NATIONAL DISCONNECT 

SUPREME COURT ON RURAL DOCTORS 

THE Supreme Court's observation (coram: RM Lodha and AK Patnaik, JJ) and its caveat to doctors underscore the national disconnect between urban and rural healthcare. West Bengal, however, has the dubious distinction of the state system being uniformly decrepit. In both segments, medical treatment is only for those who can afford it. The Bench has ticked off doctors for their reluctance to serve in rural areas. Indeed, doctors have been put on notice with the observation that they can't expect special benefits if they opt for the "comforts of urban lifestyle". The second part of the ruling distinctly places the onus on the governments, both at the Centre and the states. In no other sector perhaps is the distinction between town and country more pronounced than in health. And the administration is clearly on the mat with the observation: "Unless there are incentives, how do you expect doctors to go to the rural areas? Those in the rural areas do not have any facilities." The subtext is remarkably stark: the rural health infrastructure is decrepit across the country. Implicitly has the Bench indicated two facets of the issue. First, doctors in rural areas are entitled to better prospects. Second, in the absence of a dramatic improvement in the rural network, it will be increasingly difficult to post qualified doctors there. The Bench has made the reason for their reluctance pretty obvious. And it devolves on the government to set things right. The first aspect can be taken care of only if the second is in place. The Supreme Court has stayed the Karnataka High Court order that had stipulated that experience in rural areas on a contract basis doesn't entitle one to special weightage at the time of entry to post-graduate courses. Clearly, rural doctors ought not to suffer for no fault of theirs'. 

Ergo, substantive measures will have to be taken to correct the imbalance. There can be no scope for quick-fix formulae, as on the anvil in West Bengal ~ to post paramedics at best and quacks at worst as a frontline team to conduct the preliminary diagnosis. In real terms, this accords a relatively minor rating to a patient in a village. There can be no substitute for a qualified doctor, with access to equipment, medicines and other facilities. Nor for that matter does medical science offer scope for cutting corners. The West Bengal government must get the message from the Supreme Court ruling.

 

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THE STATESMAN

EDITORIAL

REMODELLED WELFARE 

A HOLISTIC SCHEME FOR DEVELOPMENT

SAUMITRA MOHAN

 

THE welfare state's objective is to ensure the maximum good of the maximum number. Towards that end, it undertakes multiple schemes for the hoi-polloi. India has its quota of welfare projects for different sections of the society.  These are implemented by the huge bureaucracy. The contours of a liberal democratic state can be delineated by an overview of the planning and execution of such schemes.  
The bevy of  programmes ~ the NREGS and the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission are just two examples ~ are being directly supervised or implemented through the office of the District Magistrate or the panchayati raj institutions (PRIs). The DM has a significant role to play. Given the number of schemes, various layers of execution are inevitable. This makes the system cumbersome and complicates the execution.  
One is, therefore, inclined to moot a proposal for the integration and consolidation of all such schemes. To be effective, all the relevant aspects and practical problems will have to be factored in. Such an approach can help improve the planning and execution of the schemes. The targeted group will be benefited in a more efficient manner.   

Permanent assets

TO begin with, the schemes relating to the construction and creation of permanent assets or infrastructure should all be merged to constitute one overarching programme. However, the entire programme could be suitably sub-divided into different components with earmarked percentage of the total allotment to be spent on particular sectors ~ connectivity improvement, rural housing, watershed development, minority-inhabited areas, agriculture and so on depending on the need or weightage as perceived by the government. 

The respective sectors could still be named variously as now, but they should all be an inalienable part of a single programme with uniform guidelines including those relating to fund management and maintenance of accounts. Such uniformity shall facilitate better fund management and efficient account-keeping, thereby obviating the need for multiple ledgers and cash books for multiple schemes, with the files piling high. Even if the records or ledgers are maintained sector-wise, there shall still be uniformity. There will be no need to open and maintain multiple bank accounts. 

 

The new programme, after the integration and consolidation of the multifarious welfare and development schemes, should function in the same way as the NREGS. Although the DMs, SDOs and BDOs have an important role to play in the employment guarantee scheme, the local self-governments will still discharge a useful function in the new arrangement. They will be entrusted with the micro-level planning and execution of the programme. 

 

If the new programme is modelled on the NREGS, it will  benefit from the experience gained through its implementation. The NREGS has turned out to be the flagship among the welfare schemes. It has not only ensured better utilisation of funds and creation of community assets; the transparency in execution has minimised the scope for corruption and leakage. Hence, the NREGS model should be the ideal template for modelling this new avatar. 

However, the revamp should be effected only after the shortcomings of the NREGS are rectified. These include the stipulations relating to employment for a minimum number of mandays for every household, the wage-material ratio, the kind of schemes to be executed and whether the execution can be carried out through contractors. Once these schemes are merged, the pool of financial resources available with the government will be substantial enough to allow for demand-based employment throughout the year. Therefore, the NREGS cap of a minimum of 100 days' work in a year for a rural household should be removed.  

Also, the wage-material ratio should be fixed at 50:50 instead of the present 60:40, thereby maintaining the material-intensive work at the level where they are at the moment. The merger of the wage structure of other schemes with the new scheme will create enough leverage and leeway to provide work throughout the year to a rural household. An estimated 15 per cent of the total schemes will be executed through contractors. These will be material-intensive, ones that need to be executed urgently. The decision on the selection of such schemes must be left to the local self-government. 

Contingency funds

Integration and consolidation will lead to uniformity.  This will also improve the process of monitoring and supervision.  More contingency funds will be available. It will thus be possible to engage additional manpower. The supervisory level can also be strengthened. 

There remains the crucial task of identifying the beneficiaries. If this is not done, political friction is inevitable, often leading to violence.  There may even be a deadlock in the functioning of panchayats and other decision-making bodies. In the net, the execution of the new amalgamated scheme will be delayed. 
A priority list can be drawn up by the local self-government, notably the  Gram Sabha in accordance with which various individual benefit schemes (IBSs), including low-cost housing or toilets, can be undertaken.  This can be further diversified to include rural housing, sanitation, kitchen gardens et al to cater to a range of  needs in the countryside. The fact is that the present focus of the NREGS cannot be sustained beyond a point. The government cannot continue the construction of water harvesting, minor irrigation or flood proofing structures because the land available is limited. 

The system needs to be modified in order to reach the benefits to the underprivileged sections. Almost every scheme can be executed, subject of course to the availability of manpower, both skilled and unskilled. The local self-government  will have a slew of schemes at its disposal, to be executed in order of priority. This would save time, avoid cost over-runs , improve the creation of capital assets in the countryside and bridge the rural-urban divide. The experiment can even be extended to the municipalities. 

The suggestion in this essay needs to be debated thoroughly before it is executed. Hopefully, it will revolutionise the way the various welfare and development programmes are planned and executed.

 

(The writer, an IAS officer, is District Magistrate, Birbhum in West Bengal. The views are his own and not those of the government)

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THE TELEGRAPH

FLAG AND CLUB

 

Any World Cup final that saw as many as 14 yellow cards given out by the referee cannot claim to have presented top-class football to the 84,000 people present in the stadium on Sunday night and to a few hundred million who watched the game on television across the world. The football was rough and defensive, and the match could easily have gone into a penalty shoot- out. The British referee, Howard Webb, had an unenviable job cooling temperatures and issuing cards. The prize of these went to the Dutch player, Nigel de Jong, who put his boot on the chest of the Spaniard, Xabi Alonso. By any reckoning, the match between Uruguay and Germany, played on Saturday, was better in terms of the skills displayed by the two teams. The World Cup final of 2010 was eminently forgettable since it did not produce a single movement or moment that a genuine football lover would love to cherish and see over and over again. There is nothing wrong with defensive football per se. But a soccer match is decided by the number of goals scored, not by the number of tackles made or the number of players felled. Expectations always run high during a World Cup final; this one failed to fulfil any of these. It was a football final sans football.

 

In spite of the disappointment, it was in the fitness of things that Spain lifted the trophy. Looking at the tournament as a whole, they were by far the better team, which played an exciting brand of soccer. The principal reason for this is the fact that as many as six members of the Spanish team play for the same club, which many experts think is the best club side to have come on to the football pitch in recent memory. The level of understanding among these players, nurtured and trained as they are under the same system, is inevitably superior and so are their skills. The Telegraph argued in these columns on Sunday, on the morning of the finals, that the quality of football at the club level is better than what was on show in the World Cup. Most of the top players are club professionals, and thus, their best performances are reserved for occasions when they wear their clubs' colours. The performance of the Spanish team underlines the validity of the argument about the death of the nation state on the football pitch. Notwithstanding this, it needs to be noted that the nation state lives in public support as was evident over the last month. Footballers may not be patriotic, but their supporters are.

 

 

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THE TELEGRAPH

EDITORIAL

SMALL POOL

 

Justice is not easy to achieve; neither does it allow for shortcuts. The government of Orissa has decided to impose conditions of employment on companies entering the state. These companies would have to reserve 90 per cent of the jobs in the unskilled and semi-skilled categories for local people, 60 per cent in the skilled group and 30 per cent in the supervisory and managerial segment. The industries minister of the state has elucidated that the local people would first be from among those displaced by the project, and second, from among people domiciled in the state. The companies would be free to look around only for their senior executives. This policy has obviously been evolved to quieten heightening discontent over the employment of large numbers of non-Oriyas in the new private sector projects. Although the state has brought in investments worth Rs 6 lakh crore recently, it would seem that the promise of prosperity is being snatched away from the people who live closest to the projects.

 

But that is thinking for the short term — and the short view. Only the free movement of labour allows industry the choice of the most suitable workforce, and that alone is the best route to the development of any region. It is not enough to claim that the companies will find all the talent and skill they need locally since industrial training institutes are coming up in every block in Orissa. Providing immediate relief to local populations through fixed conditions of employment may seem to be a priority, but that point of view is political rather than economic. Apart from the possibility of affecting the quality of the product, protectionist policies of this kind will inevitably lead to competitive regionalism, preventing the talents, skills, and aspirations of one region from their application and fulfilment in another. The mirroring of the proposed Orissa model in industry would promote precisely the wrong kind of competition, focusing on a corner rather than on the whole of the talent pool. The disruption of lives and livelihoods of people must be compensated for through a deeper understanding of their needs. Training in skills may certainly be one of those. But if the government decides to facilitate the entry of industry, it must also arrange for the proper rehabilitation of displaced populations in all good faith, whatever money, energy, planning and sympathy that may require.

 

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THE TELEGRAPH

EDITORIAL

UNCERTAIN ANCESTRIES

WHO ARE THE INDIANS?

WRITING ON THE WALL - ASHOK V. DESAI

 

There are many similarities between Sanskrit and other Indo-European languages like Greek and Latin. But the similarity does not extend to the people who speak them. Europeans are taller and fairer, and often have blue eyes and blonde hair, whereas Indians generally stick to brown eyes and black hair. These facts have caused confusion, and generated copious academic and pseudo-scholarly literature.

 

According to Christian mythology, every human and animal is descended from those whom Noah accommodated in his boat at the time of the great flood. Thus, humans are all descended from Noah's three sons. His family lived on the mountain of Ararat in Armenia. It spoke the same language. But after the Tower of Babel was built, verbose debate broke out, and different languages emerged. Thus Père Coeurdoux, a French priest, stated in 1768: "The Samskroutam language is that of the ancient Brahmes; they came to India from Caucasia. Of the sons of Japhet, some spoke Samskroutam." The linguistic similarities were noticed even earlier. Soon after Vasco Da Gama discovered the Cape route to India. Filippo Sassetti, an Italian Jesuit priest who was in Goa in the 1580s, noted that the terms in Sanskrit and in Mediterranean languages for six, seven, eight and nine, God, snakes, etc were similar. Some held that Sanskrit was the original language whence all others emerged. In the 19th century, philologists formulated rules of linguistic evolution, which went against that notion. But even if Sanskrit was not the mother of all languages, it was believed to be the oldest surviving daughter of the original Indo-European language.

 

The 19th century saw the beginnings of anthropology. One of its first conceptual categories was race: Caucasian, negroid, mongoloid, etc. Strangely, anthropologists did not specify a race for Indians. They were dark like negroes, but did not have their curly hair or broad noses. Some British colonials referred to Indians as niggers; but this was not a commonly accepted classification. But whatever they were, Indians were not regarded as Caucasian once India was colonized. So the question arose: how did these un-Aryan people have their scriptures in an ancient Aryan language?

 

The answer in the 19th century was that Sanskrit was the language of Aryans who came to India from Iran, Afghanistan or central Asia, and that they intermarried with local Dravidian and Munda people until the present mixture emerged. The geography of languages fitted the theory. Northerners spoke Aryan languages, southerners Dravidian languages, and Mundas were scattered towards the east. A few Dravid and Munda words were found in Sanskrit, which seemed to support the story of migration.

 

When did the Aryans come to India? Evidently before the Vedas were written. No references to European or central Asian flora and fauna are found in the Vedas. So they were written in India; the Aryans must have come to India before they composed their Sanskrit literature. Max Müller, professor of Sanskrit in Oxford in the second half of the 19th century, found a reference to one Katyayana Vararuchi in Kathasaritsagara, the Ocean of Stories. He was supposed to have been made prime minister by King Nanda. Nanda ruled before the Mauryas. So Max Müller placed him in 350-300 BC. He assumed this was the same Katyayana who had written some sutras. So he assigned them to 600-200 BC. The sutras refer to parts of Vedic texts called Brahmanas, so the latter must have been written before the former; he assigned them to 800-600 BC. Brahmanas were preceded by certain mantras, and mantras by chhandas.

 

Max Müller gave each a period of 200 years, and so came to 1200-1000 BC for the earliest parts of Vedic literature. He thought that 200 years was too short, but one had to start somewhere. Later, he himself said that it was impossible to determine the date of the Vedas. But it did not matter; Western scholars adopted Max Müller's dates as definitive.

 

Meanwhile, Sir Alexander Cunningham, while wandering across Punjab and Sind, came across Harappa and Mohenjo Daro in 1853. His discoveries were forgotten till the 1920s, when Sir John Marshall excavated Mohenjo Daro. He had found an urban civilization; it did not fit with the Vedas, which hardly mention cities. Indus seals found in Mesopotamia, which placed the Indus civilization in 2000-1500 BC at the latest. The (still undeciphered) script of the Indus seals was unrelated to Devanagari, and ruled out the civilization as having been Aryan. If the Aryans came to India, crossed the Indus valley and wrote the Vedas in 1200-1000 BC, they must have crossed the path of the Indus people. On the basis of 37 skeletons he found in the citadel of Mohenjo Daro, Sir John concluded that the city had been overrun by Aryan hordes. Later examination showed that only one of the 37 could have met a violent death. If Aryans had destroyed the Indus civilization, they should have left substantial evidence of destruction and death. It has not been found yet, so the story of invasion remains unproved.

 

The Indus civilization was so called because Harappa and Mohenjo Daro, the first sites discovered, were in the Indus valley. With Partition, Indian archaeologists lost the Indus valley sites. They had to find something else to do, so they started excavating sites in India. They found plenty of Indus valley sites; Lothal in Gujarat and Dholera in Kutch are the best known.

 

Vedic literature talks of Saptasindhu, the seven rivers. Five are the rivers of Punjab — Beas, Sutlej, Ravi, Chenab and Jhelum. Indus is the sixth; where is the seventh? The Vedas called it Saraswati, but it has disappeared meanwhile. C.F. Oldham made a guess in 1893 that a dry riverbed called Ghaggar or Hakra running through Bikaner and Bahawalpur was once the Saraswati about which the Vedic writers waxed so lyrical. Satellite imagery has revealed that both the Sutlej and the Jumna once flowed into the Ghaggar; they would have made it a substantial river. Both changed course and left Ghaggar dry. Sir Aurel Stein found many Harappan and post-Harappan sites along its course. In Pakistan, Rafique Mughal has found 414 sites from 4000-2000 BC along the Hakra. Potsherds known as Painted Grey Ware, found in the bed of the Ghaggar, are dated to 1000 BC, so the river must have dried up before then. These dates place the Vedas much before 1000 BC. And if they are older, their composers must have coincided with or preceded the Harappans.

 

The Vedas show no awareness of any region outside India; but there is outside literature that bears close resemblance to them. The oldest part of Avesta, the holy book of Zoroastrians, is called yasna; it consists of five gathas whose language is close to Sanskrit. It mentions Hapta Hendu, Harahvaiti and Harayu. Then there is a 14th-century BC treaty between a Hittite and a Mitanni king (Turkish and Iraqi in modern parlance) which mentions the gods Indara, Mitras, and Uruvanass, who could be Indra, Mitra and Varuna. Edwin Bryant tells us all this in his The Quest for the Origins of Vedic Culture(Oxford, 2003), but does not answer in the end who Indians are.

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THE TELEGRAPH

EDITORIAL

WHEN VIOLENCE IS LEGAL

MALVIKA SINGH

 

One had to pinch oneself when one read that the cabinet had decided to set up a committee — a group of ministers — to examine how to frame a set of laws that would determine the jurisdiction of khap panchayats. This is nothing short of a national shame. If this country is going to fall prey to the regressive and repressive 'diktats' of such caste and ethnic groupings, India is headed towards militant, lawless anarchy.Khap panchayats, which have run amok and not been restrained by the existing laws of the land pertaining to both liberty and murder, are strong symbols of a failing state. Honour killings are no different from the violence perpetrated by other ethnic and religious groups elsewhere in the world that liberals have damned. And liberals are a worldwide majority.

 

This frightening development that is condoned because of votebank politics is leading this emerging economic power towards the dark labyrinth of the politics of blackmail based on insular demands. We all know that 'committeebaazi' in India is just an expression of incompetence and the inability to call a spade a spade. It is this excuse that has been cited to stall all radical change, and a mythical 'consensus' has been the reason given for not taking risks to alter a course that is wrong. We, the public, can see through this charade. The tragedy is that a pluralist, modern nation, with a billion-plus inhabitants, striving to take its place on the world stage, is being reduced to a failed state because of a collective leadership that is unwilling to establish and enforce a new trajectory. This malleable leadership succumbs to every kind of pressure and takes no clear positions because it is comfortable with being in 'power'.

 

Poor state

 

The government is soft on illegalities such as the khap panchayats, on scams in large institutions that have powerful, 'political' owners, on the misuse of the mandated powers of the administrative class that were put in place to ensure civil society's demands. The government is greatly excited about 'poisoning' the agricultural sector without a clear strategy, claiming that GM crops will feed hungry Indians faster and in a better manner. It was hoping to sign a nuclear liability agreement without a national discourse! Every environmental norm is being violated by government departments for big businesses to exploit what is not permitted by law, all in the name of escalating the growth rate.

 

Maybe, we need the state department of the United States of America to tell us that we must reinvent our cultural and academic institutions with immediate effect to protect ourselves from impending 'sanctions'. In this country, there is always an excuse for not doing what needs urgent attention and rectification. Our bureaucrats are masters at finding ways to maintain a destructive status quo. Our political masters have personal priorities. As for matters related to the mind and soul, they are not prioritized because they can neither be lucrative nor help in enhancing the mythical 'rate of growth'. We have reduced ourselves to a nation of hapless people with our pride in the country and ourselves drowning in a sea of sewage.

 

I have written endlessly about the degraded state of our museums and archives, but no one cares. The government is more concerned about 'regulating' the media than about restoring national institutions that generate pride and creativity. The rulers of a newly liberated India had a dream. They established institutions like the Indian Institute of Advanced Study in Shimla at the erstwhile Viceregal Lodge. The building should have been conserved; the institute should have drawn the best and the brightest from across the world. But it seems that the government just does not comprehend its inherent value.

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THE TELEGRAPH

OPED

DANGEROUS LIAISONS

 

The relationship between religion and politics has always been troubled in Pakistan, writesChirosree Basu

 

The recent bombing of Data Darbar, a Sufi shrine in Lahore, is no less tragic than the bombing of two Ahmadi mosques in May that killed almost the same number of people in the same city. Yet, it has set nerves on edge. Nawaz Sharif, whose brother runs the government in Punjab, has asked for a national convention to combat terrorism. The prime minister, Yousaf Raza Gilani, a descendant of a Sufi saint himself, has readily taken up the gauntlet. There have been mass protests and condemnation from the Sunni ulema — reactions of a kind that has not been seen for a while in Pakistan.

 

Sufism, both in Pakistan and outside it, is increasingly being looked upon as a possible counter to talibanization. This perhaps explains the attention the Data Darbar bombing has got. Yet Sufism, traditionally associated with social harmony and non-violence, both threatened by the Taliban today, has not always represented this face in Pakistan. In rural Punjab and Sindh, it has long been associated with the brutal force exercised by landlords, often descendants of Sufi pirs, on the dependent population. They wield enormous clout by virtue of their role as spiritual mediators.

 

Since the birth of Pakistan, the flagbearers of what is seen as 'folk Islam' were deliberately co-opted into the political firmament by successive rulers, if only to offset the influence of the conservative ulema. Ayub Khan used them, so did Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. They needed the sanction of the sajjida nasheens (guardians of local shrines) to give legitimacy to their political power, given the complicated way in which political authority was conceptualized in Pakistan: a country unable to decide whether it was a nation for Muslims governed by secular laws and institutions or an Islamic state governed by thesharia as interpreted by the clerics.

 

The rise of Pakistan's middle classes upset this arrangement. This was evident in the 2008 elections, when many powerful landlords — guardians of Sufi legacy — were booted out or saw their influence diminished. In constituency after constituency, power fell into the hands of a class of people with no landed roots. Many considered this to be a 'new deal' in which power seemed to change hands from the feudal elite to the urban middle class. The landed elite, however, stayed, but without a monopolistic control over political power.

 

The daring of the new power groups was evident from the force with which they pushed through several 'democratic' demands — the trial of Pervez Musharraf and the reinstatement of the chief justice of the supreme court, for example. But perhaps it would be unwise to think that they were all of a liberal disposition. If an analyst is to be believed, the political assertion of the newly-monied classes also symbolized the assertion of Salafi Islam that threatened the established power structure by gunning for the syeds or pirs or sajjida nasheens who were its building blocks.

 

Unlike Sufism, Salafi Islam is more flexible. Salafists do not require the intermediation of pirs for spiritual salvation. Salafi Islam allows believers free communion with god and ensures them an afterlife of infinite bliss through individual martyrdom. The followers of this form of Islam are mainly Sunni Deobandis, who look down upon Shias and Sunni Barelvis, many of whom embrace the free-flowing spirit of Sufism.

 

The attack on Sufi shrines is an expression of this disgust and subtle power play. This does not mean that all the makers of the new deal are Salafists or that all Salafists are suicide-bombers. But contempt for popular Islam is a palpable reality and no different from the Taliban's contempt for faiths they consider as falling short of the superior standards of Wahabi Islam.

 

Public opinion on what constitutes true Islam is no doubt being shaped by the Taliban's insistence on religious purity. However, there is no reason to believe that it is the Taliban that started Pakistan's religious quest, which is an old one. Confusion over what is true Islam and who is a true Muslim (and has a natural right to citizenship in Pakistan) consumed the energies of politicians since the birth of the nation. Pakistan's tilt towards Wahabi Islam did not start with the Taliban either. It became the natural corollary of the nation's efforts (starting soon after its defeat in the 1971 war) to turn its back on the more pluralistic South Asian brand of Islam and steer itself towards the Islamic brotherhood of West Asia, where only Wahabi Islam is acceptable.

 

It is not the Taliban who are responsible for making minority shrines vulnerable to suicide attacks; it is the State itself that is responsible for shaping attitudes in matters of faith. The State accords primacy to Sunnis and its favouritism has not only fanned resentment against moderate and minority faiths, but has also given licence to anti-minority movements. In countless attacks on minorities, the police have been mere spectators. Pakistan's blasphemy laws also deny minorities basic freedoms.

 

The bombing of Data Darbar, from all indications, was carried out not by the Taliban, but by Lahoris, who breathe the air of hatred promoted by religious organizations that do social work for the poor by day and plan to kill them by night for refusing to follow their diktat. Some of these organizations even get State aid. The government has banned 23 such organizations knowing full well that they will change names and start functioning again. Sufism still has protectors in Gilani and a few of his party colleagues, descendants of some Sufi order or the other. The Ahmadis do not even have that.

 

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THE TELEGRAPH

OPED

THE MINORITY QUESTION

 

More than 150 Muslims were killed in the Jos region of Nigeria in January this year, leading to fresh riots, killing hundreds more in the following months. The remains of almost 100 unidentified Kurdish children, victims of the Anfal genocide, were exhumed and given a proper burial in the town of Chamchamal, Iraq, in April. Official statistics suggest 117 Uzbeks were killed in one of the bloodiest incidents of ethnic violence in Kyrgyzstan. Nearly 100 Ahmadis were killed in what has been called one of the "the deadliest pogroms" in the history of Pakistan.

 

Rhetoric from the past five decades is packed with condemnation of the chameleon policies of superpowers supporting corrupt governments and condoning abuse and persecution of ethno-religious minorities in friendly nations. The more useful you are, the less likely they are to air bomb you or feign indifference. As citations in Lokman Meho's book on the Kurdish question in American foreign policy says, "When Saddam rolled over the Kuwaitis, the world shivered with horror and dispatched half a million troops. The Kurds don't control any oil, so when Saddam gassed them, nobody paid much attention." In the Saddam-free and US-occupied Iraq, though, the dictator is convicted for crimes against humanity and the Kurds emerge as indirect benefactors hailing Americans as their liberators. The State's accountability to the United States of America has become a factor in the position of minorities in many countries, including Pakistan.

 

Nationalists and conspiracy theorists in Pakistan draw up images of the guillotine if the country were to disappoint the US in the war on terror. In an interview with CBS, Hillary Clinton's recent assertion of "very severe consequences", had Faisal Shahzad's Time Square bombing attempt been successful or if any successful attack were to be traced back, was more than just ominous — it was an ultimatum. A high-level diplomatic source is supposed to have said that if something were to go wrong in this scenario, "momentum could shift and public opinion in the States could demand more action". With the US's list of expectations increasing manifold, Pakistan is finding itself in a "damned if we do, damned if we don't" situation. The US, on the other hand, is desperately trying to change its perception on the ground. By providing humanitarian and social relief, it hopes to lessen the appeal of the Taliban-inspired anti-West attitudes amongst both the masses and the literate class. They are finding the tirades on jihad and condemnation of Western policies coming from new-age media clerics and their pop-star brand ambassadors difficult to ignore. The US is also assessing the possibility of using rather than fearing the moderate mullah and his madrasa to spread a more acceptable version of Islam. On Hamid Karzai's visit to the US, President Barack Obama, in their joint public address on regional issues, spoke of Pakistan's "growing recognition that they have a cancer in their midst; the extremist organizations... now threaten Pakistan's sovereignty". With distrust increasing between the provincial and religious parties, with drone-wary Pashtuns, with Baluch activists declaring Pakistan a terrorist State, and ethnic rivalries being endlessly played out on Karachi streets, it seems Pakistan is indeed in the terminal stages of its disease.

 

The case for religious minorities is a glaring human rights issue because of the lack of political consideration it receives. Second-class citizens in the land they call home, and with a widely accepted bias choking them, the Ahmadis, Christians and Hindus struggle to retain some semblance of their traditions and beliefs. Nonetheless, the token permissiveness of the government is shown through the celebration of Bahuchara Mata at Hindu temples in Karachi and ubiquitous Christmas decorations and jingles that adorn shopping malls, fill radio airtime and television screens come December, portraying how progressive and liberal Pakistan is. But where are the Ahmadis in all this? The invisible minority that Pakistanis do not want to acknowledge — who decides the fate of these persecuted few million? Is the government choosing to look the other way as mullahs continue to unleash fatwas against Ahmadis on TV channels, reaffirming their status as "wajib-ul-qatl" even after the bloody massacre? Once again, so-called democratic governments show the folly of their perceptions regarding the impact of their silence. The world is watching closely, and with the US entrenched deeply in Pakistan's social and ethno-religious problems, the day of reckoning is near.

 

In the past, the death toll of minorities remained low enough for the government to avoid sustained international pressure to take action. In the wake of May 28, attacks on Ahmadis and the coincidental re-emergence of Pakistan-trained jihadis attempting attacks on American soil, the scenario has changed. Particularly in the aftermath of the findings in the Waldman report issued by the London School of Economics, suggesting that close ties continue between Pakistan's intelligentsia and both the Haqqani network and Quetta Shura, and more importantly, that there are personal assurances from the president of Pakistan to the Taliban militia. The only hope remains in the answer to the question: how soon will the US demand proof of de-Islamization in Pakistan, thus indirectly benefiting the minorities? The report may be dismissed as slanderous, but it is nonetheless raising a few eyebrows in Washington and Pakistan. Safeguarding the rights and lives of the Ahmadis is certainly not on top of the government's priorities, but satisfying the US's concerns is.

 

 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights asserts that human rights are universal and inalienable, preceding State authority. As Pakistan has continually avoided committing itself to the declaration, maybe it's time that the US nudged its ephemeral friend to take not cosmetic actions against its "cancer" but viable and enduring ones. Pakistan is accepting help from the forces that "freed" Iraq and Afghanistan, while the Americans, motivated primarily by self-defence, are there to do the needful, ideally without the same kind of collateral damage. At least, Pakistan will not be condemned to spread religious terrorism, which is tearing apart communities in Nigeria and Gaza, neither of which, it seems, has enough of what it takes to warrant international intervention. Pakistan does not have oil, but it does have the jihad-touting Taliban.

 

 ZAINAB MAHMOOD

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FIRST EDIT

SPANISH DELIGHT

''THE SPANI-ARDS, INDEED, WERE THE BEST TEAM.''

 

Over the years, Spain had built up a reputation of being underachievers in football. A nation of gifted players and great clubs, they were perennial quarterfinalists on the world stage. Not any more, not after their hard-earned World Cup triumph on Sunday night in Johannesburg. In a bruising final that was a poor advertisement for the sport, it was perhaps poetic justice that Spain ended up on the right side of a 1-0 scoreline against a team that seemed determined to take the rough route to top. The Netherlands, unbeaten in their previous 25 matches and playing their third final, were successful only in terms of the yellow card count. When it came to the game, Spain were decidedly better.

The Spaniards, indeed, were the best team of the World Cup, and played the game in the most pleasing of fashions. Brazil might have turned football into the 'Beautiful Game' but it is in Spain that its artistic values find the right expression these days. Those virtues — intricate passing with ball-possession as the key — were on full view as they waltzed through to their maiden final after recovering from a shock first-match defeat to Switzerland. That 0-1 loss might have raised visions of a familiar Spanish debacle, but Vicente del Bosque's team showed it had the heart for the battle in subsequent matches. David Villa was the spearhead, Xavi and Andres Iniesta orchestrated the moves, Carles Puyol and Gerard Pique were rocks in defence and under the bar, skipper Iker Casillas was almost unbeatable. Even in a disappointing final, Spanish flashes of brilliance were the saving grace as they touched the summit, adding the world champions' tag to the European title they won two years ago.

Just like Spain, the host nation South Africa too emerged a winner from the month-long extravaganza, even though their campaign on the field ended early in the tournament. Right from the day they were awarded the World Cup, South Africa had been subjected to a flurry of questions related to their ability to organise an event of this magnitude. A soaring crime rate was more grist to the critics' mill but as the dust settles down, the hosts can look back with a sense of pride on a mission superbly accomplished. Barring minor glitches, it was smooth sailing till the final whistle, and they deserve every plaudit coming their way, even as the Spaniards savour the sweet taste of success.

 

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DECCAN HERALD

SECOND EDIT

GANGRENOUS GIANT?

''A LARGE POPULATION IS NOT AN ASSET BY ITSELF.''

 

India is poised to become the most populated country in the world by 2050. Currently it is second to China in terms of population size. Its population has grown at the rate of 1.4 per cent over the past five years compared with China's at 0.6 per cent over the same period. In the past, India's population, often referred to as its 'teeming millions' in the West, was looked upon as a dead weight, a drag on its economic growth. This negative perception of India's population stemmed from the fact that however fast GDP grew, per capita income remained stagnant or changed marginally because population was growing faster than GDP. The Indian economy was often likened to a human running in the same place. This negative perception of India's population has changed in recent years with some experts drawing attention to the demographic dividend that could be India's to reap. According to this perception, unlike the population of many western countries which is greying, that of India is largely youthful. Over 50 per cent of India's population is below 25 years of age. Demographers point out that 35 per cent of the total population is in the prime working-age group ie between 15 and 59 years of age. This is expected to peak around 2020, when 64 per cent of the country's population will belong to this group. Experts say that when other countries' populations are predominantly old, India will have a surplus of people in the working age group, giving it a competitive edge in labour costs.

It means that India need not despair over its growing population. However, India cannot sit back expecting mere numbers to deliver the dividend. A large population that is illiterate, underfed and malnutritioned will make India a gangrenous giant, a gigantic liability to itself and the world. A large young population that is unemployable because it is illiterate or unhealthy is a recipe for disaster as it could trigger much social conflict.

Whether our population will be an asset or a liability depends on whether we are able to tackle problems like malnutrition and illiteracy quickly. If India fails to do so and remains reluctant to invest heavily on human capital, the demographic advantage it is hoping to reap could fritter away. We will then be left with a disaster.

 

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DECCAN HERALD

MAIN ARTICLE

CRISIS AS OPPORTUNITY

BY B G VERGHESE

The failure has been not to initiate a dialogue and deci-de on a consensual package of reforms emanating from the PM's task force reports.

 

 

Kashmir, that is the Valley, and not even all of it, is in crisis. The very premise so suggestively and breathlessly articulated that the whole of Jammu and Kashmir including Ladakh, is afire is roundly mistaken. The tragedy of 'Kashmir' from the start has been that the part has been conflated with the whole. 

Kashmir is less than J&K. The latter, properly and completely defined (but seldom done so, especially by the Hurriyat, the jihadis and, certainly, Pakistan), must include PAK and the Gilgit-Baltistan area, outposts of post-war colonialism never granted self-determination. The caveat is not intended to beg the question or the current crisis in parts of the Valley, but in order to get the facts right.

A second faulty premise is that the current crisis revolves around the induction of the army in a few towns and parts of Srinagar in aid of civil power through flag marches and a more extensive curfew that by and large shut down affected areas for the duration. Harsh; yes. But why did the state government call out the army in this limited role?

It is not Omar Abdullah's folly, as so readily made out. The local police, assisted by the CRPF, still remain in the forefront. Both have been fully stretched by weeks of studied stone-pelting and, now, ensuring security for the Amarnath yatra. In the circumstances, the army was summoned in aid of civil power, a perfectly constitutional and well-known practice.

Those who lament this development would have been among the first to berate any tardiness in so doing, as was the case in Delhi in 1984, Ayodhya and Bombay in 1992 and Ahmedabad in 2002 and so on down the line. Misgovernance has been cited. However, the first duty of any governance is humane maintenance of law and order.

Critics and punditry would have it that the Valley's youth, a lost generation of 14 to 25 years who have seen nothing but suffering and indignity for the past two decades, are angry. One must acknowledge their legitimate pain, resentment and anxieties over human rights abuses, unemployment, highhandedness, and lack of the opportunities, services and amenities to which they aspire.

There is by now fairly well documented evidence of intercepts that separatists and cross-border mentors are instigating, funding, recruiting and organising  young stone-pelters through agent provocateurs. Stones are provisioned, targets selected and there is a call for more 'martyrs' — a dangerous word sometimes overworked to include victims of jihadi assassination like Mir Waiz Maulana Farooq, Adbul Ganni Lone and Fazle Haq Qureshi (who survives, severally injured), all men who dared to talk of dialogue and peace as an alternative to senseless violence and cross-border agendas.

Life disrupted

Civic and economic life have been routinely disrupted. When? Most often after Friday congregational prayers. In the absence of any better explanation, it must be assumed that mosques are being used as political platforms, giving murderous agitation a righteous jihadi halo from touch-me-not sanctuaries.

What thereafter is the cycle of events? Riotous processionists attempt to take control of the streets, perhaps marching towards sensitive targets and provoking police action. It is true that the police and CRPF should be better trained and equipped to use non-lethal force, an all-India requirement; but this cannot be the sole cause for the mayhem that often follows.

Lamentably, much has been said by responsible leaders to justify 'anger' and stone-pelting. Have these same leaders have sought to pacify or channelise this 'anger' in more constructive ways? It is further exaggeratedly argued that the problem is 'political' and that offers of dialogue have come to naught.

The prime minister has held out the olive branch more than once and quiet dialogue has been initiated. The failure has been not to boldly initiate dialogue and decide on a consensual package of reforms emanating from the PM's task force reports, such as they are, and build on them. Unfortunately the Centre has been waiting for too long for the right climate and has handed a veto to spoilers such as even the 'moderate' Hurriyat.
There has also been a gross and repeated failure of communication. Both the PM and Omar Abdullah as chief minister should have gone on the air over AIR and Doordarshan to speak directly to the people. They never do. They allow their words to be filtered by the media or other intermediaries, resulting in angled views and interpretations, masking what they say. 

The dialogue with Pakistan has resumed. This is good, but must not be axiomatically linked to the internal dialogue. The two are independent though interdependent, the former being far the more important — a factor that Delhi has consistently failed to recognise. 

A beginning can be made with Omar Abdullah's call for all-party talks in Srinagar. Let stone-pelters be represented too. There is already a hint that the army will be withdrawn on July 13, after Martyrs Day. Hence the army's role can at best only be incidental to the real agenda. This round table must be followed by a larger national dialogue on an internal solution embracing 'autonomy,' regional issues, reconciliation, the pandits, development, et al, even as talks with Pakistan proceed. The present crisis represents an opportunity. Seize it.

 

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DECCAN HERALD

IN PERSPECTIVE

JAPAN REACHES OUT WITH NUKE DEAL

BY RAJARAM PANDA

Bilateral relations between India and Japan have entered a new phase with the prospects for cooperation in civil nuclear energy and the newly initiated senior-level 2+2 dialogue involving the defence and foreign secretaries of both the sides. So far, Japan had this kind of arrangement with its close allies — the US and Australia.

 

With India joining, a trilateral kind of relationship has emerged between India, Japan and the US. China may be

watching with interest how foreign relations are being reshaped in this part of the world.

Both India and Japan began the first round of talks on June 28 in Tokyo aimed at sealing a bilateral civilian nuclear cooperation pact. What transpired in the meeting was that both the countries agreed to work out arrangements to allow Japan to export its nuclear power generation technology and related equipment to India, while banning India from using them for military purposes. India was also debarred from transferring them to another country.

Nuclear power generation

On June 18, the Japanese Cabinet had adopted a new 10-year growth strategy, which included promoting export of nuclear power generation facilities. Against this backdrop, Japan is keen to ink an agreement with India within an early date. When the prime ministers of the two countries met in Toronto in June on the sidelines of the G20 summit meeting, they had reaffirmed their intention to cooperate in the field of nuclear power generation.

Japan feels increasingly uncomfortable with a rising China whose desire for power on world stage never remains in doubt and therefore, Japan seeks a better position for itself. Strengthening business ties with India could be one way to secure its own interests.

What is more important to roping in Japan into a nuclear arrangement with India is that both the US and France want to use Japanese-made equipment in nuclear power plants they aim to build in India. Both these countries and Japanese firms are urging Tokyo to facilitate their business in the emerging India.

Nuclear issue is sensitive in Japan. Japan's planned nuclear accord with India faces severe roadblock as public criticism is quite high. This is because India has developed nuclear arms and not a signatory to the NP. The Japanese public, therefore, want the government to call on India to work on nuclear disarmament with sincerity.

It may be remembered that Japan is the only country that has faced the devastation of a nuclear bomb, when the US dropped the bomb in Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, thereby bringing the World War II to an end. No wonder, the representatives from Hiroshima and Nagasaki urged the Japanese government to halt negotiations with India to seal a civilian nuclear cooperation pact. The anti-nuclear groups in Japan say the move hampers international efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons.

But when Japan takes into consideration the changing geopolitics in the region, and weighs economic benefits accruing from such a pact, Japanese government's policy appears forward looking. Japan is impressed with India's impeccable nuclear record and understands why India has taken the position not to sign the NPT. The Japanese government also feels that it would be meaningless if Japan alone refuses to extend nuclear cooperation to India, as other countries have given the green light to offering nuclear technology and equipment for India's civilian programmes.

The 2+2 dialogue was held in New Delhi recently. While the Indian side was led by foreign secretary Nirupama Rao and defence secretary Pradeep Kumar, the Japanese side was led by deputy foreign minister Kenichiro Sasae and vice defence minister Kimito Kakae. The purpose of the meeting was to build an institutional framework for security cooperation. The annual summit meetings at prime ministerial level are going on for last few years. Following then prime minister Hatoyama Yukio's visit to India in December last, it is the turn of Manmohan Singh to pay a return visit to Tokyo sometime later this year.

The economic component of the relationship is now being complimented by a strategic dimension that would make the bilateral ties robust in the coming years.

(The writer is a senior fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi)

 

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DECCAN HERALD

RIGHT IN THE MIDDLE

THE ETERNAL TRUTH

BY CHANDRASHEKAR SUBRAMANYA

The occurrence and timing of death is beyond clinical analysis and reason.

 

Every one of us knows for sure that our lives will come to an end one day in the foreseeable future. Still we react to news of death of near and dear ones with disbelief and shock besides suffering the pain of separation and bereavement. Death is a definite occurrence and we know it and remember it all the time. But we always try to avoid any conversation even remotely linked to the sad happening. We are mortally afraid to face this occurrence.

It is equally surprising that in a short span of time, we come to terms, overcome the loss and get on with our lives as though nothing has occurred. I have often wondered what would have happened to all of us if we were blessed with photographic memories! Life would have been a hell, especially for people whose dear ones have met with untimely demise. But time is a great healer and it acts like a balm. It helps us to overcome the grief even though we may not forget the loss. None of us can claim any control over our birth or death nor can we time these events as per our choice.

We see around many young people predeceasing the old, like parents witnessing the demise of children triggering very sad moments and causing lot of pain. My mother died at the age of 44 while my grand mother lived up to one hundred years. Given a choice, none of us would ever wish to depart from this planet. My father, who is 90, jokingly says he wants to be around only till my grandchild is married and my son is still in his early 20s!

The Hindu Upanishads proclaim that one who overcomes the fear of dying attains nirvana and is not touched by death of any one including his own. It is also said that our date of death is pre-determined on the date of birth known only to the master of this universe. Death does not follow any definite pattern and is therefore not predictable. It is shrouded in a mystery. There are umpteen instances of people faced with life threatening diseases living through hell and encountering death only after a long pause of time. On the other hand, we have seen healthy people meeting death in most unexpected circumstances. The occurrence and timing of death in many cases is inexplicable and is beyond clinical analysis and reason.

Perhaps this uncertainty about timing of death is why life is worth living and we want it to go on and on. So let us live in the 'present,' learn to celebrate life and relish this priceless gift. Brooding and worrying about happenings over which we absolutely have no control creates avoidable stress and takes away the essence of life.

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THE JERUSALEM POST

                                                                                                                                                                  COLUMN

OUR WORLD: A WAR ON WHOSE TERMS?

BY CAROLINE GLICK 

 

Iran's domestic troubles and the Arab world's fear of a nuclear Iran provide Israel with an opportunity to radically shift the region's balance of power

.

We are entering troubling times. The conviction that war is upon us grows with each passing day. What remains to be determined is who will dictate the terms of that war – Iran or Israel.

Iran has good reason to go to war today. The regime is teetering on the brink of collapse. Last week, the bellwether of Iranian politics and the commercial center of the country – the bazaar – abandoned the regime. In 1979, it was only after the bazaar merchants abandoned the shah that the ayatollahs gained the necessary momentum to overthrow the regime.

Last Tuesday the merchants at the all-important Teheran bazaar closed their shops to protest the government's plan to raise their taxes by 70 percent. Merchants in Tabriz and Isfahan quickly joined the protest. According to the Associated Press, the regime caved in to the merchants demands and cancelled the tax hike. And yet the strike continued.

According to The Los Angeles Times, to hide the fact that the merchants remain on strike, on Sunday the regime announced that the bazaar was officially closed due to the excessive heat. The Times also reported that the head of the fabric traders union in the Teheran bazaar was arrested for organizing an anti-regime protest. The protest was joined by students. Regime goons attacked the protesters with tear gas and arrested and beat a student caught recording the event.

Crucially, the Times reported that by last Thursday the bazaar strike had in many cases become openly revolutionary. Citing an opposition activist, it claimed, "By Thursday, hundreds of students and merchants had gathered in the shoemakers' quarter of the old bazaar, chanting slogans [such] as, "Death to Ahmadinejad," "Victory is God's," "Victory is near" and "Death to this deceptive government."

The merchants' strike is just one indication of the regime's economic woes. According to AP, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is under pressure to carry out his pledge to cut government subsidies for food and fuel. Although he supports the move, he fears the mass protests that would certainly follow its implementation.

FrontPage Magazine's Ryan Mauro noted earlier this week that there is growing disaffection with the regime in the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps itself. A recent documentary produced by the Guardian featured four IRGC defectors speaking of the discord in the ranks. The regime is so frightened of defection among the IRGC that it has removed many older members and replaced them with poor young men from the countryside.

The regime's fear of its opposition has caused it to crack down on domestic liberties. Last week the regime issued hairstyle guidelines for men. Spiked hair and ponytails are officially banned as decadent.

On Sunday Mohammed Boniadi, the deputy head of Teheran's school system, announced that starting in the fall, a thousand clerics will descend on the schools to purge Western influence from the halls of learning. As he put it, the clerics' job will be to make students aware of "opposition plots and arrogance."

These moves to weaken Western influence on Iranian society are of a piece with the regime's new boycott against "Zionist" products. Late last month Ahmadinejad signed a law outlawing the use of products from such Zionist companies as Intel, Coca Cola, Nestle and IBM.

ALL OF these moves expose a hysterical fear of the Iranian people on the part of their unelected leaders. Regime strongmen themselves acknowledge that they have never faced a greater threat. For instance, the Guardian quoted IRGC commander Maj.-Gen. Mohammad Ali Jafari saying recently, "Although last year's sedition did not last more than around eight months, it was much more dangerous than the [Iran-Iraq] war." As is its wont, the regime has chosen to defend itself against this threat by repressing its internal enemies and attacking its external enemies. In an article last month in Forbes, Reza Kahlili, a former CIA spy in the IRGC who maintains connections inside the regime, claimed that the IRGC has set up concentration camps throughout the country in anticipation of mass arrests in any future opposition campaign against the regime.

As for the outside world, Iran is ratcheting up both its nuclear brinksmanship and its preparations for yet another round of regional war. In an announcement on Sunday, Iran's atomic chief Ali Akbar Salehi told the Iranian news agency ISNA that Iran has produced 20 kilograms of uranium enriched to 20 percent. Salehi also said that Iran is building fuel plates to operate a nuclear reactor.

Iran's nuclear progress has frightened the Arab world so much that for the first time, Arab leaders are giving public voice to the concerns they have expressed behind closed doors. In public remarks last week, UAE Ambassador to the US Youssef al-Otaiba made a series of statements whose bluntness was unprecedented. Otaiba said that the Arab states of the Persian Gulf cannot live with a nuclear Iran, that he supports military strikes against Iran's nuclear facilities and that if the US fails to prevent Iran from becoming a nuclear power, the Arab states of the Gulf will abandon their alliances with the US in order to appease Iran. Otaiba rejected the notion that a nuclear-armed Iran can be contained stating, "Talk of containment and deterrence really concerns me and makes me very nervous."

Otaiba's concerns were echoed last Friday by Kahlili in a public lecture at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. He asserted that if Iran develops a nuclear arsenal it will use it to attack Israel, the Gulf states and Europe.

IRAN IS seeking to divert international attention away from its internal troubles and limit the possibility of a strike against its nuclear installations by inciting war with Israel. On Sunday the regime announced that Ahmadinejad will soon visit Beirut. Recent activities by Iran's Hizbullah proxy in Lebanon indicate that if his visit goes through – and even if it doesn't – the announcement signals that Iran intends to fight another proxy war against Israel through Hizbullah.

As the IDF announced in a press briefing last Wednesday, Iran has tightened its control over Hizbullah forces. It recently sent Hossein Mahadavi, commander of the IRGC's Jerusalem Force, to Beirut to take over Hizbullah's operations.

As for Hizbullah, it is poised to launch a witch-hunt against its domestic opponents.

Hizbullah MP Muhammad Ra'ad said earlier this month that the proxy army will "hunt down," collaborators. As MP Sami Gemayel noted in an interview with LBC translated by MEMRI, this that means is that Hizbullah is poised to conduct mass extrajudicial arrests and wholesale terrorization of Lebanese civilians.

Likewise, Hizbullah-allied former Lebanese minister Wiam Wahhab effectively called for armed attacks against UNIFIL forces in south Lebanon in a recent television interview translated by MEMRI. His remarks followed some 20 Hizbullahordered assaults on UNIFIL forces in Shi'ite villages in recent days. French forces were the victim of two of those assaults and Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri travelled to Paris last week in the hopes of convincing the French government not to remove French forces from the country.

And of course, all of these provocations are being carried out as Hizbullah deploys its forces south of the Litani River.

According to the IDF briefing last week, those forces have some 40,000 short- and medium-range missiles at their disposal.

Those missiles have been augmented by hundreds of guided long-range missiles north of the Litani with warheads capable of bringing down skyscrapers in Tel Aviv.

Moreover, they are further augmented by Syria's massive Scud missile and artillery arsenals and by a frightening potential fifth column among Israeli Arabs in the Galilee. Sunday's assault on police forces operating in the Syrian-allied Druse village of Majdal Shams on the Golan Heights is a mild indicator of what is liable to transpire in Israeli Arab villages in the North in the next war.

For its part, the IDF is seeking to deter such an attack. Wednesday's briefing, in which the IDF made clear that it knows where Hizbullah has hidden its missiles, was aimed at deterring war.

Unfortunately, the IDF's warnings will likely have no effect on Hizbullah. If Hizbullah goes to war, it will do so not to advance its own interests, but to protect Iran. Here of course, there is nothing new.

Four years ago this week Hizbullah launched its war against Israel and not because doing so served its interests.

Hizbullah launched its war against Israel because Iran ordered it to do so. Then as now, Iran sought a war with Israel in Lebanon to divert international attention from its nuclear weapons program. And now, with the Iranian regime besieged by its own people as never before, and with just a short period required for it to cross the nuclear threshold, Iran has more reason than ever to seek a distraction in Lebanon to buy time for itself.

Four years ago, Israel was taken in by Iran's Lebanese proxy war. Rather than keeping its eye on Teheran, it swallowed Hizbullah's bait and waged a war against hapless Lebanon while leaving Iran and its Syrian toady immune from attack. The results were predictably poor and strategically disastrous.

Defense Minister Ehud Barak has given Iran every reason to believe that Israel will respond in an identical manner if Hizbullah strikes again today. In repeated statements over the past several months, he has maintained that Israel will blame Lebanon – not Iran or Syria – for any Hizbullah action against it.

Four years ago, Israel was reined in by the Bush administration. Secretary of state Condoleezza Rice ordered Israel not to attack Syria despite the fact that without Syrian support for Hizbullah, there could have been no war. Israel obliged her both because its leaders lacked the strategic sense to recognize the folly of Rice's demands and because the Bush administration was Israel's firm ally.

Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu just returned from yet another visit with US President Barack Obama. Although the background music was cheerful, from statements by both men it is clear that Obama is not a credible ally. He does not understand or accept the strategic logic behind the US alliance with Israel and will not support Israel in future armed conflicts.

Indeed, in the face of the growing Iranian menace, Obama insists on limiting his interests to the irrelevant faux peace process with Fatah while allowing Iran and its proxies to run wild.

What this means is that for better or for worse, under Obama the US is far less relevant than it was four years ago. And this frees Netanyahu to fight the coming war on Israel's terms. Iran's domestic troubles and the Arab world's genuine fear of a nuclear armed Iran provide Israel with a rare opportunity to radically shift the balance of power in the region for the better. It is time for Netanyahu to lead.

 

caroline@carolineglick.com

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THE JERUSALEM POST

                                                                                                                                                                  COLUMN

ELANA KAGAN, TERRORISM AND THE LAW

BY DANIEL DORON 

 

Kagan's admiration for Justice Aharon Barak's philosophy may have revealed her own predilection for radical judicial activism.

 

Americans may be wondering why the opinions of a former president of Israel's Supreme Court may be so relevant to the selection of Elena Kagan as a member of the US Supreme Court, as some of her critics insist. These critics, among them several senators, claim that by repeatedly expressing her admiration for Justice Aharon Barak's philosophy, even considering him as her mentor, Kagan revealed her own predilection for a radical judicial activism for which justice Barak is notorious.

One important issue that may be affected by Kagan's admiration for Barak's often articulated position is the issue of terrorism and the law. Barak and his followers insisted that the fight against terrorism must in no way affect, even in extreme emergencies, a strict adherence to the most liberal interpretation of human rights. Americans may be surprised to discover that an activist Supreme Court that was led by Barak habitually constrained its military from taking effective measures to protect innocent lives. It feared impairing Palestinian Arab rights to free movement or to a decent quality of life. Changes dictated by the Supreme Court in the security fence have cost hundreds of millions of shekels. Judicial interference in military operational details like the positioning of roadblocks resulted in fatalities, while insistence on Palestinian Arabs' freedom of movement facilitated the penetration several times by suicide bombers.

LIKE ISRAELIS, Americans now debate, following several attempted terrorist attacks, how democracies can vanquish terrorism – and still respect human rights. How can democracies win the battle against terrorists exploiting our laws to undermine our civilized order? 

Jurists hold two basic approaches on how the law should cope with terrorism: Judicial activists, like Barak and most likely Kagan believe that human rights are God's – or nature's – given rights. Such rights must be defined and strictly enforced by the judiciary even in times of war. Then there are the pragmatists who argue that the right to life of potential victims is no less sacred than the human rights of their assassins. They believe that even human rights must be weighed against other rights and adjudicated case by case.

These two approaches were debated in the recent past by two preeminent jurists, Judge Richard Posner of the Federal Court of Appeals in Chicago, a conservative jurist, and a guiding light of Law and Economics, and Barak. Barak, an avid practitioner of judicial activism and of the strict application of human rights, insisted that "democracy must fight terrorism with one hand tied behind its back."

Posner, who "preferred to fight terrorism with both hands," argued that judges lacked qualification in military matters. They based their judgments on their values and their ideology, on their personal and professional experience. Casting their decisions in terms of human rights was often an excuse to impose their ideology and personal bias under the guise of lofty principles. The rigid application of human rights at almost any cost, Posner asserted, sacrificed innocent lives to protect abstract principles.

Barak insisted that there are universal criteria judges must enforce even if they are not included in legislation because judges "have a special affinity with morality... This vested in the legal system extraordinary powers..."

Posner objected. The claim that everything is justiciable and that everyone can have standing in cases involving human rights leads to judicial despotism. It upsets a vital and delicate balance between the legislative, executive and judiciary branches of government, setting up the judiciary as the final arbiter.

THE DIVISION between these two approaches has its roots in differing conceptions of human rights. Human rights activists treat rights as abstract platonic universals vested with the sacred halo of the law. But such universals, no matter how well formulated, are inevitably vague and therefore require constant interpretation. As Barak conceded the "human dignity and freedom" right is "a complex principle." But he believed it can be based on "the freedom of each person to fashion his personality."

No one can define, however, what such "freedom" means exactly; what are its contents, extent and limitations? Who exercises it and under what constraints? Tomes could be written on what is meant by "personality" and "the freedom to fashion it." A very complex internal process, it is hard to fathom and impossible to codify. Yet Barak and his followers insisted on making such a complex and vague notion as individual freedom "the principle right" from which all other rights derive.

This very vagueness, however, makes interpretive judges the real legislators of such rights. A dogmatic adherence to abstract human rights enforced by judicial activism therefore curtails the freedom of legislators and nullifies democratic choice.

An abstract conception of human rights leads, moreover, to a divorce from reality. A Barak disciple, Prof. Alon Harel asserted that in 50 years people will look back at our obsession with terrorism "as we now look at those who engaged in witch-hunts."

 

Terrorism being such a bugaboo, there is no justification, he believes, to deny full protection even to "ticking bombs," to terrorist suspects who possess information that could help prevent the slaughter of innocents, but would not divulge it unless forced to do so by extreme pressure, even torture.

Even pragmatists like Posner objected to having the law sanction torture. Posner suggested a pragmatic compromise: Prosecutors should sometimes ignore the use of torture by law enforcers if they are convinced that it was the only way information could be extracted that would save lives. "I do not recall," he said "many people being killed in the last 50 years by witches, but thousands have been killed by terrorists...I am amazed to hear such a dismissal of the danger of terrorism from a professor in a university that was attacked by terrorists. I think it is irresponsible..."

Is this debate between these two schools on how to handle a real terrorist threat relevant to the choice of a candidate to the US Supreme Court who mostly likely embraces the views of the very "liberal" school? Judge for yourself.

The writer is director of the Israel Center for Social and Economic Progress.

 

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THE JERUSALEM POST

                                                                                                                                                                  COLUMN

CANDIDLY SPEAKING: SCANDAL AT THE CLAIMS CONFERENCE

BY ISI LEIBLER 

 

Annual meeting will be overshadowed by the recent exposure of a massive misappropriation of funds.

On Tuesday, the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany (Claims Conference) will be holding its annual meeting in New York. Proceedings will be overshadowed by the recent exposure of a massive misappropriation of funds, which will be regarded as one of the ugliest Jewish organizational financial scandals in our time.

The New York-based Jewish Week recently made the shattering disclosure that the FBI was investigating fraudulent misappropriation of at least $7 million, possibly substantially more, over the past decade from the Article 2 Fund created in 1995 by the German government to provide quarterly pensions to eligible Holocaust survivors. The task of administering the payments had been delegated to the Claims Conference.

It had already been disclosed earlier in February that the Claims Conference had dismissed three employees, one of whom was the supervisor of the Hardship Fund. It appeared that $350,000 was involved and investigations into that fraud apparently led to the discovery of the far greater misappropriation from the pension fund. Had The Jewish Week not exposed the story, there is every likelihood that the public would not be aware of what had transpired.

One would have assumed that a scandal of this order involving restitution funds would have caused a major stir throughout the Jewish world. Yet there seems to have been little follow up or outrage. To make matters worse, Claims Conference executive vice president Gregory Schneider had the gall to inform The Jewish Week that "no Holocaust survivors" lost any money and that there had not been a failure in standard operating procedures.

THREE YEARS ago, in a Jerusalem Post column, I suggested that it was time for a major and comprehensive review of the outdated structure of the Claims Conference. I pointed out that the membership of that body was completely out of sync with the current realities of Jewish life, which still includes extinct organizations such as the Anglo Jewish Association and the Jewish Labor Committee which retain equal representative status to the Jewish Agency. I also noted that there was a lack of transparency, that the organization functions more like an old boys club than a representative body and that the board is largely a rubber stamp to endorse the decisions of a few machers. Members of the board are disinclined to rock the boat by challenging the administration or seeking to reform the structure – confirmed by the fact that the board never meaningfully evaluates allocations submitted by the selection committee.

This view was reinforced subsequently when the shady deals involving the New York/New Jersey branch of the Global March of the Living Program were exposed. The March of the Living was founded by Avraham Herschson, the disgraced former Israeli finance minister who is currently serving a jail sentence for fraud. Herschson had arranged for Curtis Hoxter to receive consultancy fees in excess of $700,000 allegedly for fund-raising activities on behalf of the March of the Living, despite the fact that the bulk of contributions were being provided by the Claims Conference. When Hoxter was asked why the March of the Living paid him $700,000 he could not recall. The Claims Conference then undertook to do a thorough investigation to ascertain what had happened to these funds, but since then there has been a deafening silence.

IF THE Claims Conference, which apparently failed to oversee the utilization of funds in other areas, is now facing yet another scandal, it would surely be appropriate to launch an independent forensic audit to cover its broad operations to allay concerns and instill confidence in the Jewish world that adequate oversight is being applied. There is no suggestion that malfeasance on the part of the directors was involved, but there surely should be accountability for what appears to have been gross incompetence. The problem is that there is little likelihood of the leaders being brought to task because of the conflicts of interest of board members to retain the benefits for their respective organizations.

 

This latest scandal highlights the urgent need to infuse the Claims Conference with new leadership and restructuring of its board to satisfy the Jewish public that restitution funds are managed in an exemplary manner.

A discourse throughout the Jewish world to review the criteria for granting assistance to survivors and the ground rules of eligibility for providing grants to worthy organizations or projects is also highly overdue.

Most importantly, the Jewish public has difficulty in comprehending why there are so many Holocaust survivors living in abject poverty while considerable sums continue to be expended by the Claims Conference on causes which lack a genuine relationship with the Holocaust, ranging from the Tel Aviv Yiddish Theater, Hatzola Volunteer Ambulance Services in Brooklyn, Birthright and Bnei Brak women's organizations.

Perhaps this extraordinary scandal will impel some of the more responsible directors to set aside their organizational interests, introduce greater accountability and initiate genuine reform to the Claims Conference.

ileibler@netvision.net.il

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THE JERUSALEM POST

COLUMN

THE REGION: BEHIND THE PRAISE

BY BARRY RUBIN 

 

The recent meeting between Obama and Netanyahu was as good as it's going to get.

Talkbacks (13)

At the recent meeting between US President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, the president could not have been more effusive. They had an "excellent" discussion, Netanyahu's statement was "wonderful," and the USIsrael relationship is "extraordinary."

Hard to believe this is the same Obama.

The US president wants to improve relations with Israel for several reasons.

Obviously, he doesn't want to be bashing Israel in the period leading up to the November elections. Polls show that for Americans, his administration's relative hostility toward Israel is its least popular policy. But there is more to this trend.

What Obama wants is to be able to claim a diplomatic success in advancing the Israel-Palestinian "peace process," perhaps the only international issue he can so spin. Keeping indirect talks going and, even better, moving them up to direct talks is his goal. So he wants Netanyahu's cooperation for that.

The same point holds regarding the Gaza Strip, where Obama wants to claim he has defused a crisis he has called "unsustainable." And he also wants to keep the Israel-Arab front calm while he deals with Afghanistan, Iraq, and Iran, seeking above all to avoid crises and confrontations and to keep up his (bogus) bargain of trading flattery for popularity.

So here's the deal as he sees it: Give Israel some US support in exchange for modest steps that the administration hopes accomplishes its goals. Israel will concede on some things that don't appreciably hurt its interests in order to maintain good relations with the US.

First, Israel revised the list of goods it permits into the Gaza Strip, the details of which were all agreed on beforehand with the US. The Obama administration will support Israel on Gaza generally, including endorsing its independent investigation of the flotilla issue.

As the Israeli government explained it, the new list "is limited to weapons, war material, and dual-use items."

Israel is defining dual-use items using an international agreement, the "Wassenaar Arrangement on Export Controls for Arms and Dual-Use Goods and Technologies," and thus this should be acceptable to Western governments.

Construction material will be carefully monitored and allowed only for specified projects. Israel will keep out dualuse goods including construction materials (concrete and pipes, for example) that can be used by Hamas to build bunkers and rockets.

At present, there are 45 such projects approved by Israel. The Palestinian Authority must also approve each one (thus, in theory, the buildings created would strengthen its popularity and influence, though this is probably wishful thinking). These include school and medical buildings, water and sewage systems, and housing. If Israel determines, through its multiple intelligence-collecting sources, that the material is being misused to benefit Hamas or its military strength, the supplies would be stopped.

The United States will proclaim that the alleged humanitarian crisis is over and the people of Gaza are doing just fine, ignoring their being subject to a terribly repressive dictatorship. Hamas will denounce the concessions as insufficient and continue efforts to smuggle in weapons, consolidate its rule, and turn Gaza's children into terrorists. This is the contemporary Western idea of a diplomatic success.

AS I'VE pointed out before, once Israel concluded that there would be no Western commitment for overthrowing the Hamas regime, it might as well go to a containment strategy. This Western policy is terrible but Israel is merely recognizing the real situation and making the best of it. Obama was quoted as saying: "We believe there is a way to make sure that the people of Gaza are able to prosper economically, while Israel is able to maintain its legitimate security needs in not allowing missiles and weapons to get to Hamas."

Really? How exactly are you going to do that? I know what Obama thinks: The people prosper, the middle class gets stronger, the masses demand moderation and then comes Hamas's downfall.

This is a view of revolutionary Islamism and the workings of dictatorships that boggles the mind. It is the mindless idea that prosperity brings peace and moderation, and that a regime ready to torture, murder, and indoctrinate people will be easily removed.

There is the possibility of the US government and other Western countries subverting Israel's position by engaging Hamas (as Russia did lately) but that line can probably be held for the next few years at least. Various Western media and activist groups can try to keep up the notion that the Gaza Strip is a hell on earth (because of Israel) and people are starving. There will be no truth to this, of course, but there was no truth to it before and that didn't stop them. But their task will be harder.

OBAMA PRAISED Netanyahu just as much on the "peace process." The president said: "I believe that Prime Minister Netanyahu wants peace. I think he's willing to take risks for peace."

Remember that quote when Obama turns on Netanyahu again after the November elections. As for risks, we've had enough of those, thank you very much.

But Netanyahu's goal was to make Obama happy with the minimum of risk. Israel will extend its building freeze on the West Bank and east Jerusalem in exchange for the Obama administration's commitment to endorse its predecessor's acceptance of Israel retaining "settlement blocs" as part of any peace agreement with the Palestinians.

In other words, if a diplomatic settlement were ever to be reached then borders would be shifted to allow Israel to annex some relatively small areas with a large number of settlers. This would not only improve Israel's security situation in the event of a peace agreement but also greatly increase support for a flexible policy within Israel.

Continuing to freeze will present a domestic problem for Netanyahu but he can hold his coalition together, if necessary, by adjusting it. Parties are constrained from walking out of the government because if elections were held today, Netanyahu would win in a landslide partly at their expense.

Another thing Netanyahu wants is for Obama to escalate pressure on Iran regarding that country's nuclear weapons' drive. The new sanctions, thanks to Congress, are going to hurt Iran and undermine support for the regime there. It's not enough, of course, to stop the program. Still, when Iran does get nuclear weapons, Israel will need the United States to take a strong stand in containing Teheran.

DOES ISRAEL'S government trust Obama? Of course not. Israelis in general are under no illusions about Obama's view of their country, his willingness to battle revolutionary Islamists, or his general reliability and toughness.

There is a possibility of Obama turning to a much tougher stance on Israel after the congressional elections are over. Yet with a plummeting popularity at home and many domestic problems, perhaps Obama will have more on his mind than playing Middle Eastpeacemaker.

 

The Palestinian Authority is so uneager for a peace agreement that anything Israel says on the subject is most unlikely ever to be implemented. And it seems that the Obama administration has at least some sense that it isn't going to get an Israel-Palestinian peace agreement so it doesn't want to look foolish in making this a high priority and then failing.

Thus, Israel's strategy is as follows: try very hard to get along with the administration, seek to keep it happy, and avoid confrontation without making any major irreversible concessions or taking serious risks. Have no illusions, but keep the US government focused on Iran as much as possible.

The next Congress will be more likely to constrain the president and who knows what will happen in future. A building freeze might be ended on strong grounds the next time. It is quite possible that Iran, Syria, and other radical forces will so assault the United States and trample on its interests that Obama will be forced to alter course. And there's always the 2012 presidential election.

This, then, is the best policy for Israel to follow considering the more unattractive options. And for the foreseeable future, Obama will play along.

It isn't neat but it is real world international politics.

The writer is director of the Global Research in International Affairs Center and editor of Middle East Review of International Affairs and Turkish Studies. He blogs at www.rubinreports.blogspot.com

                                                                        

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THE JERUSALEM POST

                                                                                                                                                                         OPED

WHAT ABOUT PALESTINIAN CITIZENS OF ISRAEL?

BY AHMAD TIBI 

 

We must be concerned by with the threats directed at Israel's minority population.

 

In the 11 years that I have served in the Knesset, I have received numerous death threats. Pulsa Denura (the term for a rabbinical death curse) has evidently taken exception to my consistent call for equal rights for the country's Palestinian minority.

Recently I received a letter – the second in as many days – that warned: "You have 180 days to live. Your death will be sudden and cruel, accompanied by great pain..."

Last month, I was forcibly removed by armed guards from the Knesset podium. In recent days, colleagues have faced violent and vulgar rhetoric and one was very nearly physically attacked by a fellow Knesset member. Much, but not all of this fury, is a consequence of daring to speak out on behalf of Palestinians in Gaza, a land cruelly and illegally deprived of essential goods. Yet American elected officials seem far more concerned with specious claims against humanitarian aid workers who were violently attacked by Israel in international waters on May 31.

A young dual Turkish-American citizen was killed execution- style on board the lead ship, with one bullet to the chest and four, at close range, to the head, according to some reports in the Turkish press. The next day, another young American, Emily Henochowicz – a college student at New York's prestigious Cooper Union – had her eye shot out by an Israeli-fired tear gas canister as she peacefully protested the flotilla raid in Jerusalem.

Days later, a Palestinian man married to an American woman was killed at a police checkpoint in Wadi Joz after what some say was a traffic accident. Israeli police maintain that the man tried to ram his car into two police officers and then flee on foot but some witnesses told police and media channels that the man's sudden swerving of the car was unintentional.

US OFFICIALS have not demanded accountability for these acts of violence. Instead, too many are busy responding to AIPAC, which has released a list of Congress members parroting the group's talking points.

They speak of Israel's right to "defend itself" from humanitarian workers brutally murdered in international waters by the equivalent of modern-day pirates. It seems that only in the US Congress is this perverted Israeli rationale accepted as reality.

The new American president's silence is even more disappointing. It reminds us that Palestinian freedom and equal rights are unlikely to be secured by a United States committed to false notions of Israeli security.

Since his Cairo speech last year, President Barack Obama has failed to pursue new policies. In the Middle East, he is regarded as full of fine, but empty words.

Empty because securing Palestinian freedom and equal rights requires standing up to Israel.

Furthermore, the president is grievously undercut by fellow top Democrats such as Sen. Charles Schumer, who told an audience at the Orthodox Union last month that it made sense "to strangle them [Palestinians in Gaza] economically" because they elected Hamas and "they don't believe in the Torah, in David."

This may play well with some of Sen. Schumer's constituents at the Orthodox Union where he was cheered for his remarks, but it goes over very poorly with Palestinians agonizing over stunted and malnourished children.

One can imagine the uproar had he suggested economically strangling Israelis for electing neo-fascists such as Avigdor Lieberman.

 

THE ONE glimmer of hope I can see came from President Obama's National Security Strategy of May 2010. Promisingly, the document calls for "rights for all Israelis." But the strategy requires crucial elaboration.

We have some rights in Israel. The question is whether we will have equal rights and here the document falls silent. The issue is vital as the human rights organization Adalah has documented over three dozen Israeli laws that discriminate against Palestinian citizens of Israel.

As we have learned with Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations, constructive ambiguity is not helpful.

American support for a "Jewish state" suggests a willingness to relegate Palestinian citizens of that state to inferior standing.

Israel's current government clearly opposes equal rights and its most extreme members are threatening the overthrow of numerous democratic norms. Foreign Minister Lieberman leads the charge with his loyalty oath that threatens to strip Palestinians of citizenship.

More than 20 bills have been introduced since Binyamin Netanyahu took office in spring 2009 that would exacerbate discrimination against Israel's Palestinian minority.

In Israel, especially among those on the Right, there is a fierce refusal to accept any activity or statement, by myself or my colleagues, against government policy.

For example, my support of the Libyan flotilla and my calls for the end of the Gaza blockade, are immediately seen as an attempt to undermine the security of the state. It seems there is no tolerance for the "other," the Arab, whose differing opinion is promptly attacked for being reckless and unrestrained.

Between the Scylla of death threats and the Charybdis of expulsion, the standing of Palestinian citizens of Israel is as tenuous as it has been since the lifting of martial law in 1966. Democratic allies of Israel must concern themselves not only with its 43-year subjugation of Palestinians in the occupied territories, but with the mounting threats being directed at its minority population by a majority that wrongly deems us a fifth column for demanding to be treated as equal human beings regardless of whether or not we believe in the Torah.

The writer is a Palestinian citizen of Israel and is deputy speaker of the Knesset.

 

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HAARETZ

OPINION

NETANYAHU AND BARAK ARE HIDING BEHIND THE IDF'S FLOTILLA PROBE

THE GOVERNMENT MUST NOW TURN ONTO ITSELF THE SPOTLIGHT THAT THE EILAND COMMISSION DIRECTED AT THE ISRAEL DEFENSE FORCES.

 

The team of experts headed by Maj. Gen. (res. ) Giora Eiland submitted its report yesterday on its investigation into the military operation against the Gaza-bound flotilla on May 31. The limited and censored version that Eiland presented to the public suggests that the two expectations created when Chief of Staff Gabi Ashkenazi announced his appointment have come true.

 

As expected, Eiland carried out the task thoroughly and in depth, exposing flaws and recommending ways to correct them. Also as expected, Eiland didn't put anyone's head in a noose. Eiland's report does not whitewash the cracks in intelligence gathering and operational planning, but it leaves up in the air, or in this case, out at sea, the question of command responsibility for what Eiland himself has described as "substantive errors of the senior ranks."

 

The mistakes pointed out by Eiland revolve around the way the navy operated, especially the commander of the navy and its intelligence unit, the intelligence department and the General Staff. As such, this is an important report but too narrow, because the government and especially the prime minister and defense minister were not investigated. (The chief of staff had warned them of the dangers of a military operation and asked them to opt for alternatives .) Also not investigated were the foreign minister, the Ministerial Committee for Defense, the National Security Council and the Mossad, which failed to sneak an agent onto the Mavi Marmara.

 

Ashkenazi, who appointed Eiland, is not to blame for this investigative failure, nor is Eiland, whose hands were tied because the army is unable to investigate its superiors or other bodies in the defense establishment. This is the duty of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Defense Minister Ehud Barak and their colleagues in the cabinet.

 

The prime minister and his ministers thought they were smart and sought to make do with two investigations that are not authorized to touch them. The Eiland team was limited to the military alone. The Turkel Committee is dealing only with the aspects of the flotilla affair concerning international law. One investigation looks at the army and the other at the world; no investigation is looking into the Netanyahu-Barak government.

 

This is cowardly behavior toward the naval commandos and the other troops who took risks. The government must now turn onto itself the spotlight that Eiland directed at the Israel Defense Forces.

 

If Netanyahu and Barak avoid doing this, the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee must set up a panel to investigate.

 

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HAARETZ

OPINION

THE BEAUTIFUL ISRAELI

THE GILAD SHALIT MARCH WAS NOT A POLITICAL EVENT, BUT ONE THAT CAME FROM THE HEART, AND IT WAS THE MOST SPONTANEOUS, HUMANE AND IMPRESSIVE DEMONSTRATION EVER HELD HERE

BY YOEL MARCUS

 

Something quite encouraging emanates from the Gilad Shalit fiasco and our helplessness in securing his freedom. It is easier for us to look in the mirror. We are not preoccupied with rabbis and spiritual leaders; police investigations of public officials; Industry Minister Benjamin Ben-Eliezer, who would skewer Defense Minister Ehud Barak while calling him a liar; deadly car accidents and violent protests by the ultra-Orthodox; and political demonstrations at Rabin Square. Instead, we now have a response that springs from the heart.

In the four years Shalit has been held captive, I've written one thing and then the opposite. Once I said, "Yes, he

should be freed at any price." Some time later I wrote, "Do not free him at any price." I was right both times. More than once the media has argued against the imbalance of prisoner swaps, demanding that from now on the only deals should be one for one. So what if they argued? When judging by the result, the discrepancy remains. We have always paid a price that was above and beyond.

 

The decision on the matter rests with the prime ministers. Thus far they have failed to withstand the pressure exerted by the captives' families. When he was defense minister, Yitzhak Rabin justified the Jibril deal in which Israel released more than 1,000 prisoners in exchange for three soldiers captured during the first Lebanon war by saying he couldn't take the look on the face of Miriam Grof, the mother of one of the soldiers to be freed, Yosef Grof.

 

In a country that has mourned many of its sons, there have been only two spontaneous political demonstrations that toppled a prime minister. The protest movements launched by veterans after the failure of the Yom Kippur War led to Golda Meir's resignation just a short time after she was re-elected along with Moshe Dayan despite the thousands of dead soldiers. Meir and Dayan were not mentioned by the Agranat Commission, which investigated the events leading up to the war.

 

The second political demonstration took place during the first Lebanon war, a conflict that needlessly dragged on and sent high-school graduates straight onto the battlefield to fight a war whose purpose was never clear. The public gradually found it harder to see the benefit of the war's endless bloodletting. A cynical song, which rhymes in Hebrew, summed up the mood of those days: "Oh airplane, take us to Lebanon, we'll fight for Sharon and come back in a coffin." The grassroots protest resulted in Menachem Begin's psychological deterioration. During the final days of his tenure, he acknowledged that he could not face up to the scene of protesters camped outside his home. Every morning these demonstrators brandished signs tallying the war's death toll.

 

While the two aforementioned demonstrations were rooted in political considerations and ended in the ouster of two prime ministers, the Shalit abduction has morphed into a human drama that puts us in a difficult dilemma, all courtesy of the Shalit family's efforts. While Aviva and Noam Shalit have not kept quiet for even one day, they also have not raised their voices. They know that the only person deciding their son's fate is the prime minister. Ehud Olmert, however, refused to pay the price and Bibi is still not budging from his position. When the Shalits were asked at one point to tone down their message so as not to harm the negotiations with Hamas, they heeded. But the personal tragedy is etched on their faces. Their quiet restrained voices are screaming to the high heavens.

 

I do not know how many people took part in the protest march organized by the Shalit family that stretched from the north to the Prime Minister's Residence. Even if the figure falls short of 200,000, it was still the loudest quiet protest ever staged in this country. Much like Forrest Gump, who was spurred by the death of his mother to begin walking and was gradually joined by tens of thousands of people, all with their own reasons, tens of thousands joined the Shalits, their pain and the war for the life of their son.

 

Not all who marched in this impressive demonstration believed in their hearts that Gilad should be freed at any price, yet they identified with the parents' anguish. When the march paused opposite the Akirov Towers, the home of Barak, his wife Nili Priell joined in and marched for a stretch of the route. She did not demonstrate against her husband, but she did empathize with the family's pain. Meanwhile, all the luminaries and stars there were less interested in making a political impact and more interested in appearing on television just so people would know they were there.

 

This was a protest for the parents, not against the government. There is no doubt that among the marchers were people who spoke differently behind closed doors, people who felt that the state cannot be held hostage to the fate of one soldier. Today they will release 1,000 murderers, and tomorrow they will demand that we relinquish Jerusalem in exchange for one captive soldier.

 

The Shalit march was not a political event, but one that came from the heart. It was the most spontaneous, humane and impressive demonstration ever held here. At the risk of sounding schmaltzy, it was good to see the face of the beautiful Israeli.

 

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HAARETZ

OPINION

NETANYAHU'S SEAT

THE PRIME MINISTER WILL PAY ANY PRICE TO STAY IN OFFICE, EVEN IF IT MEANS SUSTAINING AN INFLATED DEFENSE BUDGET.

BY NEHEMIA SHTRASLER

 

Yuval Steinitz is acting as if he's in a battle for his life, sparing no word or deed to warn us of the gathering storm. The finance minister has described the growth of the defense budget as "wild," criticized the news reports implanted by the army over the latest Hezbollah rocket threat, and garnered support among ministers and journalists for his desperate demand to curtail defense spending.

 

A high-level Finance Ministry official describes Ehud Barak as the "most expensive defense minister in Israel's history," and Udi Nissan, the Finance Ministry's budget director, says such massive defense spending comes at the expense of welfare, education and health services.

 

The defense budget has experienced fantastic growth over the past few years - from NIS 44 billion in 2006 to NIS 55 billion this year. The recommendations of the Brodet Commission that was tasked with examining the defense budget have, in Nissan's view, collapsed and efforts to streamline the defense establishment were barely carried out.

 

What's more, of the billions in misdirected funds, "the portion allotted for salaries is rising while the army's fighting power is on the wane. That has to change," says Nissan.

 

Steinitz has compared the defense budget's meteoric rise to "an F-16 taking off," while other government ministries chug along "like an old Piper plane." That growth, he said, reminds him of the steep spike in defense spending following the Yom Kippur War that led the Israeli economy to a "lost decade." The finance minister doesn't want another.

 

Let there be no mistake - Steinitz's demands are exceedingly modest. He seeks only to reduce the budgetary increase the Israel Defense Forces would receive from NIS 3.4 billion to NIS 2 billion. That small cut could return the military to within the parameters outlined by the Brodet Commission, which it somehow managed to exceed.

 

The panel's recommendations were the worst thing ever to happen to the state budget. The government approved them in 2007 as part of a misguided attempt to implement the lessons of the Second Lebanon War, and the result was that the IDF began receiving fantastic budgetary additions at the expense of social, educational and welfare services.

 

At the same time, the army failed to meet its obligations to streamline. The IDF continues to oppose raising its retirement age to a more reasonable level, a move that would save billions - today one may leave the army at 42 and receive a pension for 38 years! It's unclear why an economist at the Kirya defense compound in Tel Aviv can't work until 60 before retiring.

 

Steinitz has already promised on several occasions to personally file a decision to raise the retirement age, though he is doing so with full knowledge that he may fail. The army continues to make fools out of us, claiming with unimaginable chutzpah that raising the retirement age would only bring about a spending increase (! ).

 

The defense establishment lives in its own world, without effective parliamentary supervision. At the start of the year it is budgeted a certain sum, but by year's end that has grown by some NIS 3 billion or NIS 4 billion. The army refuses to cut its number of employees despite overlaps within its ranks, and is unwilling to shrink the bloated defense delegations to New York, Washington, Paris, Brussels and Berlin, which serve as wonderful professional sabbaticals for their cronies.

 

It's clear Steinitz is wagering the entire weight of his influence on this gambit, but he is a featherweight. Barak is hardly paying him any mind. The finance minister will meet with Benjamin Netanyahu next week, scare him a little and receive whatever it is he wants.

 

The prime minister, after all, isn't worried about the damage that could be caused to society and the economy. All that's important is his own seat, for which he is willing to pay any price required.

 

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HAARETZ

OPINION

SENSITIVITIES FOR MEN ONLY

IT SEEMS THAT THE CASE OF THE NON-ZIONIST, FLAG-BURNING YESHIVA STUDENT INVOKES INVIOLATE SENSITIVITIES: NATIONAL SENSITIVITIES, THE FEELINGS OF SOLDIER-MEN AND HEROS.

BY MERAV MICHAELI

 

A yeshiva student who burned an Israeli flag on the eve of Memorial Day asked a court on Sunday not to convict him. He claimed that his freedom of expression took precedence over harmed sensitivities. Yesterday, Anat Hoffman, head of Women at the Wall, who want to read the Torah out loud at the Western Wall, was arrested for the crime of holding a Torah scroll in the Western Wall Plaza because it hurt the sensitivities of the public.

 

A comparison shows that Israel recognizes only the sensitivities of the ultra-Orthodox. Others don't have them: Secular people who want to drive on the primarily ultra-Orthodox Bar-Ilan Street in Jerusalem on the Sabbath only want "freedom of movement" - not to feel free in their country. Women who want to pray at the Western Wall want "equality," not a sense of sanctity. And since only Haredim have sensitivities, only they can suffer when their sensitivities are hurt.

 

But secular people should protest vehemently. The state recognizes these sensitivities only when they preserve the power structure it finds convenient. That is, when harm to the sensitivities of religious people actually conceals harm to exclusivity, to authority or to power in the hands of men - then the state prohibits such harm.

 

In the issue of Bar-Ilan Street, for example, the High Court of Justice recognized that opening the road was harmful to Haredi sensitivities, but still ruled in favor of the neighborhood's secular residents. In other words, it prefered to maintain the open character of Jerusalem and not contribute to making it more ultra-Orthodox.

 

In the failed petition to ban pornographic channels, in which Haredim joined feminist groups, the harm to Haredi sensitivities was deemed negligent compared to important values like freedom of expression, freedom to humiliate women, freedom of occupation of men and freedom to employ rape victims under abusive conditions. No one mentioned harm to the sensitivities of women.

 

In matters of marriage and divorce, however (and in yesterday's bill, conversion as well ), the state grants exclusivity to the ultra-Orthodox establishment, because it is so pleasant and convenient that there is a body that is, as it were, not the state, that will protect our Jewish racial purity, and familial and legal male superiority.

 

In ruling on the petition of Women at the Wall as well, harm to the sensitivities of the ultra-Orthodox justified limiting freedom of expression, freedom of worship and even freedom of occupation of ordained women rabbis, as well as their religious sensitivities. That is what the cabinet decided, as well as the High Court, in a ruling by the ostensibly activist justice Aharon Barak.

 

That is how male superiority is preserved. Moreover, Women at the Wall are praying publicly in prayer shawls and sometimes in skullcaps, absolute male accoutrements, and that fact alone is enough to be perceived by ultra-Orthodox and even secular people as sacrilege. After all, even very liberal men want their women "feminine."

 

This is what is done to Reform women. But what about ultra-Orthodox? The High Court is shortly to rule on the matter of buses in Jerusalem in which women are allowed to sit only at the back. One wonders whether the enlightened court is the body that will decide for the less enlightened Haredim what to do with their women on the bus, or whether it will decide that Haredi women are not an important enough issue over which to harm the sensitivities of their men.

 

It seems that the case of the non-Zionist, flag-burning yeshiva student invokes inviolate sensitivities: national sensitivities, the feelings of soldier-men and heros. He may not be punished to the full extent of the law, but apparently but even his freedom of expression will not be able to trump these important sensitivities.

 

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******************************************************************************************THE NEW YORK TIMES

EDITORIAL

A YELLOW LIGHT TO DNA SEARCHES

 

For nearly 25 years, a serial killer stalked South Los Angeles, murdering at least 10 people. He was caught last week through the use of a much-debated DNA technique that involves tracking down relatives of convicted criminals. The technique, known as familial searching, has significant potential as a crime-fighting tool and is likely to spread to other states now that it has passed its first successful test in this country. But there must be stringent safeguards to prevent abuse.

 

Normally, if investigators find some DNA at a crime scene, a lab checks for matches in the database. If there is no exact match, the database search ends there. But sometimes the sample matches part of other people's DNA, and the matches are strongest with a family link.

 

In the case of the serial killer nicknamed the "Grim Sleeper," DNA samples he left at several crime scenes were a close partial match to Christopher Franklin, who was in a California prison on a weapons conviction. Investigators could tell that the killer had to be a close relative of Mr. Franklin and narrowed it down to his father, Lonnie Franklin Jr., after they found the father's DNA in saliva on a discarded slice of pizza. Lonnie Franklin Jr. was charged with 10 counts of murder.

 

Using a partial DNA match this way could raise all sorts of privacy and civil liberties issues if not carefully controlled. Hundreds of people could fall under suspicion simply because they are related to someone in the criminal DNA database. Because blacks and Hispanics are disproportionately represented there, a first-time black offender has a better chance of having his DNA lead to a familial match than does a first-time white offender.

 

These concerns are serious but should not block the use of familial searching, which has led to several successful arrests in Britain. If other states want to proceed in this area, they need to follow the example of California, which has strict requirements for the use of the technique.

 

Under rules set up by Attorney General Jerry Brown, familial searching cannot be used unless all other investigative leads have been exhausted. The crime must be murder or rape, and the criminal has to be an active threat to public safety — still committing crimes.

 

A committee of lawyers and forensic experts in the attorney general's office evaluates all requests to do a familial search and votes on whether to proceed based on those criteria, as well as the strength of the DNA match and several other factors.

 

Those procedures, however, are not codified into law, and they need to be, in California and in any other state that moves in this direction. (Currently, only California and Colorado have written policies.) Another attorney general could come along and loosen the procedures to allow abusive fishing expeditions.

 

One example of the potential for abuse is taking place elsewhere in California, where the district attorney of Orange County, Tony Rackauckas, has set up his own database, apart from the state's, which he can use as he pleases. It includes many people whose arrests do not meet the standards set up by the state for inclusion in the DNA database. State lawmakers across the country need to require centralized databases with statewide laws governing their use.

 

Crime-fighting technology may be improving — and DNA sampling has been a huge boon to many innocent prisoners — but it must balanced alongside constitutional protections against intrusive searches.

 

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THE NEW YORK TIMES

EDITORIAL

EUROPE CURBS ITS BANKERS

 

Excessive pay for bankers, and huge rewards for risk-taking, brought this country and the world to the brink of financial disaster. The Obama administration recognized the problem and then did far too little about it. It appointed a tough pay czar, but it only gave him the power to forbid excessive pay at banks that had not yet reimbursed the Treasury for their bailout. The Federal Reserve has issued pay guidelines, but it has not set limits on cash pay or taxes on remuneration to reduce bankers' perverse incentives.

 

Thankfully, Europe is not waiting for the United States to lead the way. Last week, the European Parliament approved tough limits on bankers' bonuses.

 

Under the new rules, bankers will receive only 20 percent to 30 percent of their bonus in upfront cash. Banks must defer payment of 40 percent to 60 percent of bonuses for 3 to 5 years. And half of a banker's upfront bonus must be paid in shares or "contingent capital" — bonds that convert into equity if the bank gets in trouble. The rules allow for banks to claw back bonuses paid to executives whose investments are initially profitable but go awry a few years down the road.

 

This should go a long way to curb bankers' penchant to take on any bet — no matter how enormous its risks — to reap short-term profits and "earn" a large bonus, oblivious to what may happen afterward.

 

National regulators of the 27 members of the European Union are expected to implement the new rules by January. Banks in Europe are already warning that if the United States does not impose similar restrictions on bonuses, American banks — wielding large rolls of cash — will poach many of their most creative and talented financiers.

 

Of course, the most creative and talented financiers in American and European banks are the ones that brought us the no-doc, reverse amortization adjustable-rate mortgage, the mortgage-backed security and the credit default swap.

 

That is the sort of brain-drain we don't want. And it is one more reason why the Obama administration needs to get serious about curbing bankers' bonuses in the United States.

 

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THE NEW YORK TIMES

EDITORIAL

NO HONOR, ONLY HORROR

 

There is much to admire in India today, including its vibrant democracy and economy and its rich traditions. It should also lead the way in protecting and empowering women by ending so-called honor killings.

 

Jim Yardley recently reported in The Times on the case of Nirupama Pathak, a 22-year-old journalism graduate student from northern India who was found dead in her bedroom in April. Police arrested her mother on suspicion of murder; the family insisted Ms. Pathak had killed herself after confessing that she was pregnant.

 

The legal process must move forward, but what is clear is that Ms. Pathak's family — members of the Brahmin caste, the highest Hindu caste — fiercely disapproved of her engagement to a young man she had met at school who was from a middle-upper caste. When she told her family of her plans to marry, The Times reported, she was accused of defiling her Hindu religion.

 

Her family gave police conflicting stories about how Ms. Pathak died. First, it was said that she had died from electrocution. Then the claim was that she had hanged herself. The autopsy showed that she had suffocated.

 

Responding to an apparent resurgence in "honor killings," Prime Minister Manmohan Singh ordered a cabinet-level commission this month to consider tougher penalties in such cases. In June, India's Supreme Court asked seven states and the national government to report on what is being done to address the problem. Mr. Singh and the court need to follow through.

 

Honor killings are widely reported in the Middle East and South Asia, but in recent years they also have taken place in Italy, Sweden, Brazil and Britain. According to Navi Pillay, the United Nations high commissioner for human rights, there are 5,000 instances annually when women and girls are shot, stoned, burned, buried alive, strangled, smothered and knifed to death by fathers, brothers, sons, uncles, even mothers in the name of preserving family "honor." Ms. Pillay has rejected arguments that such family violence is outside the conceptual framework of international human rights.

 

There is a reason these religious and cultural beliefs are allowed to persist. Politicians don't have the courage to call it what it is: murder.

 

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THE NEW YORK TIMES

CUTTING AND PASTING: A SENIOR THESIS BY (INSERT NAME)

BY BRENT STAPLES

 

A friend who teaches at a well-known eastern university told me recently that plagiarism was turning him into a cop. He begins the semester collecting evidence, in the form of an in-class essay that gives him a sense of how well students think and write. He looks back at the samples later when students turn in papers that feature their own, less-than-perfect prose alongside expertly written passages lifted verbatim from the Web.

 

"I have to assume that in every class, someone will do it," he said. "It doesn't stop them if you say, 'This is plagiarism. I won't accept it.' I have to tell them that it is a failing offense and could lead me to file a complaint with the university, which could lead to them being put on probation or being asked to leave."

 

Not everyone who gets caught knows enough about what they did to be remorseful. Recently, for example, a student who plagiarized a sizable chunk of a paper essentially told my friend to keep his shirt on, that what he'd done was no big deal. Beyond that, the student said, he would be ashamed to go home to the family with an F.

 

As my friend sees it: "This represents a shift away from the view of education as the process of intellectual engagement through which we learn to think critically and toward the view of education as mere training. In training, you are trying to find the right answer at any cost, not trying to improve your mind."

 

Like many other professors, he no longer sees traditional term papers as a valid index of student competence. To get an accurate, Internet-free reading of how much students have learned, he gives them written assignments in class — where they can be watched.

 

These kinds of precautions are no longer unusual in the college world. As Trip Gabriel pointed out in The Times recently, more than half the colleges in the country have retained services that check student papers for material lifted from the Internet and elsewhere. Many schools now require incoming students to take online tutorials that explain what plagiarism is and how to avoid it.

 

Nationally, discussions about plagiarism tend to focus on questions of ethics. But as David Pritchard, a physics professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, told me recently: "The big sleeping dog here is not the moral issue. The problem is that kids don't learn if they don't do the work."

 

Prof. Pritchard and his colleagues illustrated the point in a study of cheating behavior by M.I.T. students who used an online system to complete homework. The students who were found to have copied the most answers from others started out with the same math and physics skills as their harder-working classmates. But by skipping the actual work in homework, they fell behind in understanding and became significantly more likely to fail.

 

The Pritchard axiom — that repetitive cheating undermines learning — has ominous implications for a world in which even junior high school students cut and paste from the Internet instead of producing their own writing.

 

If we look closely at plagiarism as practiced by youngsters, we can see that they have a different relationship to the printed word than did the generations before them. When many young people think of writing, they don't think of fashioning original sentences into a sustained thought. They think of making something like a collage of found passages and ideas from the Internet.

 

They become like rap musicians who construct what they describe as new works by "sampling" (which is to say, cutting and pasting) beats and refrains from the works of others.

 

This habit of mind is already pervasive in the culture and will be difficult to roll back. But parents, teachers and policy makers need to understand that this is not just a matter of personal style or generational expression. It's a question of whether we can preserve the methods through which education at its best teaches people to think critically and originally.

 

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THE NEW YORK TIMES

OUTSIDE THE CASINO

BY BOB HERBERT

 

The hustlers and high rollers at Wall Street's gaming tables are starting to feel lucky again.

 

Hiring is beginning to pick up in the very sector that led the country to the edge of a depression. An article on the front page of The Times on Sunday noted that this turnaround "underscores the remarkable recovery of the biggest banks and brokerage firms since Washington rescued them in the fall of 2008, and follows the huge rebound in profits for members of the New York Stock Exchange, which totaled $61.4 billion in 2009, the most ever."

 

The hustlers and high rollers are always there to skim the cream, no matter what's happening in the real world of ordinary American families.

 

In a column that was published a few days before Christmas 2007, the very month that the great recession began, I wrote about the record-breaking seasonal bonuses being handed out on Wall Street: an obscene $38 billion, the highest total ever. The subprime mortgage debacle was already upon us and the economy was sinking like a stone, but the casino crowd was celebrating as never before. "Even as the Wall Streeters are high-fiving and ordering up record shipments of Champagne and caviar," I noted, "the American dream is on life support."

 

The fattest of the fat cats live in a perpetual heads-I-win, tails-you-lose environment. But if you step outside the Wall Street casino, you'll notice that things aren't going too well in the rest of the country. More than 14 million Americans are out of work, and nearly half of them have been jobless for six months or longer. The unemployment rate for black Americans is 15.4 percent.

 

School districts across the country are taking drastic steps to cope with collapsing budgets: firing personnel, increasing class sizes, cutting kindergarten and summer-school programs and, in some cases, moving to a four-day school week. The Associated Press, in a demoralizing report, recently noted: "As the school budget crisis deepens, administrators across the nation have started to view school libraries as luxuries that can be axed rather than places where kids learn to love reading and do research."

 

What a country. We'll do whatever it takes to make sure the bankers keep living the high life and swilling that Champagne while at the same time we're taking books out of the hands of schoolchildren trying to get an education.

 

I'm no friend of the deficit hawks, but the staggering amounts of money we've been spending for the past several years have not benefited the people most in need of help and have not laid the foundation for a more secure economy going forward. We've handed over unconscionable tax breaks to the very rich (you can see the Prada paraders high-stepping along Fifth Avenue in their million-dollar flip-flops) and countless billions to the private contractors brazenly feeding off the agony of the endless wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.

 

(Sunday's paper also had an article about six more American G.I.'s killed in Afghanistan.)

 

What's needed is the same sense of urgency about helping struggling families and putting people back to work as the Bush and Obama crowds showed when the banks were about to go bust. That sense of urgency is always missing when it's ordinary people who are in trouble.

 

Millions of Americans are stuck in an economic depression. Several million have either lost their homes to foreclosure during the recession or are in imminent danger of losing them. The long-term unemployed are facing painful daily choices on such basic matters as whether to buy food or refill needed prescription medication or pay electric bills to keep the lights on.

 

Back in February, The Times's Peter Goodman wrote about the new poor, "people long accustomed to the comforts of middle-class life who are now relying on public assistance for the first time in their lives — potentially for years to come."

 

There can be no real national recovery with so many millions of people in such deep economic distress. We can pretend that we're locked in some kind of crisis of confidence, that if only people felt better about themselves and the economy then they'd start spending again. This is a variation on the "mental recession" lunacy spouted by Phil Gramm, John McCain's top economic adviser during the presidential campaign.

 

People who are out of work and deeply in debt don't have any money to spend. The only way to get real money back into their wallets and bank accounts (and thus back into the economy) is to get them back to work.

 

With our help, the banks and Wall Street have done fine. Better than they had any right to expect. It's the ordinary folks outside the casino, in the real world, who are still in desperate need of help. But in a society of, by and for the rich, that help will be a long time coming.

 

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THE NEW YORK TIMES

 

AN ECONOMY OF GRINDS

BY DAVID BROOKS

 

If you go to business conferences, you know that at lunch it is definitely better to be seated next to a prince than a grind. Princes, who can be male or female, are senior executives at major corporations.

 

They are almost always charming, smart and impressive. They've read interesting books. They've got well-rehearsed takes on the global situation. They can drop impressive names as they tell you about their visits to the White House, Moscow or Beijing. If you're having lunch or dinner with a prince, you're going to have a good time.

 

Grinds, on the other hand, tend to have started their own company or their own hedge fund. They're often too awkward to work in a large organization and too intense to work for anybody but themselves.

 

Over lunch, they can be socially inert. You try to draw them out by probing for one or two subjects of interest to them. But as often as not, you find yourself playing conversational ping-pong with a master of the monosyllabic response.

 

Every once in a while you'll run into one who can't help but let you know how much smarter he is than you or anybody else in the room. Sitting at this lunch is about as pleasant for him as watching a cockroach crawl up his arm. He'd much rather be back working in front of his computer screen.

 

Since the princes are nicer and more impressive, it is easy to be seduced into the belief that they also are more trustworthy. This is false. During the last few years, for example, the princes at Citigroup, Bear Stearns, Goldman Sachs and Lehman Brothers behaved with incredible stupidity while the hedge fund loners often behaved with impressive restraint.

 

As Sebastian Mallaby shows in his superb book, "More Money Than God," the smooth operators at the big banks were playing with other people's money, so they borrowed up to 30 times their investors' capital. The hedge fund guys usually had their own money in their fund, so they typically borrowed only one or two times their capital.

 

The social butterflies at the banks got swept up in the popular enthusiasms. The contrarians at the hedge funds made money betting against them. The well-connected bankers knew they'd get bailed out if anything went wrong. The solitary hedge fund guys knew they were on their own and regarded their trades with paranoid anxiety.

 

In finance, as in other realms of business life, social polish doesn't always go with capitalist success. Often it is the most narrow, intense, awkward people who start the best companies, employ the most people and create the most value.

 

Sadly, this recovery has been great for princes and horrible for grinds. The people who work at the big corporations are critical of the Obama administration, but the fact is they are doing very well. The big companies are posting excellent earnings. They're sitting on mountains of cash.

 

The aspiring grinds, meanwhile, are dead in the water. Small businesses are not growing. They are not hiring. They are struggling to stay alive.

Princes can thrive in a period of slow, steady growth, but grinds need a certain sort of psychological atmosphere. They need a wide-open economy with plenty of creative destruction. They need an atmosphere of general confidence, so bankers will feel secure enough to lend them money, so big companies will feel brave enough to acquire their start-ups, so they themselves will feel the time is ripe to take on their world and show their brilliance to all of humanity.

 

The princes can thrive while the government intervenes in the private sector. They've got the lobbyists and the connections. The grinds, needless to say, don't.

 

Over the past decade, professionals — lawyers, regulators and legislators — have inserted themselves into more and more economic realms. The princes are perfectly at home amid these tax breaks, low-interest loans and public-private partnerships. They went to the same schools as the professionals and speak the same language. The grinds try to stay far away and regard the interlocking network of corporate-government schmoozing with undisguised contempt.

 

The upshot is that we have an economy that is inching toward recovery but that is not creating much in the way of new innovations and new jobs. It's not that the overall labor markets are shrinking. It's just that very few grinds are bringing new ideas to scale and hiring workers to enact their us-against-the-world schemes.

 

For jobs to recover, the grinds have to recover, but it's hard to see how that will happen so long as households are still so leveraged, government debt is still so unnerving and the business climate is still so terrible for entrepreneurs.

 

We've been mired in debates over macroeconomic models recently. But maybe the real issue is how we are going to light a fire under the country's loners, its contrarians and its narrow, ambitious outsiders.

 

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THE NEW YORK TIMES

IN SUDAN, WAR IS AROUND THE CORNER

BY DAVE EGGERS AND JOHN PRENDERGAST

 

FOR many good reasons, Americans are doubting our ability as a nation to positively influence events abroad. We're involved in two conflicts with dubious outcomes and we've begun to question whether any step we take, anywhere, will be the right one. But it was not long ago that the United States intervened abroad in a bold way that led to undeniably positive results.

 

From 1983 to 2005, more than two million people died and four million were forced from their homes in southern Sudan during a war between the government and the Sudan People's Liberation Army. Shortly after George W. Bush entered the White House, he decided he would put the full diplomatic leverage of the United States to work in ending this war, one of the bloodiest conflicts of the 20th century.

 

He succeeded. In 2005, the United States helped broker a comprehensive peace agreement between the Sudanese government and the southerners. It was an important moment for international diplomacy and a prime example of what the United States can do when it focuses its influence effectively.

 

In the clear, simple and eminently enforceable peace agreement, South Sudan was granted three crucial things: robust participation in the central government while ruling the south semi-autonomously; a 50-50 split of all oil revenues (the country's oil is largely in the south); and the ability, in 2011, to vote to secede via referendum.

 

The assumption in Sudan is that when the referendum comes, southerners will vote overwhelmingly for secession. Since Sudan became independent in 1956, the people in the south have been marginalized, terrorized and subjected to countless human rights violations under successive regimes in Khartoum, and the possibility of forming a new nation in 2011 is viewed by southerners as a sacred right.

 

But the referendum is scheduled for January, a mere six months away, and all signs indicate that the Khartoum government will undermine the voting process or not recognize its results. The ruling National Congress Party has stalled on virtually every pertinent part of the peace agreement, and the national and local elections in April — which most international observers agree were stained by fraud — are a foreboding precedent.

 

If January comes and goes without a referendum, or if the results are manipulated, then fighting will break out. Both sides have been arming themselves since the peace agreement, so this iteration of north-south violence will be far worse than ever before. And if war resumes in the south, the conflict in Darfur, in western Sudan, will surely explode again.

 

To allow this triumph of international diplomacy to collapse and leave the people of southern Sudan vulnerable is unconscionable. But the questions are stark: what can the United States do to help prevent a war that could cost millions of lives? How can the United States once again influence the behavior of a government willing to commit crimes against humanity to maintain power?

 

These are certainly the worries of the Obama administration. Maj. Gen. Scott Gration, the administration's special envoy to Sudan, recently said: "We have no leverage. We really have no pressure."

 

But we do have leverage. The peace in Sudan is one the United States "owns." Developing a more robust package of carrots and sticks — rolled out multilaterally when possible, unilaterally if necessary — would strengthen America's diplomatic hand, not weaken it.

 

We propose that the threatened pressures should include placing sanctions on key ruling party officials, blocking debt relief from the International Monetary Fund, supporting International Criminal Court arrest warrants (including the one issued on Monday for Sudan's president, Omar Hassan al-Bashir, for three counts of genocide in Darfur), tightening the United Nations arms embargo and providing further support to the south.

 

For this diplomatic effort to be effective, real incentives should be on the table as well: If — and only if — true peace comes to Sudan, we could offer conditional, one-year suspensions of the International Criminal Court warrants and normalization of relations between Khartoum and Washington. And experienced American negotiating teams should be deployed immediately to support African Union and United Nations efforts already under way to end the war in Darfur and prevent one between the north and south, just as we did with the 2005 deal.

 

Bill Clinton often says his greatest regret as president is that he didn't do more to stop the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. There were signs that trouble was brewing long before the killing started, but when it did begin, Mr. Clinton and the international community did not act decisively.

 

This is President Obama's Rwanda moment, and it is unfolding now, in slow motion. It is not too late to prevent the coming war in Sudan, and protect the peace we helped build five short years ago.

 

Dave Eggers is the author of "What Is the What." John Prendergast, the co-founder of the Enough Project, is the co-author with Don Cheadle of the forthcoming "The Enough Moment: Fighting to End Africa's Worst Human Rights Crimes."

 

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THE NEW YORK TIMES

RADIO FREE OF BUREAUCRACY

BY KIM ANDREW ELLIOTT

 

Arlington, Va.

AFTER seven months of politicking, the new Broadcasting Board of Governors was confirmed by the Senate at the very end of last month. The bipartisan board, now headed by the former CNN chairman Walter Isaacson, supervises the government-financed programs Voice of America, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Radio Free Asia, the Arabic-language Radio Sawa and Al Hurra TV, and Radio and TV Martí, which broadcast to Cuba.

 

The board faces an increasingly competitive global media environment. The benchmark is the British Broadcasting Corporation's World Service, which produces radio programs in 32 languages, plus television in Arabic and Persian, and has a global weekly radio audience of 180 million people — about 10 million more than the combined audiences of the American international stations.

 

Can the B.B.G. catch up with its cousins at the BBC? It might seem difficult, given that President Obama has just asked all federal agencies to plan for a 5 percent reduction in spending.

 

A budget cut, however, might be just the thing. After all, the BBC World Service keeps its audience listening on an annual budget of $420 million. The United States spends close to twice as much on international broadcasting — $757 million per year.

 

A common explanation for this discrepancy — that the BBC World Service gets free support from its parent agency, the domestic BBC — doesn't really hold up. A World Service spokesman tells me (and provides documentation to back this up) that the BBC "does not allow for any cross-subsidy between the various funding streams."

 

The real reason the United States spends so much more is that, instead of having one entity that produces all broadcasts, American international broadcasting is a collection of often redundant agencies working under the banner of the Board of Governors.

 

In more than 20 of the languages covered by American broadcasting, both Voice of America and Radio Free "surrogate" stations transmit programs. The theory behind this is that the Radio Free station provides news about the target country, while Voice of America presents United States and general world news. If that were true, the audience would have to tune into two American stations at different times and different frequencies to get complete news coverage. In reality, V.O.A. also extensively covers its target countries. If it didn't, no one would listen. As a result, there is much duplication of effort.

 

The new Broadcasting Board of Governors has a chance to change this. It should propose to Congress and the Obama administration a merger of the separate broadcasting entities into one corporation under the board's supervision, similar to the BBC World Service. This would eliminate the duplication and reduce overhead, compensating for the 5 percent budget cut and then some. It would also free up money to invest in television, an expensive medium that is necessary to attract audiences in many target countries.

 

The present mixture of broadcasting bureaucracies, created over the decades by this and that legislation, must be replaced by a consolidated structure that can increase audience reach without reaching for taxpayers' wallets.

 

Kim Andrew Elliott, an audience research analyst for the United States International Broadcasting Bureau, has taught communications at the University of Massachusetts and the University of Wisconsin-Stevens Point and blogs on international broadcasting.

 

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USA TODAY

EDITORIAL

OUR VIEW ON EARLY EDUCATION: FIX HEAD START BEFORE THROWING MORE MONEY AT IT

 

Inside Washington, Head Start — the federal preschool program for low-income children — ranks right up

 

there with motherhood and apple pie. Head Start's promise is that it can change lives by giving disadvantaged kids a much-needed boost in school readiness.

 

But an increasing body of evidence suggests that the program, established in 1965 as part of President Johnson's war on poverty, isn't living up to that promise. The latest indication: a study of 5,000 students earlier this year by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), which found virtually no difference in academic achievement by the end of first gradebetween those who attended Head Start and those who were eligible to attend but didn't.

 

Despite this sobering finding, President Obama has requested an additional $989 million in funding for the program in the next fiscal year, which would ratchet up Head Start's budget to about $8.2 billion. (Head Start also got an extra $2.1 billion as part of last year's supposedly temporary economic stimulus.)

 

Here's a novel idea: How about fixing the program before throwing more money at it?

 

One place to start is better-qualified teachers. A 2007 law mandated that half of teachers have bachelor's degrees by 2013. Another requirement, yet to be enacted, would force Head Start centers to compete for funding, unless the program can prove it's providing a quality education. But to fully transform the program, more changes are needed. These include:

 

•Promoting increased collaboration between Head Starts and local public schools to ensure that kindergarten

and first grade build on, not re-teach, the skills Head Start attendees have.

 

•Streamlining the program to be more academic-focused, rather than mandating that it divide its energies among academic, social and health needs.

 

•Aggressively attacking fraud, which — based on the findings from a recent undercover sting conducted by the Government Accountability Office — might be widespread as a way to boost enrollments.

 

The problems seem to be more with Head Start than with the concept of early education generally. Low-income children often begin school academically behind their more affluent peers, and early education offers these children a chance to start at less of a disadvantage.

 

The HHS study, which followed the students from 2002 through 2006, showed that before entering kindergarten, the children in the Head Start group did score higher academically in some areas than the non-Head Start group. But that gap virtually disappeared in less than two years, suggesting it's time to explore other early education options to see whether they can provide a longer impact.

 

One option is state-funded preschool programs. Three states — Oklahoma, Georgia and Florida — haveuniversal preschool for 4-year-olds, while 35 help fund preschool programs. A 2009 Georgetown Universitystudy of free-lunch eligible students in Tulsa-area Head Start and Oklahoma Pre-K programs found that students in the state program showed more progress, in both cognitive development and social-emotional skills, than their Head Start peers.

 

Another idea worth exploring is preschool vouchers for low-income children, giving their parents the chance to choose the preschool that best satisfies the family's needs.

 

For all its popularity inside the Beltway, and its presence in just about every congressional district, Head Start shouldn't be politically untouchable. Taxpayers —and low-income children— deserve an effective program that delivers long-term results.

 

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USA TODAY

EDITORIAL

OPPOSING VIEW ON EARLY EDUCATION: 'SIGNIFICANT DIVIDENDS'

BY YASMINA VINCI

 

At-risk children who depend on Head Start should not have their futures jeopardized by a study that leaves many questions unanswered or by decision-makers who seem to be ignoring the study's very first conclusion: Head Start children outperformed the control group "on every measure of children's preschool experiences."

 

OUR VIEW: Fix Head Start before throwing more money at it

 

Head Start's value has been affirmed by people who experience the outcomes. Just ask police chiefs who know that people who began in Head Start commit fewer crimes and go to jail less often. Just ask school administrators. For example, Montgomery County Public Schools in Maryland recently found that kindergarteners with special needs who had been in Head Start needed 3.7 hours of special education per week on average, versus 9.8 hours for non-Head Start children — a huge financial saving.

 

Head Start works because the investment returns significant dividends to individuals, families and communities. Head Start's real and proven long-term effects are found inissues we all care about: higher high school graduation and college enrollment rates and lower teen pregnancy rates, for example.

 

If we want strong communities, expand Head Start, don't contract it. Right now, because of tight budgets, Head Start serves only 41% of at-risk preschool students, and Head Start for infants and toddlers serves a minuscule 3.5%. The president's budget asks only for the funds to continue Head Start services at this year's level, already a reduction from the total amount spent last year.

 

If the funds are not approved, there will be a real loss of educational opportunities for our most vulnerable citizens: 64,000 children and families will miss out and an additional 24,000 workers will lose their jobs (at a time when every job is needed for the recovery).

 

The opportunity to succeed in life is a core American principle, and Head Start provides that opportunity to our most vulnerable children. Head Start, like many programs, can be improved, and we are finding new ways to extend the benefits of Head Start well beyond the program years. At the same time, we must continue the critical work underway now.

 

Yasmina Vinci is executive director of the National Head Start Association.

 

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USA TODAY

COLUMNISTS' VOICES

HOW TO FIX CENSUS' BROKEN RACE QUESTION

BY KENNETH PREWITT

 

The successful 2010 Census left millions of Americans puzzling over its race question. Many disliked declaring any race; others were uncertain which box fit them; some wondered why the government even asked their race. In fact, the question does not work well, and we can do better. But first, how did we get here?

 

Eighteenth century science ordained a hierarchical ordering of five human "races." At America's founding, given legal and demographic realities, it counted three in its first Census in 1790: White, Black, Red. It added a fourth race in the mid-19th century when, driven by hysteria over the "yellow peril," the distinct Chinese and Japanese nationalities blurred into the catch-all Asian race, which then became the Census home for additional Asian nationalities.

 

Mid-20th century civil rights policies that statistically measured racial discrimination needed to accommodate people from the Caribbean and Mexico, so the strange Hispanic/Non-Hispanic ethnicity-but-not-a-race question was shoehorned into the mix. Multiculturalism in the 1980s put pressure on Census categories, especially on behalf of a multiracial choice, leading the 2000 Census to introduce the mark-one-or-more option.

 

Out of this history came our current classification, which uses color (White and Black); civil status (Native American enrolled tribe); nationality (Chinese, Japanese, Filipino and six more) summarized as two umbrella races — Asian and Pacific Islanders; and Hispanic ethnicity (with three nationalities listed).

 

Why race?

 

But, asks the public: "Why does the government insist on sorting and counting us by race?" There is no simple answer because assorted purposes — each reasonable on its own terms — have been yoked to an archaic classification. These purposes trace to our history and to contemporary conditions. The tragedies of black slavery and Indian genocide left inequalities that racial justice policies are still trying to erase. Policy responses to disparities in employment, education, health and incarceration call for statistics on groups being left behind. Diversity goals in universities and businesses use Census categories. How new Americans are assimilating is a further question answered with Census statistics.

 

Beyond specific policy uses of Census data, citizens see in the Census an opportunity to express pride in their heritage. President Obama emphasized his African heritage by checking only one Census box, rather than recognizing his dual black and white parentage. Social justice, social disparities, social assimilation and social pride are all folded into a Census question based on the five 18th century "races" of Black, Brown, Red, Yellow, White and a question insisting that there are only two ethnicities in America: Hispanic/Non-Hispanic. No wonder the questions puzzle and irritate.

 

Some demand that the questions be dropped altogether, expecting this to magically produce a color-blind society. But when discrimination penalizes groups because of their color, ancestry or immigrant status, a nation committed to fairness will not choose to be statistically ignorant of these facts.

 

A simpler way

 

The next Census, however, doesn't have to repeat today's questions. It should simply ask:

 

What national origin, ethnicity, tribe, language group or ancestry do you consider yourself to be? (List all those important to you.)

 

This open question finally erases the 18th century racial hierarchy, dispenses with the slippery term race itself, easily allows self-expression and can happily embrace multiple identities. This question doesn't assume that a recently arrived Ethiopian belongs to the same race as 10th generation descendents of enslaved people from Africa's Gold Coast. It doesn't put fifth generation Chinese Americans into the same race box as first generation Vietnamese. It doesn't count an Argentinean who speaks only English the same way it treats a Mayan immigrant.

 

From the open-ended responses, answers can be categorized in the various ways that make sense depending on public purposes at hand, even re-constructing the five 18th century races if that is desired.

 

This open-ended question should be paired with questions on immigration status:

 

Where were you born, and where were your parents born?

 

This question, combined with the one above, tells us how immigrant status interacts with national origin, ethnicity or language group, so that we can eliminate barriers as 21st century newcomers follow the path marked out by Italians and Irish a century ago, or Germans and Swedes a century earlier.

 

Unfortunately, neither Congress nor the Obama White House will initiate a serious national conversation about today's patched together racial classification. "Too political," they will conclude. But America's universities, think tanks, advocacy organizations and news media can supply the intellectual work we need to ensure that carefully designed questions will provide information relevant to the public purposes that justify asking the questions in the first place. And if one day everyone simply writes "American," the color-blind society will have arrived by public choice.

 

A statistical portrait of how different groups are faring remains necessary both to erase the inequities of historical racism and to prevent discrimination as the recently arrived strive to participate fully in their new country — but only if we draw the portrait more carefully than that produced by the 2010 Census.

 

Kenneth Prewitt is professor of public affairs at Columbia University. He directed the U.S Census Bureau during the 2000 Census.

 

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USA TODAY

COLUMNISTS' VOICES

MICHAEL STEELE, BECOME A DEMOCRAT ALREADY

BY DEWAYNE WICKHAM

 

It's time for a change, Michael Steele — time for you to find a new political home.

 

Born into a family of Maryland Democrats, you became a Republican when the most revered members of the state's GOP wereTheodore Roosevelt McKeldin and Charles "Mac" Mathias.

 

McKeldin was the moderate Republican who gave the nominating speech for Dwight Eisenhower at the party's 1952 convention, and who later broke with the GOP to back Democrat Lyndon Johnson over Republican Barry Goldwater in the 1964 presidential campaign. A two-term governor, McKeldin was twice elected mayor of Baltimore. And unlike many other Republicans — then and now — he won widespread support from black voters.

 

Mathias, a liberal Republican who helped draft the 1964 Civil Rights Act, served in the Senate for 18 years before retiring in 1987. For his willingness to put principle above party, he was called the "conscience of the Senate" by Democratic leaderMike Mansfield.

 

Your political roots are in the GOP of McKeldin and Mathias, not the Republican Party that is now commanded by right-wingers such as Kentucky Sen. Mitch McConnell and Ohio Rep. John Boehner.

 

There is no room for you in today's GOP. For all the talk of a "big tent," the Republican Party is a neoconservative pup tent where those with differing views are forced to kowtow to these ultra-right-wingers. Their political absolutism chased Florida Gov. Charlie Crist from the GOP and has reduced Maine Sens. Susan Collins and Olympia Snowe to backbenchers. And more than once, it has forced you to retract something you said — when it seemed you spoke from the heart, not the party's playbook.

 

It's time to "man up," Michael Steele, time to put your principles ahead of your job as GOP chairman, time to move into another political space — one that will let you be you. It's time for you to become a Democrat.

 

As it is now, you're widely thought to be a gaffe-prone embarrassment to the GOP. You called Rush Limbaughan incendiary "entertainer," then you apologized after he turned his mediamegaphone against you. You told GQthat abortion is "an individual choice," and then backpedaled when the anti-abortionists squealed in protest. And as quickly as you said at a Connecticut GOP fundraiser that the Afghanistan war is a conflict of President Obama's choosing and is unwinnable, you retreated when GOP hawks demanded your resignation.

 

While many of your views would not prevail in the Democratic Party, you wouldn't have to eat your words. You could become a member of the party's conservative "Blue Dog" faction and influence the Obama administration's policies and congressional legislation.

 

Sure, the Democratic majority in both houses of Congress is decidedly liberal. But the party has space within its ranks for moderates such as California Sen. Dianne Feinstein and Virginia Sen. Jim Webb, and conservatives such as Nebraska Sen. Ben Nelson and North Carolina Rep. Heath Shuler. They aren't forced to genuflect to an ideological litmus test. In the GOP, you're treated like a malfunctioning dupe of the party's claim of diversity. In the Democratic Party, you'd be yet another example of the inclusiveness it admittedly struggles with but hasn't abandoned.

 

Breaking away from the Republican Party would be a tough move, but clinging to the belief that you can remain in the GOP and be your own man, ultimately, will cause you greater trauma.

 

DeWayne Wickham writes on Tuesdays for USA TODAY.

 

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USA TODAY

COLUMNISTS' VOICES

DON'T FORGET LONG-TERM GOALS FOR HAITI

BY WYCLEF JEAN

 

With the six-month anniversary of the Jan. 12 earthquake in my home country of Haiti, it's more important than ever for all of us to think of this devastated nation's future.

 

There's the near future, in which we need to continue to provide as much support and aid as possible to the people still living in tents (about 1.2 million at last count), those living on the streets and those living in the rubble of their homes. They all lack adequate water supplies, enough food, a sense of security.

 

I just got back from my most recent trip to Haiti at the end of June and saw how powerless they all feel. The economic conditions in Haiti — compounded by the massive destruction to infrastructure from the quake — have left them with little hope for today, let alone for looking ahead.

 

We do need to be planning for Haiti's long-term future in the recovery efforts — for the of the country and its people — especially its children, who have long been my major focus.

 

Active involvement

 

Five-and-a-half years ago, I co-founded Yéle Haiti, a non-governmental organization that supports the country's educational programs, as well as the Jean et Marie Orphanage, which houses, feeds, clothes and educates its children. On our last visit to Haiti, we gave care packages to the 57 orphans who live there.

 

Haiti's education system has been a challenge, even before the earthquake. Less than half of the teachers in Haiti have a sixth-grade education. And more than 90% of students from first grade up have to pay to go to school. This system is unacceptable and must be overhauled. Why not make reform part of the country's rebuilding effort? No country can progress until its young people have the basic human right of access to education.

 

The young people also need physical education to help them take their minds off these difficult times. Yéle sponsors L'Athlétique d'Haïti, an after-school program that plans activities for 650 kids and gives them a safe place to go instead of hanging out and getting into trouble — or worse, being at risk for becoming a victim of the crime and violence that's everywhere in Haiti. On Yéle's recent trip, we presented the program with a $10,000 check to keep up its great work, and we gave the kids cleats, water bottles and jerseys. But, man, you should have seen their smiles when the guest we brought to meet them, French national soccer star Florent Malouda, said he'd play futbol with them.

 

As happy as we were to see them so carefree, it was also a reminder that our efforts aren't enough. It's so important to Haiti's long-term recovery and rebuilding that more NGOs, businesses, government agencies and individuals take up the cause of restructuring the education system so that we can give Haiti's youngest generations the tools they need — and deserve — to be productive, innovative participants in the Haiti of the future.

 

Protect the environment

 

Another issue that might not seem so obvious, but that is absolutely essential, is revitalizing the environment.

 

In Haiti now, there isn't enough food grown to sustain even a third of the country's population, and there is less than 2% tree cover. Most of us living other places in the world can't even imagine that. Sufficient tree coverage is necessary to help protect the island from the worst of damages caused by the many storms blowing through and to help lessen soil erosion, which is especially bad in the rainy season (which is happening right now). It also worsens the conditions for agriculture, linking it directly back to the ability of the people to support and sustain themselves.

 

During a recent trip, my wife, Claudinette, presented an agricultural community center in the mountains with a $10,000 check. The farmers in this community pick the majority of the vegetables that are bought and sold in Haiti, and we want to do what we can to make sure that keeps happening. On our trip, we also kicked off Yéle Vert, the forestation program we're co-sponsoring with the American clothing company Timberland, with a tree-planting ceremony.

 

Everything we're trying to accomplish in Haiti might come down to this word: growth. We are trying to make sure the nation's kids, its youngest generations, are given what they need to grow up strong and healthy and hopeful, and we're trying to make sure everyone of all ages has what they need to literally grow what the country needs.

 

There's still so much to do for this vision of growth to become a reality. It has been six months since the earthquake — a good time to be reminded of what Haiti needs, but, more than that, a time to commit ourselves to acting, before it's too late.

 

Wyclef Jean is a Haitian-American musician.

 

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TIMES FREE PRESS

OPINION

AN AUDITOR'S HYPERBOLE

 

Chattanooga's city government initiated a legal services arrangement nearly half a century ago that allowed a prominent local attorney to share the city's legal work with his partners and to practice law privately for other clients on the side. The potential for conflicts-of-interest was subsequently dismissed by a string of mayors in favor of retaining an independent attorney who was not technically a city employee and who could be paid by the case, and not by the year. Though the city ended the terms of this long standing arrangement last November, finally making city employees of the current attorney and his staff, the old arrangement came under fire last week in a scorching opinion by the state Comptroller's office.

 

The Comptroller's staff attorney, Chadic W. Jackson, claimed in a letter to City Auditor Stan Seawall that the prior arrangement violated state law and that current city attorney Mike McMahan could be charged with fraud for having used city funds to pay part of his office and staff costs before the arrangement was stopped.

 

Mr. Jackson's assessment may be technically correct. But even if it is, his judgment of Mr. McMahan's role is excessively harsh. Given an arrangement that continued nearly 47 years under terms explicitly acknowledged and condoned by top city officials, there hardly seems grounds to consider the arrangement fraudulent.

 

It was not considered fraud when the city contracted with former city attorney Gene Collins in 1963 to work under those terms. Former Mayor Robert Kirk Walker, an esteemed lawyer himself, for example, was among the several mayors who repeatedly blessed the arrangement.

 

When Mr. Collins retired in 1990, the same year the former five-member City Commission gave way to the current nine-member City Council, the new Council continued the practice, promoting Randall Nelson, a member of Mr. Collins' firm, to the job under the then existing terms.

 

Mr. McMahan, another well-regarded associate in that firm who had helped represent the city for years, was named city attorney in January, 2009, when Mr. Nelson retired.

 

When the city auditor raised questions about the city's practice of subsidizing the overhead costs of salaries, office expense and health care of Mr. McMahan's staff of five lawyers, an investigator and six clerical/administrative aides last year, city officials decided to move them into the city hall annex and make them full-time city employees.

 

The current $1.1 million budget for the city attorney's office eliminated potential conflicts of interest and met state legal requirements regarding direct staff costs. It also left Mr. McMahan, with a salary of $105,000, as one of the state's lowest paid full-time municipal attorneys.

 

The legal questions apparently revolved around the use of city funds for a private attorney's staff support, as opposed to attorneys' fees per se. Smaller cities, which generally cannot afford to have a full time attorney, typically keep attorneys on retainer and pay higher hourly fees. Such hourly fees generally cover an attorney's overhead and staff costs. Chattanooga's arrangement, if it erred, could have been negated by converting the direct staff subsidy into higher hourly fees for the attorneys' work.

 

The present arrangement should suffice to correct the problem if the costs are relatively fair, as seems to be the case. Certainly it suggests that the Comptroller's critical assessment is more hyperbole than reality.

 

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TIMES FREE PRESS

OPINION

FAIRER VA RULE ON STRESS DISORDER

 

Congress and prior presidents have been long on rhetoric but short on results when it comes to soldiers suffering from post-traumatic stress disorders.

They've sent troops into war pledging the best care possible for those who carry the burden of service, but looked away when returning warriors who suffered severe emotional trauma were denied help by the barbed wire of red tape.

 

A new rule announced Monday by the Department of Veteran Affairs should greatly relieve those who suffer PTSD.

 

The Obama administration's rule, which is retroactive to cover all of veterans of prior wars, lifts the strict regulation that previously required veterans to document the time and place of specific actions that induced their PTSD. They no longer will have to prove that a particular event in a combat zone — an attack, bomb or fire-fight, for example — caused their PTSD.

 

Though a VA physician still must certify a claim of PTSD, veterans may now qualify for benefits for counseling or disability for service rendered in a war zone, whether or not they were in combat.

 

The change is entirely sensible and is rightly being welcomed by veterans and cheered their advocates across the board. It makes sense because many of the stresses that cause post traumatic stress disorders occur broadly in war zones.

 

In Iraq and Afghanistan, for example, truck drivers who transport food and equipment around Baghdad, Kabul or Kandahar to bases in other cities or to the countryside are as likely to be shot at or blown up, or nearly blown up, by IEDs (improvised explosive devises) as are combat troops on fighting missions.

 

Soldiers in Vietnam had to contend with similar asymmetrical warfare. Children or women could walk up to soldiers unchallenged and ignite TNT strapped to their bodies. Village farmers could hide weapons near their rice paddies or in tunnels, where they disappeared at night to fight.

 

The cumulative effect of seeing death and maneuvering as a soldier in such hostile environments may produce PDST as surely as an horrific battle. Indeed, experts estimate that as many as 20 percent of the 2 million service members deployed to Iraq or Afghanistan since 2001 will develop PTSD.

 

Yet just 78,000 veterans have had disability claims approved in that period, well short of the 400,000 who might be affected.

 

In fact, only some 150,000 PTSD cases have been diagnosed by the VA, many of which have qualified only for free counseling. Veterans' advocates say the number is so low because so many applications have been denied on overly strict grounds.

 

Critics of the new rule, however, say they fear that easing the standards to qualify for benefits will make it too easy for cheaters to claim aid.

 

Benefits may range from free counseling and health care to disability payments from a few hundred dollars to $2,000 per month, and that may attract some bogus claims.

 

The rule, however, not only requires a VA physician's certification for a particular level of benefit, but benefits may also be trimmed over time as symptoms are treated and relieved.

 

The initial estimate is that more compassionate care, and a pent-up backlog, may cost up to $5 billion over the next seven years. That would be expensive, but it would also be significantly more fair to veterans who deserve the benefits promised them — and wrongly denied.

 

The VA must look for reasonable signs for cheating, but its priority focus should be to assure that all veterans' wounds, including PTSD, are properly treated.

 

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TIMES FREE PRESS

OPINION

YOUR SOCIAL SECURITY FUTURE

 

Ever since Social Security was adopted in 1935, many Americans have looked forward to receiving retirement checks from the federal government to provide for their "old age."

 

Now, more than 52 million Americans receive Social Security checks each month.

 

The problem, however, is that the Social Security pay-out promises have exceeded the eventual prospects of sufficient tax money to pay for them.

 

Fortunately, no one now receiving Social Security needs to worry that his or her checks will stop. But there will be huge problems in future years.

 

Social Security began with the promise of checks at age 65. But as payments have been increased, the retirement age has been increased two months for each birth year, so retirement on full Social Security benefits for those born in 1960 or later has advanced to age 67.

 

Social Security is so important to so many people that any suggestion of any changes involving higher taxes, reduced benefits or later eligibility invites a "lightning strike" reaction.

 

Most people want full Social Security benefits, even increased ones, without raising taxes to pay increasing costs.

 

Many people think their payroll tax deductions for their later Social Security benefits have been, and still are, put in a "set-aside fund" for the payment of pensions. But that's not true.

 

Our federal government has been financially irresponsible, spending too much over many years. The "Social Security money" has been spent for other purposes. "IOUs" have been put in the Social Security fund. That means general taxes on the American people eventually will have to be paid to make the IOUs good when retirement benefits have to be paid in future years.

 

With taxes now too high, and with the federal government spending billions of dollars more than it is collecting in taxes, the national debt is $13.2 trillion. People are worrying about how payments will be made.

 

How and by whom will the national debt be paid, if ever? How and from whom will taxes be collected to make good the Social Security promises?

 

"Payday" must come "someday." With government deeply in debt, and more debt being added, few people want to consider raising any taxes.

 

Most people -- especially politicians who have to run for election -- don't want to talk about it.

 

But some say taxes must be raised -- or the retirement age must be advanced to, say, 70 -- or both.

 

You won't find anyone running for office suggesting that Social Security benefits should be "cut," or that taxes should be raised, because millions of people would be adversely affected.

 

We currently are spending more each year than taxes are bringing in, and promises for future pay-outs are increasing. What will happen when reality strikes?

 

Many just shrug and say, "It won't happen in my lifetime."

 

But do we who love our children want to pass our national economic irresponsibility problems off to them and our grandchildren by our refusal to face facts today?

 

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TIMES FREE PRESS

OPINION

WILL SENATE MAKE COURT MISTAKE?

 

With Elena Kagan having been nominated by President Barack Obama to become a justice on the Supreme Court of the United States, the Senate Judiciary Committee will make its recommendation soon, perhaps this week, setting the stage for a final decision by the whole Senate.

 

Will the Senate make a mistake?

 

The issue should not be about whether the nominee is a nice lady, and one of intelligence. The issue should be about whether she would be a Supreme Court justice dedicated to upholding the Constitution and the law -- making judicial decisions with absolute impartiality, not substituting or injecting personal political and philosophical opinions.

 

She has indicated in previous statements, however, that she would not be an impartial justice, but would be another "activist" liberal on the court if she is confirmed.

 

That's why she should not be confirmed. All nine members of the Supreme Court should rule strictly according to the Constitution and the law -- without injecting any personal opinions.

 

Members of the U.S. House of Representatives and Senate have the right, indeed, a duty, to express their opinions and represent their constituencies -- but justices do not.

 

Unfortunately, it appears Elena Kagan will be confirmed, continuing too much personal liberal partisanship in the decisions by the highest court in our land.

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Academy alum raises the bar at Carson-Newman***************************************

TIMES FREE PRESS

OPINION

OIL DRILLING AND COMMON SENSE

 

America runs on energy, and a big part of that energy comes from oil. But as we all know by now, oil exploration involves risk.

The nation is transfixed by the ongoing oil spill that started April 20 in the Gulf of Mexico when the Deepwater Horizon drilling rig exploded and sank, spewing millions of gallons of oil into the Gulf.

 

Attempts to halt the leak continue. But in the meantime, we are horrified to watch plumes of oil drift about in the Gulf, harming wildlife and coming ashore in some places. We lament how the oil is undermining tourism, fishing and other industries along the shore and inland. And we are sorrowful over the 11 workers who died in the tragedy.

 

Yet we would be in terrible trouble if we did not have oil, as well as coal, nuclear and other energy sources, that our economy needs to keep running every day. There are tradeoffs involved in meeting our energy needs, and one of them is the danger of rare but large oil spills.

 

It was unreasonable, therefore, when President Barack Obama imposed a six-month ban on deep-water oil exploration in the Gulf in response to the Deepwater Horizon explosion. However serious the BP spill is, such a spill is extremely rare and should not have prompted such a severe response, which threatened many workers' livelihoods.

 

A federal judge ruled that the Obama administration's ban was too broad, and the judge struck down the moratorium. A federal appeals court has now rejected the administration's request that it reinstate the ban.

 

Rather than shutting down important oil exploration, the administration should focus on working with BP and government and private-sector experts to get the spill stopped and to protect our waters and coastlines from the oil.

 

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TIMES FREE PRESS

OPINION

'IF YOU'VE GOT YOUR HEALTH ...'

 

There's an old saying that "If you've got your health, you've got just about everything."

 

At least, good health means you are more likely to be able to handle your problems.

 

But the bad news is that two big health problems that are striking the American people are "self-imposed."

 

What are the problems? They are obesity and smoking.

 

No one has to eat so much that the many health problems that arise from obesity occur.

 

And certainly, no one has to take up the habit of smoking tobacco, or using it in any form.

 

Yet millions of us invite serious health problems from eating too much and smoking.

 

There are many health problems that are unavoidable. But bad eating habits and smoking are adversely affecting many even young people and shortening lives.

 

There's another old saying: "A word to the wise is sufficient."

 

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HURRIYET DAILY NEWS

OPINION

FROM THE BOSPHORUS: STRAIGHT - SIGNS OF RUDDERLESS TIMES

 

It is certainly a sign of the odd times: On the one hand, we have Turkey on the verge of a dramatic curtailment of relations with erstwhile ally Israel amid uncompromising ultimatums. On the other, we have Syria, Israel's diehard enemy, talking about moving toward a peace treaty with its longtime nemesis. Not only that, but in an interview last week in Lebanon's As Safir newspaper, Syrian President Bashir al-Assad even envisioned the day when tourists from the two countries would be visiting one another.

 

As for Turkey resuming its much-celebrated broker's role, "Thanks but no thanks," say the Syrians essentially. "We think we can work just fine with the United States."

 

Yesterday, our diplomatic reporter Fülya Özerkan reported on these developments.

 

"Syria wanted to open up to the West via Turkey but if the Turkish-Western relationship is being harmed as a result of many developments, including Turkey's 'no' vote on the Iran sanctions, Syrian-Turkish relations become less attractive," one diplomatic observer told Özerkan. "Turkish-Syrian relations are good for the sake of the two countries, but they are not good enough or satisfactory for Syrian interests as Damascus is also willing to have good relations with the West."

 

It was thoughtful of Marwan al-Kabalan, a Syrian analyst with whom Özerkan spoke, to try and soften the blow. "Syria insists that Turkey be the main mediator," he said. But the phrase came amid a host of caveats that this is now "complicated" by recent events. To twist a phrase from diplomatic jargon, this ambiguity is constructive indeed.

 

Meanwhile, who is conducting the most meaningful diplomacy in the region? It is not U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. It is not regional envoy George Michael. It is Arlen Specter, a senator from Pennsylvania noted for switching to the Democratic Party last year after 44 years as a Republican. His name is hardly a household word in Mideast policy circles and he doesn't even serve on the Senate's foreign relations committee. But here he is, shuttling between Tel Aviv and Damascus.

 

Perhaps it is too early to read a great deal into these developments. But it is not too soon to read something into the current turn of events. One, the U.S. is certainly confused about its next steps, considering that we have a new volunteer stepping profoundly into the vacuum left by the Obama administration.

 

Second, it appears to us that Turkey is not so much "shifting its axis" in regional affairs as so many commentators suggest. Rather it losing control of it. A "rudderless" foreign policy is the more apt metaphor.

 

The current all-consuming focus on Gaza and the aftermath of Israel's brutal raid on the Mavi Marmara is understandable. It is also shortsighted and counter to our interests. America's Specter and Syria's Assad have read current affairs astutely. So must we in Turkey.

 

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HURRIYET DAILY NEWS

OPINION

AN ARTICLE ON THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT

CÜNEYT ÜLSEVER

 

My purpose here is not to discuss the latest ruling of the Constitutional Court.

 

We either supported the decision or criticized it. Or we were in between. There were even some who dared to insult the court.

 

I either criticized or supported rulings of the Constitutional Court for a long time. But I've begun to understand that it is impossible for the court to reach a decision that everyone likes and respects no matter how the structure is changed or who its members are.

 

Why?

 

I think, for two reasons:

 

1) The Constitutional Court decides according to the supreme charter describing the law of politics. It is very difficult to distinguish how much the law regulates politics or vice versa.

 

The court reaches political decisions in essence. To regulate the law of politics in a way to please everyone is impossible in a country where neither political ground (democracy) nor understanding of law state is properly settled.

 

2) The law of politics is based on traditions and customs as much as rules and written procedures. In a society in which people have failed to internalize democracy, it is quite difficult to find common points of action or a mainstream approach.

 

Let me say it clearly, the adoption of the state of law in societies unable to transform rules of democracy into tradition/custom or habits in time is not just difficult but seems unfit.

 

Just like a kid who is trying to keep his pants up, we are trying to save the law in Turkey.

 

The chief justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, John Paul Stevens, 90, requested retirement in April. He was the most liberal member of the court. Therefore, he was expected to be close more to the Democrat Party. However, Stevens was appointed by a Republican president, Gerald R. Ford, in 1975.

 

The U.S. President in 1975 was the one who completely understood the fact that democracy has its own unwritten traditions and customs and who acknowledged the rule of law. (Cüneyt Ülsever - Hürriyet daily - Apr. 13, 2010).

 

The other day columnist Yalçın Doğan shared an anecdote which explains what I mean (Hürriyet daily, July 10, 2010). He wrote the following:

 

"As faculty members were discussing implementations in other countries, one of them says, 'The king appoints university presidents in Sweden.' Another one continues, 'I will comply if the Swedish king makes an appointment in our country.'"

 

My readers know that I frequently criticize U.S. President Barack Obama.

 

But I say that if President Obama makes appointments to the Turkish Constitutional Court, the Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors, or HSYK, in the Council of State and the Higher Education Board, or YÖK, I will truly comply with it.

 

What makes him decide will be traditions and customs. But we don't have any.

 

We have a single custom:

 

"It doesn't matter who he is if he is a friend of mine!"

 

For this reason we are getting caught by civilian tutelage while we try to save ourselves from a military tutelage because in this country we are accustomed to living under "tutelage"!

 

And to overcome the spirit of tutelage goes way beyond the Constitutional Court!

 

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HURRIYET DAILY NEWS

OPINION

THERE ARE ALTERNATIVES TO EVERY POLICY

ERDOĞAN ALKİN

 

ealkin@iticu.edu.tr

 

Medical doctors generally recommend multiple therapies for every illness. However, they say all therapies have their own side effects. Patients then decide on the most effective, or least intrusive, therapy for themselves.

In economic policies, the case is similar. For every economic policy package there are alternatives having different side effects. In several cases, when unpleasant side effects begin to create distress for people, an alternative policy is chosen which carries less unpleasant side effects but at the same time is less effective. This might cause an unwanted relapse of the problem.

 

Governments in Turkey during the last nine years (after the 2001 crisis) have been trying to implement a simple stability program, whatever label is put on it. For some, it is a recipe from the International Monetary Fund, or IMF, for others, it is a textbook remedy. Stability programs are not the kind of measures to be left in the middle of the road before reaching the target. Faults, mistakes and misuse of some instruments can be revised, but the core of the package must not be thrown aside. Otherwise, unexpected problems might emerge as has been experienced several times in Turkey. Why did the economy face an almost hopeless situation and the IMF was called for help in 1999? After the year 1950, how many times has Turkey tried to implement stability measures supported by the IMF and after a short while, faced serious problems due to quitting those measures prematurely?

 

Stability programs mean fighting against inflation. The reason is obvious. Inflation is the main cause of economic, social and even political problems. The consequences of inflation are numerous, including high interest rates, unjust income distribution, increasing poverty, widening budgetary and foreign trade deficits, excessive borrowing, etc. To cure all of these diseases it becomes necessary to take a very strong medicine, which has as many unpleasant side effects as the cure is strong. As a result, people want to forget both the problems and the remedy. Governments who know people's tendency very well can easily abandon stability measures.

 

It is interesting to observe how quickly complaints about inflation replace complaints about tight monetary and fiscal policies. A group of people even defend the idea that governments implement these measures not for rebalancing the economy but for foreigners' favor. Living conditions of workers and farmers begin to become the main topic during daily discussions. Business circles continuously criticize the high interest-low exchange rate policy.

 

Many times it has been explained that it is not a government policy but a natural result of the timely decision taken to move to the floating exchange rate system in order to stop the rapid outflow of foreign currency and the fast climb in foreign exchange and interest rates during the 2001 crisis. In addition, no government or central bank has the power to control both the foreign exchange rate and the interest rate at the same time. Hence, it is not wise to force the authorities to move again to fix the exchange rate system and wait for a decision about a dramatic raise in the exchange rate (or for a serious cut in interest rates in order to divert demand from the Turkish Lira towards foreign currencies for an automatic increase in exchange rates). Such a decision only deteriorates the existing macroeconomic balances and might trigger a new crisis. It is a relief that the majority of the big businesses and economists defend the floating rate system as we have read in our newspaper's July 5 issue.

 

With a new election date coming closer, governments suddenly remember that there are some alternative policies, which do not have very unpleasant side effects but are less effective. This means a new inflationary period is ready to begin. The end of this story is, after a short time, the implementation of another stability package, the same complaints and the same results. At this stage, a very important question comes to mind: Why do inflation and the accompanying problems become almost a destiny, particularly for developing countries? Is this an incurable disease or a widespread addiction? And who is responsible for this peculiar situation: the people or their governments?

 

There are rumors that an early election is possible. Early or timely, when the election date comes nearer, almost all governments in democratic countries loosen monetary and fiscal policies. The unhappy result is a huge budget deficit and the unbelievable volume of accumulated debt seen in many European countries today. Turkey must take care not to repeat the same mistake. We will wait and see.

 

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HURRIYET DAILY NEWS

OPINION

BLOWING UP THE BLOWOUT

KAREL BECKMAN

 

Disastrous as the "Macondo Oil Spill" may be, the fact is that, as a new report from the Energy Policy Research Foundation, or EPRINC, shows, offshore oil spills caused by blowouts are extremely rare, particularly in the U.S. In fact, historically the most common and largest spills have been those from oil tanker accidents. Thus, ironically, as the U.S. has to import more oil if it cuts domestic production, a reduction of offshore drilling will lead a higher risk of accidents, argues EPRINC. It is just one of the fascinating details coming out of EPRINC's contrarian cost-benefit analysis.

 

No one can deny that BP has made a terrific mess of things in the Gulf of Mexico. Yet, the response from the U.S. government and American society at large to this terrible accident, is by now turning into something that looks like a regular witch-hunt. What no one could have imagined on April 20, when the blowout of the Macondo well happened, is becoming ever more likely: the drive to punish BP is driving the company towards bankruptcy. In addition to having to pay huge damages and running the risk of being shut out of future activities in the US, BP is facing a mountain of lawsuits that are likely to lead to stratospheric penalties that would ruin the company altogether. Some in the US are even calling for the outright nationalization of BP's U.S. assets.

 

Without belittling BP's sins, one cannot help feeling that government representatives and activist groups are using the disaster to pursue their own agendas. Politicians and bureaucrats have seized on the oil spill to divert attention away from other problems and see it as an opportunity to be seen as the great guardians of the public interest. Activists have their own ideological (anti-business) axes to grind. In the end, though, ruining BP, let alone the entire deepwater oil industry, will hurt rather than protect the "public interest."

 

It goes without saying that those responsible for (criminal) negligence should be appropriately punished. But there is no need to go any further than that. BP is already doing all it can to compensate the victims of the oil spill. Bankrupting the company certainly won't help those victims.

 

In addition, appropriate measures should of course be taken to avoid similar accidents, but it would certainly not be in the "public interest" to impose prohibitive costs on all offshore oil production or shutting it down altogether. To be sure, accidents will happen, whatever measures are taken. And yes, this may be a good reason to protect vulnerable natural areas from oil and gas production, but it cannot be a justification for avoiding any and all environmental risks. That would be tantamount to stopping any kind of human progress and making economic well-being impossible. Indeed, if "Macondo" is the "Chernobyl" of the offshore oil industry, then there is every reason to be optimistic about the future. After all, after Chernobyl no similar accident has happened in the nuclear industry.

 

It should be noted that EPRINC is an oil industry organization, which naturally defends the industry's interests. Nevertheless, we believe that their report does an excellent job in providing a much-needed cost-benefit analysis of the possible responses to the Gulf disaster. It concludes that the costs of the current ban on deepwater drilling operations are

 

much higher than any possible environmental benefits. If the government's policies should lead to a curtailment of all deepwater offshore drilling in the U.S., then, the report shows, "Macondo" would become an economic catastrophe indeed – not just for BP, but for the whole of the U.S.

 

Karel Beckman is the editor-in-chief of European Energy Review, in which this article was originally published.

 

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HURRIYET DAILY NEWS

OPINION

 

I WATCHED THE MOST SPECTACULAR SHOW EVER

MEHMET ALİ BİRAND

 

JOHANNESBURG, South Africa

 

JOHANNESBURG – I think that, no matter how many times I go there, I will always write "It was the most spectacular show in the world."

 

We were invited by Coca Cola. So, I was able to watch the World Cup championship match in Johannesburg, South Africa.

 

Where should I start, from the 85,000 person capacity giant stadium or the atmosphere adding more adrenalin to the night, or from how Del Bosque brought the World Championship to Spain and from how he was thrown in the air? He was hired by the Turkish BJK football club, but was teased, nicknamed the "butcher" and sent back!

 

I don't know what to begin with.

 

The only thing I know is the 85,000 people in the stadium, carrying the legendary South African leader Nelson Mandela, gave Del Bosque a standing ovation. The most emotional moment of the World Cup final took place as the father of South Africa entered the stadium. Everyone was crying.

 

Can you imagine, the symbolic name behind the sovereignty of this country appeared perhaps for the last time before his people?

 

No wonder people got emotional.

 

Spain won the World Cup, but South Africa is the real winner.

 

For South Africa under African leadership means the real ownership of the country is reborn.

 

The most prestigious championship of the world, therefore, was completed without a flaw. South Africans were proud to organize a giant show.

 

You should've seen the joy of the people.

 

You should've seen the pride of blacks, who have proven they can achieve the most difficult tasks, too.

 

You cannot understand the spirit without watching the final game or only by reading articles.

 

On top of everything, it was a show that every single detail and every moment was calculated precisely, and every step turned into a giant show itself.

 

Riot of colors, riot of voices, joy and excitement; it is a realm of mix.

 

Even if you don't support any team or don't know any of the players, you get excited. The atmosphere pulls you in.

 

It doesn't matter who deserves the cup or if there is a offsides call, but experiencing the moment is enough.

 

For this reason, we owe a "thank you" to Coca Cola CEO, Muhtar Kent, and all the team members of the company.

 

* * *

 

All South Africans turned Spaniards

 

Whoever I run across in the street, answered me:

 

• Spain must win

 

• The Netherlands must lose

 

• The ugly Dutch must be taught a lesson.

 

And then I met a South African businessman at the hotel bar.

 

He looked around to African waiters who were serving others and said, "I now see how much they hate us. If they could, they'd kill us and take whatever we have."

 

He might be right. Why not? The people he was referring to were the Dutch, who were the former owners of South Africa. They established South Africa and treated Africans like animals.

 

The Dutch speak English with a unique accent. They usually speak Dutch among themselves. As the country became richer, the Dutch turned more violent against Africans.

 

As black men raged against them, the Civil War spread. According to Anglo-Saxonism, South Africa belonged to them and those who should leave were the Africans. They thought brute force might help, but it did not.

 

The movement of freedom symbolized by Mandela handed the country over to its real owners. However, traces of Apartheid are still visible. And the hatred goes deep. It doesn't seem like it will end soon.

 

As Holland became a finalist, the South Africans had long faces until the final game.

 

It was worth seeing.

 

As Spain won the match, the streets filled with South Africans dancing as if they won the game, as if they were freed a second time around, as if they had taught a lesson to the Anglo-Saxons.

 

Today, South Africa is facing more critical issues compared to the past, but these new and real owners of the country are happy and proud.

 

* * *

 

A World Cup can bring anything to a country

 

It is hard to understand if you don't see and experience it.

 

Since I saw, I want to share everything with you.

 

As I see how much big organizations such as the World Football Championship or Olympiads can offer to hosting countries, I believe more and more that Turkey should never give up.

 

I am sure of how much China gained through the Olympic Games; you watch them on television too.

 

Now I look at South Africa.

 

The country has spent a billion dollars.

 

Highways were reconstructed, modern stadiums have been built to accommodate the games, and brand new, modern hotels have been erected.

 

So, the return is enormous.

 

Plus, everything built or made is a gain for a hosting country.

 

We don't spend money for such things normally. I mean, can you earmark money for the construction of a stadium if there is no specific reason?

 

No. But the Olympic Games or the World Cup give hosting countries a reason to make all of these. Following the championships, countries own, almost for free, sports units for public use.

 

Turkey should keep on trying for the Olympic Games, the European Cup and the Football Championship.

 

 

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HURRIYET DAILY NEWS

OPINION

 

SYRIA STARTS LOOKING ELSEWHERE FOR PEACE WITH ISRAEL

SEMİH İDİZ

 

In my last piece in this column I commented on Syrian President Bashar Al Assad's "wake up call for Turkey," also indicating that his various remarks of central importance to Ankara vis-à-vis its Middle East policy are curiously "under-reported" in this country.

 

This continues to be the case as Assad gives us more indications that Turkey's threats of severing ties with Israel are diminishing the value of any potential role Ankara may play in the region, especially in terms of the Syria-Israel track. It is clear that Damascus needs these ties to continue for any role Turkey wants to play in the region to be meaningful.

 

Judging by reports emerging now, it appears Assad has started searching for alternatives to Turkey in his efforts to kick-start the diplomatic search for peace with Israel again. Put another way: Assad wants peace and normalized relations with Israel.

 

That he should desire such a thing, at the very moment when Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu is trying to keeping the international heat on Israel, must be seen as another shock for the Justice and Development Party, or AKP, administration in Ankara. It must be an added shock for Prime Minister Erdoğan, who always lauds the great friendship he has with the Syrian leader.

 

The mistaken assumption in AKP circles is that Syria is the last country that would want to normalize ties with Israel at a time when Israeli brutality against the people of Palestine is more apparent than ever. It appears, however, that this is not the case at all.

 

The following are recent remarks by President Assad to the Lebanese As Safir newspaper, as quoted by Gideon Levy, a highly respected Israel journalist at the Israeli daily Haaretz.

 

"Our position is clear: When Israel returns the entire Golan Heights, of course we will sign a peace agreement with it … What's the point of peace if the embassy is surrounded by security, if there is no trade and tourism between the two countries? That's not peace. That's a permanent cease-fire agreement. This is what I say to whoever comes to us to talk about the Syrian track: We are interested in a comprehensive peace, i.e., normal relations."

 

Levy, interestingly enough, also indicated in his column (July 11) that these remarks of Assad's did not make the headlines in Israel. It appears that Israelis, like Turks, have a preset notion of the Syrian president, and anything that does not tally with this notion is best avoided.

 

In fact, Assad is emerging as a leader in the Middle East whose consistent remarks peg him as a person who desires not only peace with Israel, but also enhanced ties with the West, and particularly the United States.

 

The fact that he has reportedly asked US Senator Arlen Specter to try to find common ground between Syria and Israel now is only the latest indication of this. There are also reports that France too is going increase its mediation efforts between the two countries, having good ties with both.

 

These developments follow Assad's statement last week, during a visit to Spain, where he indicated quite clearly that if Turkey severs ties with Israel this will not only increase instability in the region, but will also make it difficult for Turkey to play a role in mediation efforts there.

 

This is not music to AKP ears, of course, and the reason is simple. Islamists in Turkey have a tendency to group Syria together with Iran and to see the former as being different from Egypt and Saudi Arabia, whose regimes are considered to be on "Washington's payroll."

 

It is more than obvious that this represents a skewed and superficial understanding of the Middle East. In fact, as the Assad remarks quoted above show clearly, there is a fundamental difference between Syria and the Mullah regime in Iran, which makes Damascus more like the countries considered to be on "Washington's payroll."

 

The key point here is Syria does not say Israel should be wiped off the map as Iran does. It says, "Give me back Golan and there will be peace." It's as simple as that. What is also interesting in Assad's remarks quoted above is he does not provide any preconditions concerning the plight of the Palestinians for normalizing ties with Israel.

 

This may be a source of anger for Turkish Islamists but it represents a well-established reality of the region. The Palestinians are usually the last people on the minds of Arab leaders when the chips are really down, despite all the crocodile tears shed on their behalf.

 

Put another way, there is a serious disconnect between Turkish perceptions about a leader like Assad, who is assumed to be an enemy of Israel to the bitter end, and the situation as it really is. What makes this disconnect even odder is Turkey has a foreign minister who claims to understand the region better than most. Developments appear to indicate this is not in fact the case.

 

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HURRIYET DAILY NEWS

OPINION

 

IMPORTANT MEETING

YUSUF KANLI

 

First, abandoning the confrontational style of his predecessor Deniz Baykal, the new Republican People's Party, or CHP, leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu declared his readiness to come together with Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to discuss important problems of the country.

 

The prime minister, in his typical majoritarian obsession, tried to make the best use of the opportunity offered by Kılıçdaroğlu to gather a summit of political leaders, as if he was senior to all, or he was the president. Naturally, Kılıçdaroğlu refused a summit of leaders under Erdoğan's leadership and reiterated his readiness to host the prime minister at a bilateral meeting, stressing it was apolitical for the premier to attempt to summon opposition leaders.

 

Finally, Erdoğan agreed to make separate meetings with opposition leaders, with the exception of the leaders of the Nationalist Movement Party, or MHP and the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party, or BDP. According to Erdoğan and his ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP, the MHP was a party "exploiting" separatist terrorism to beef up its nationalist support, while the BDP was critical of the anti-terrorism struggle and thus there was no benefit in meeting with leaders of those two parties. The attitude of the AKP of course demonstrates the "advanced democratic mindset" with which the AKP has been saying it would carry Turkey to an "advanced democracy." Anyhow, at least the prime minister was generous enough to exchange opinion with the main opposition leader about how to fight better separatist terrorism and share information, hopefully, on the plans of the government regarding its long-stalled Kurdish opening.

 

The meeting, which is apparently planned for Thursday, unfortunately will be the first of its kind in many years – to be precise ever since the AKP came to power eight years ago – as the "Mr-Know-It-All" prime minister did not feel until now to come together with the main opposition leader to discuss or exchange opinions over any of the many problems this country has. Even though it is not yet certain whether the prime minister has abandoned his rather perverted perception that compromising with the intention of establishing a consensus would mean surrendering to minority groups and views, and even if the meeting might not produce any tangible result, the coming together of Turkey's top two political leaders will be an important and promising development.

 

As was specified in the letter Erdoğan sent to Kılıçdaroğlu, the prime minister and the CHP leader are expected to focus on what measures Turkey ought to take in view of the surge in separatist terrorism. Probably, Erdoğan will share some intelligence with Kılıçdaroğlu, or perhaps Kılıçdaroğlu will tell the prime minister that if he wants the support of the main opposition party he must share some confidential information with the awareness and confidence that any secrecy request would be fully respected.

 

The meeting will be significant for Kılıçdaroğlu. Contrary to the aggressive style of his predecessor Baykal, with the meeting Kılıçdaroğlu will demonstrate success of his "resolution oriented" approach in doing politics. Irrespective of whether a consensus will emerge or not from the meeting, the fact that for the first time after eight years a CHP leader and Erdoğan will come together will demonstrate the success of the "new style" of leadership in the CHP. Will that be the end of polarized politics in the country? Naturally, as the nation is heading on the one hand to a referendum in which the AKP has been adamantly trying to promote "Yes" votes and the CHP has been doing its best to produce a national "No" to what it considered a package consolidating the autocratic aspirations of the AKP, political polarization will continue gripping Turkey, given also that the nation will go to parliamentary elections in less than a year.

 

For Erdoğan, on the other hand, the meeting will be important because rather than his traditional majoritarian obsessive rejectionist attitude for a change he will be attempting, even if the meeting cannot produce any tangible result, to engage the main opposition in the resolution of a very important national problem.

 

That is irrespective whether or not Thursday's meeting produces any tangible result, it will be a positive and promising sign for the future of Turkish politics. As Deputy Prime Minister and State Minister [in charge of crying] Bülent Arınç confessed recently, this is a hopeful contribution of Kılıçdaroğlu to Turkish politics.

 

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HURRIYET DAILY NEWS

OPINION

CREATING A MULTIPLE-FRONT WAR ZONE IN AFGHANISTAN

MATIULLAH (YAMA) NOORI

 

The Barack Obama administration introduced a series of drastic changes in its newly engineered AF-PAK policy, which could have potentially devastating outcomes. Replacing Gen. Stanley McChrystal with Gen. David Petraeus and applying severe conditionality on the economic aid to Afghanistan are among the recent changes that have become subject to universal controversies. Although the former may be a justified debug, the latter carries fundamental drawbacks, for it alienates the Afghan government.

 

Confronting insurgency, according to David Galula, one of the pioneers of the modern school of counterinsurgency, is a protracted struggle. It requires long-term commitment and a flexible strategy that can fit into several circumstances. An effective counterinsurgency campaign evaluates the situation throughout the course of war and introduces necessary productive changes. These changes, however, should be handled with caution, for it otherwise could further exacerbate the problem and bestow more leverage to the enemy.

 

The U.S.'s dramatic changes and pressures on the Afghan government do not seem to satisfy the conventional requirements of an effective counterinsurgency model. The first major recent change in the U.S. policy on Afghanistan is the deployment of Gen. Petraeus as the new chief of the U.S. and NATO forces in Afghanistan. Petraeus, who gained a remarkable reputation for his effective performance in Iraq, became Obama's suitable figure to deal with the security situation in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

 

In an article recently published on the BBC, Petraeus said he does not intend to change the current strategy originally engineered by Gen. McChrystal, yet he acknowledged that he would reconsider its application. While doing so, he vowed to protect the Afghan population and lower the number of civilian causalities.

 

Though it is too early to claim whether Petraeus' appointment as the new chief of the counterinsurgency team in Afghanistan is a suitable change, one can surely claim that his military experiences in Iraq do not automatically make him the man of the era.

 

The insurgency in Afghanistan and Iraq might posses some common features, but they are different to a large extent. First of all, the geographic and demographic features of the countries are radically different – Afghanistan is a rigidly mountainous terrain composed of a completely heterogeneous population made up of Pashtuns, Tajiks, Uzbeks and Hazaras, just to name a few. Iraq is a desert region with not only an ethnically but also a religiously divided population, which forms two semi-majorities of Shiites and Sunnis. Yet, most importantly, the reason why the Afghan and Iraqi insurgencies cannot be countered on similar strategies is mainly due to the fact that the insurgents in each country have fabricated a distinctive cause.

 

Since the collapse of the regime of Taliban in 2001, insurgents in Afghanistan are in pursuit of reestablishing the Islamic Emirate, which controlled Afghanistan from 1996 to 2001. In Iraq, on the other hand, the main cause for which the insurgents are fighting is to expel the foreign forces out of their country and gain representation in the government; they do not necessarily demand the installation of a theocratic regime.

 

Gen. Petraeus became well-known primarily for his reconciling with and integrating the Sunni portion of the Iraq population into the surge. The Los Angeles Times wrote, "Perhaps most importantly, he [Petraeus] embraced the so-called Sunni Awakening, a movement by Iraq's Sunni tribes to set up local defense units to fight the insurgency. Petraeus nurtured the trend by pressuring the Shiite-dominated Iraqi government to pay the units, which helped turn the tide in Iraq in 2007."

 

This approach was partially successful mainly because the radical Sunnis in Iraq demanded political inclusion in the Iraqi government. Hence, a part of their demand was satisfied through their integration into the government, and they thus succumbed to the central regime. Yet, when you look at the bigger picture, Petraeus's strategy did not alter the basics of the insurgency. The fight for inclusion and the loyalty to Saddam's legacy remained prominent. Petraeus's surge plan had a rather defensive mechanism. By dollar-bathing the Sunnis, Petraeus only managed to protect the American soldiers.

 

Petraeus is more likely to approach the insurgency in Afghanistan in a similar fashion. He will certainly try to negotiate with the Taliban and other militia leaders. The process of integration and reconciliation if carried forward skillfully could play a determining role in the overall security situation in Afghanistan. However, there are pre- and post-integrating conditions, which need to be met in order for this process to work.

 

The pre-conditions may include distinguishing between the "foot-soldiers" and the radical elements. The former may be subjugated through providing economic incentives, security assurance and the provision of some sorts of employment, because the main reason these "foot-soldiers" joined the insurgency is they were disgruntled by the failing Afghan government.

 

The radical elements of the Taliban movement cannot be subdued through such incentives. These groups of radical insurgents are in pursuit of achieving their ultimate goal, which is the recreation and reinstallation of the Islamic Emirate.

 

These radicals have already announced their denial of such possibilities and said, "Why should we talk if we have the upper hand, the foreign troops are considering withdrawal and there are differences in the ranks of our enemies?" (BBC News).

 

This statement by the Taliban spokesman clearly indicates their disinclination to reconcile with or integrate into the Afghan government. Therefore, Petraeus needs to consider the complexities and the nature of the insurgency in Afghanistan and know that what worked in Iraq cannot be applied in Afghanistan.

 

The second sudden change in the AF-PAK policy is the reduction in monetary aid to the Afghan government. The 2011 year economic plan for Afghanistan cut the Afghan budget by almost $4 billion. The main drive behind this reduction was the presence of corruption in the Karzai administration. The congress called upon the Afghan government and warned Karzai if he does not take serious measures against the existing corruption in the system, the U.S economic help will deteriorate further (BBC News). In theory, one could argue this move by the U.S government will stabilize the Afghan government. However, practically speaking, this decision will only exacerbate the problem.

 

Placing conditionality on the already fragmented Afghan government only intensifies the current problem. It alienates Karzai, who is a crucial partner in the counterinsurgency campaign. This, however, does not imply that the U.S. should not fight against the existing corruption. Taking the carrot-and-stick approach toward the newly born Afghan government is not the right method of fighting corruption.

 

As emphasized earlier, counterinsurgency and state building is a protracted struggle and necessitates a long term commitment. In order to lower the level of corruption, it is important to first strengthen other institutions and develop a functioning mechanism. Furthermore, the U.S and other foreign donors need to reconsider their methods of providing the aid, for how much they create the opportunity for corruption. Therefore, cutting aid does no good in the current situation in Afghanistan; it threatens the semi-stability in the region and creates multiple war zones.

 

* Matiullah (Yama) Noori is a Research Fellow at USAK.

 

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HURRIYET DAILY NEWS

OPINION

CHANGE IN TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY IS REFLECTION OF CHANGE IN GLOBAL SYSTEM

NOVROZ İLGUN

 

Turkey and Brazil took action when Washington failed to find a solution either alone or through the assistance of the international community to the long-standing conflict with Iran.

 

For Turkey and Brazil consider the Iranian issue as their own. Washington couldn't establish a dialogue with Iran for a long time; neither have the efforts of mediators made a difference. An agreement among Turkey, Brazil and Iran happens to offer a new breath to the international community.

 

In this case, it would make more sense for Washington to support the Turkey-Brazil initiative in order to protect its national interests. Claiming that the nuclear energy agreement signed between Brazil and Iran was for saving Iran from a difficult situation, people couldn't see the recent international tendency.

 

An analysis of the last five years of Turkish foreign policy indicates that the new strategy has become a factor contributing to the democratization process in the field of international affairs in the 21st century. Change in Turkish foreign policy is the reflection of a change in the system of international affairs and in Turkey's own position.

 

Politicians and experts focusing on international affairs keep saying for some time that a serious change is needed in this particular field. The number of people who raise objections that international law has been transformed into a monopoly, in other words used as a tool by a few states and their national interests, is increasing. The mechanism of international law supposedly to serve all states, couldn't bring a solution, stability or an atmosphere of trust.

 

Stability and trust in the world can be achieved if justice becomes the main principle of international affairs. Bringing justice in and maintaining a fair approach at the same time is difficult. For instance, the Unites States and some European countries overlook the fact and try to impose a "normalization" of Turkish-Armenian relations on the regional countries without even having in-depth analysis of the issue that caused trouble. No constructive solution was found in the end. Unfortunately we see similar steps are being taken more and more.

 

All right, but what could we do to establish a fair international affairs system?

 

- International law, a key to all states, shouldn't be transformed into a monopoly.

 

- All states should make contributions to shaping up international affairs. This is normal and legitimate.

 

- Democracy as the most important priority and fundamental law in modern development should be accorded attention in this particular field.

 

In this angle, the initiative Turkey and Brazil has launched to solve the Iranian question is possible only with a call for justice. Strangely though, the West took such a step by Turkey and Brazil as a surprise. Western politicians and commentators fail to keep their cool when it comes to international affairs. They have criticized Turkey and Brazil and questioned the duo's authorities to start such an initiative. Similar moves on no sensible ground are troublesome and imply different motives.

 

Why did the step of Turkey, as the most important ally of the West for decades, cause such jealousy? Considering the fact that both Turkey and Brazil have been allies of the U.S. for long, how should we read this reaction? In fact, the move of Turkey and Brazil should've been regarded as a good will gesture to help the West, but that was not the case.

 

Apparently, for a particularly dominant group in the West global values mean acting in the direction of demands and requests of a single center, but this is against rules and logic. One thing the West shouldn't forget is that the ruling of the world by a single center in the 21st century in particular cannot be said to be democratic and fair. If this is the approach, it could cause problems and a new polar opposite will emerge. It is impossible to maintain justice and security by efforts to bring international organizations such as the United Nations established to create a democratic atmosphere in international system in the service of a single-center administration.

 

Turkey as a strong and democratic state is trying to solve the problems of the region. This is normal. The West inculcating democracy into other countries should accept Turkey's move as part of the normal development of democracy and as a goodwill attempt.

 

* Novroz İlgun is serving at the Department of Foreign Relations, Administration of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan

 

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 I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

 THE REAL TEST

 

After their catastrophic tour of Australia that ended last February, Pakistan's cricket team has a perfect platform to redeem itself. On what is an exhaustive tour of England that began late last month, Pakistan will be engaged in back-to-back series against Australia and the hosts – two of the world's best teams. Pakistan have made a great start to the tour by stunning Australia in two Twenty20 Internationals in Birmingham on July 5 and 6. Pakistan are now looking forward to doing well in the two-match Test series which will get underway at Lord's from Tuesday (today). On paper, it seems like a mismatch. Ricky Ponting's all-conquering Aussies against Shahid Afridi's Pakistan, who have not won a Test series since blanking the West Indies 3-0 on home soil in 2006. Things are pretty different now. Pakistan don't have Mohammad Yousuf and Younis Khan – their most prolific batsmen in recent years – any more. Neither do they have the home advantage. Pakistan were forced to stage this 'home' series in England because no foreign team is ready to the visit the country, especially in the aftermath of the terrorist attack on Sri Lankan cricketers in Lahore in March 2009.

But what gives them some hope is the fact that this relatively inexperienced team is looking pretty determined to snap out of self-pity and give the Aussies a run for their money. However, one has to accept that Test cricket is a different ball game. Pakistan can beat the best of teams in the shortest version of the game but when it comes to Tests, they've been found lacking. In the current squad, one doesn't see many batsmen capable of playing long innings. Maybe Salman Butt if he really applies himself and maybe Shoaib Malik if he really takes full responsibility as one of the team's senior members. It's more likely that the vastly-talented Umar Akmal will go on and score the bulk of the runs for Pakistan but for that he will have to show the sort of temperament needed to shine in Tests. There are just too many ifs and buts involved as far as Pakistan are concerned. They've done well in England so far but the real 'Test' begins today.

 

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I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

WAR OF WORDS

 

According to reports, the offices of IRSA have been seeing many verbal fireworks. The member from Punjab, accused of misusing his authority as acting chairman to open the Chashma-Jehlum canal, has engaged in some angry exchanges with the federal member – who had resigned along with the member Sindh following the decision. Every other member of the body is on leave or has already quit and top bureaucrats have so far failed to calm down tempers. This is hardly a good situation to be in. IRSA appears to be in imminent danger of collapse. The latest row has quite obviously exposed flaws within its working. Indeed it appears that earlier resignations and withdrawals, signaling trouble, were not taken heed of, allowing the current crisis to unfold. This of course is unfortunate as is any incident of so much attrition between provinces.

But, perhaps from the fall-out we can learn some lessons. The mechanisms under which IRSA was set up and the way it is run are obviously inadequate. There have indeed been other disputes over the share of water from the Indus. We need to think of a brand new formula to decide an issue that has repeatedly led to bitter acrimony. The federal government needs to step in. Water after all is a crucial need for every province. The matter at hand is not a trivial one of turning a few levers to let the precious resource flow down a particular canal. We are dealing today with an acute scarcity of an item vital to an agricultural country. As the monsoon rains bring some calm to the situation by providing water for crops, the lull must be used to fix IRSA, set up a brand new body if required and work harder to prevent the kind of ugly war of words we are seeing today.

 

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I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

POLITICIANS AND THE MEDIA

 

A report in this newspaper clearly lays the responsibility for the anti-media resolution passed by the Punjab Assembly at the feet of the Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif and a cross-party group of MPAs. Since the publication of this report there has been nothing but a ringing silence from those it exposes, a silence that speaks more than words ever would for it is the silence that says 'guilty as charged.' This was no spur-of the moment plan by a few hotheads aggrieved at having their academic credentials questioned, this was a determined attempt to stifle the media using every trick in the book. It is surprising to find a politician as calculating as Shabaz Sharif at the pinnacle of this shabby plot, but there he is with the handwritten draft of the resolution going home with him last Thursday evening for a little 'editing'. The District Coordination Officers (DCOs) were used as the whippers-in to get all the MPA's to Lahore for the vital vote. Two 'foreign countries' were said to be in the loop and MPA Sanaullah Mastikhel who is now being hung out to dry by his erstwhile compatriots, was fingered by Shahbaz Sharif himself for the job of launching the resolution on what has turned out to be a disastrous trajectory.

The plot is said to have reached into the National Assembly and the Senate and implicates the president himself – but the politicians overreached themselves and triggered a whistleblower, said to be a senior figure in the PML-N and a party to the conspiracy who spilled the beans for reasons best known to him or herself. From that point the plan unravelled and with senior figures in the media now aware of what was afoot it had little chance of overall success. The resolution was passed but the resulting storm of criticism that went beyond the media and deep into the populace has now forced a backtrack by those who hatched this malevolent chick. Such is the moral bankruptcy of our politicians that by Monday afternoon we heard that those very men and women who sought to muzzle the media, were about to present a joint resolution to the PA praising the media for its role in the restoration of democracy in the country; thus plumbing hitherto unknown depths of hypocrisy. The resolution, if passed, will probably be unanimous, a couple of sacrificial political goats will get slaughtered, and the men and women we vote into our assemblies will have to find other means by which to manipulate the sources of news and information. The football World Cup ended with a 1-0 score line. Here in Pakistan a motley team of politicians lost 1-0 to the media team who had 'Democracy rules, Ok?' blazoned across their shirts.

 

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I. THE NEWS

OPINION

 LASHKARS, PRIVATE MILITIAS AND MILITANTS

RAHIMULLAH YUSUFZAI

The desperate American idea of raising village militias to fight the Taliban in Afghanistan is reportedly being opposed by President Hamid Karzai at a time when Pakistan is suffering from the consequences of this policy. 

The brutal bombings in Ekkaghund town in the tribal region of Mohmand Agency on July 9 in which 106 people, mostly civilians, were killed was a consequence of the initiative sponsored by the Pakistan government and the military to mobilise the tribes to take on the Taliban militants. The attack was a botched Taliban attempt to target the Utmankhel tribal jirga from the Ambar area in Mohmand Agency where the militants had met tough resistance and suffered considerable losses at the hands of the local lashkar, or armed force, ironically referred to as amn, or peace, committee.

The Taliban spokesman, Ikramullah Mohmand, for Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Mohmand Agency chapter, while claiming responsibility for the attack made it clear that the Utmankhel jirga elders from Ambar were the target of the suicide bombings. The Taliban normally don't make such claims when market-places are bombed and many civilians are killed and injured, but in this case the TTP accepted responsibility for the attack and at the same time expressed regrets over the civilian deaths. This was something rare, though there is no way any repentance on the part of the Taliban would satisfy the bereaved families or change public opinion about the horrible Ekkaghund bombings that turned a bustling rural town into a graveyard. 

With the exception of Malik Sahibzada Utmankhel who had been instrumental in raising the anti-Taliban lashkar in his native Prang Ghar area, all the jirga members and the government officials holding a meeting at the time of the attack in the compound of the assistant political agent's offices survived the twin bombings. The suicide bombers, apparently two in number as one rode a motorcycle to escort the other driving an explosives-packed vehicle, failed to enter the government compound after colliding with a passenger van. The devastating blasts caused death and destruction on a massive scale as tribespeople living in Ekkaghund town and selling and buying in the bazaar were caught in the explosions.

The government-backed lashkars of tribal and village communities have sometimes been effective in tackling the Taliban militants in parts of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), but the cost of this initiative in terms of human and material losses has been unusually high. The lashkars in Dhog Darra in Upper Dir district, Salarzai area in Bajaur Agency and Ambar in Mohmand Agency have been notably effective even though the tribes involved in the effort suffered huge losses and are still required to be battle-ready all the time. At times, the support promised by the government didn't materialise. Many tribal elders often wonder for how long they would have to mobilise their young men to take on an enemy as determined as the Taliban. 

Some of them complain that they were forced by the authorities to raise lashkars and fight the militants. In their view, they were being asked to do something that the government and its security forces have been largely unable to accomplish. 

Blood-feuds have been the bane of the Pashtun society, which must be the most heavily-armed in the world, but the kind of feuds triggered by the enmities involving the Taliban militants and the lashkars are unparalleled. The militants, ruthless and revengeful, have retaliated with a vengeance through suicide bombers to attack jirgas while in session, kill pro-government tribal chiefs and intimidate the common people. 

Though exact figures aren't available, more than 250 tribal elders lost their lives in the tribal areas because they defied the militants or continued to interact with government and military officials despite being warned. Some of the major TTP attacks on jirgas included the one in Darra Adamkhel in March 2008 when more than 40 tribal elders were killed in a suicide bombing and another targeting the Salarzai jirga in Bajaur that caused the deaths of 22 tribal chieftains in November 2008. The biggest loss of tribal elders and commoners was in Khadezai area in Orakzai Agency in the same year when a Taliban suicide bomber mowed down a lashkar being raised to fight the militants and killed around 140 people. 

The lashkars, comprising men of the same Pashtun stock harbouring strong feelings of honour and revenge, have been equally vindictive. Revenge killings are now the order of the day as militants and their facilitators are hunted down, their houses are demolished and their families are banished from ancestral villages. The Taliban are being paid back in the same coin and punishment meted out to them is justified on the ground that they did the same to their opponents while in control of places like Swat, Bajaur, Darra Adamkhel and Bara. 

In neighbouring Afghanistan, the private militias coming to the aid of the military are as old as the three-decade-old Afghan conflict. Afghan communist rulers under the guidance of the Soviet Red Army raised such militias, including the one led by a former factory worker Abdul Rasheed Dostum, to fight the Afghan mujahideen in the 1980s. The Dostum militia or Gilum Jam as it was commonly called comprised Uzbek and Turkmen fighters who not only tried to keep the mujahideen out of their own neighbourhoods in northern Afghanistan but also served as mercenaries deployed in Pashtun-populated areas. Dostum and commamders of other militias lacked ideology and principles and joined whoever was willing to pay the price. 

A Japan-funded disarmament and demobilisation programme in Afghanistan implemented a few years ago is now generally categorised as a failure as private militias continue to exist. The US and its NATO allies in desperate attempts to control the growing Taliban insurgency also resorted to campaigns to mobilise Afghan villagers to take on the militants in their areas. These militias were given different names, though the Afghans normally call them arbaki. The US Special Operations forces are behind the latest effort to train, arm and assist the village defence militias. 

General David Petraeus implemented a similar plan in Iraq by arming and paying Sunni tribes to fight Al Qaeda in Al Anbar and other provinces. Now that he has taken charge from the sacked McChrystal in Afghanistan, he is keen to widen this programme and double the number of places where the village militias would be equipped and paid to fight the Taliban. 

However, President Karzai is reported to have reservations about the plan. The beleaguered Afghan president is worried it could lead to even more warlordism, already a challenge for the weak central government, and out-of-control private militias. If he had his way, he would want a strong national army loyal and accountable to the government instead of private militias answerable to warlords. But the Americans with General Petraeus leading the way are unlikely to put this plan on hold. In fact, they see it as part of their strategy to reverse the Taliban momentum and at the same time reduce their own losses. General Petraeus may incorporate some Karzai suggestions to build safeguards to prevent the village militias from defying state authority, though this won't be enough to reassure the Afghan government and people.

In Pakistan, there has been no debate on the issue of lashkars as many people see it as a legitimate and effective way to tackle the militants. There isn't much concern for the consequences of arming villagers and encouraging them to seek revenge against militants who may have wronged them. In fact, bombing incidents like the one in Ekkaghund are seen as justification for pursuing the same policy of raising lashkars in a bid to defeat the militants. The Taliban militants have done terrible things and prompted most Pakistanis to believe that they deserve no mercy and that every measures needs to be undertaken to put them out of business.

The writer is resident editor of The News in Peshawar. Email: rahim yusufzai@yahoo.com

 

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I. THE NEWS

OPINION

THIS SELF-CORRECT MYTH

AYAZ AHMAD

The concept of democracy is being used to provide protection to some of the most reprehensible acts in Pakistan today. We must reflect whether our society should allow anyone to manipulate the people's resources for personal benefit, while trumpeting democracy.

Elections are just one ingredient of a democratic system. The essence of the established democracies is not limited to elections but rather to the democratic functioning of the government throughout its tenure and the subsequent transfer of power after the next elections. Core to a democratic system is the concept of checks and balances. In the absence of effective checks and balances, the system loses the democratic essence, as accountability is no longer guaranteed and the transfer of power no longer free from manipulative dictates. 

Cliches such as "parliament is supreme" and "democracy is the best revenge" cannot obviate the need for the executive to be bound by the decrees of the ultimate adjudicator of the land—the Supreme Court of Pakistan. It is commonly stated that the system will correct itself if given time. Conversely, though, who is to say that the system will not head towards anarchy and chaos if left to its own devices? Where nations that are progressing can double their economies within a decade, can Pakistan afford to linger along just to test the rather dubious hypothesis that corruption is self-correcting?

Analysing the recently emerging fake degree issue brings forth a critically important question that the people of Pakistan must tackle head-on. And that question pertains to valuing integrity, honesty and competence in the nation's representatives who act as the guardians of people's wealth. We must ask ourselves why our country lurches from one crisis to another. Why do we continuously manufacture excuses—that the degree clause had been invalidated anyway—or that tolerating corruption is necessary for saving the system?

Deriving public benefit from lying and by misleading the taxpayer is a reprehensible in any civilised society. In the West there would be serious repercussions if a public representative cheated the public even on a much lower level. After all, a substantial number of our lawmakers, over 140 of them by one count, have furnished fraudulent documents during the eligibility process. There can be no excuse for lying or corruption, just as there is no excuse for incompetence. Since our ruling parties now wish to control the administrative structure to further their corruption, the local bodies are to be done away with—because they were created by Musharraf. 

Rather than further improving the NAB, they have made it a pliant, toothless body, so that its less-than-satisfactory performance during the Musharraf now seems look exemplary. The government has failed to take on any substantial energy project while it keeps blaming everyone else for the problems. It claims that the economy is performing poorly because there is a global crisis—while it fails to point out that most of the emerging economies have meanwhile regained their growth momentum and are poised towards progress.

By one measure, an organisation's success is hinged upon the alignment of its members with the strategic goals of the organisation and its ability to accomplish those goals through its core team. Let's examine how the current government ranks on this account. 

Individuals—individuals are the strength of any organisational structure. A leader's core value can be inferred from the selection of his team. It would not take long to make a reasonable deduction as to the PPP's core values. 

Mr Zardari and Mr Gilani have chosen Rehman Malik to head the interior ministry; Raja Pervez Ashraf has been assigned the water and power ministry; Mr Babar Awan, zipping through various roles, has now settled in as law minister; Mr Latif Khosa, having shown his true colours as attorney general, now is bent upon harming the IT/telecom sector; Mr Farooq Naek was the party's selection for the Senate chairmanship; Salman Faruqui had been heading the Planning Commission; the president's former physician, Dr Asim Hussain, was advisor to the prime minister on petroleum till last year; the recently retired state bank governor, Mr Saleem Raza, was prominently named in the US Senate's report on money-laundering in 1999, as the bank executive who facilitated Mr Zardari's account set up in Dubai under an alias. 

 

Then there are others: Mir Hazar Khan Bijarani, who endorsed the handing over of five minor girls in marriage to a family as compensation for murder, was charged with the education ministry; and Qayyum Jatoi, who states on national television that "corruption is our right," was appointed minister of defence production. Consider these facts as an abridged version of a significantly longer list, though these would suffice for now. To top it off, the degrees the law minister and the president claim to possess are from nonexistent institutions.

With such an illustrious lot running the country, there does not remain any doubt as to what the core values of the party leaders are. 

The strategy should be in line with the capabilities of the team in order to carry forth the drive towards effective execution of plans. Certainly, the talented team mentioned above wasn't assembled to enable the creation of massive industrial clusters—such a fine talent should have foreshadowed what was to come the nation's way. The dream team of cronies and opportunists was poised to deliver what? Incompetence and corruption? So just over two years in, how does the execution part stack up?

Unfortunately for Pakistan, the state of governance confirms that the real issues pertaining to the people are not on the agenda of the honourable authorities. It is difficult to assess their performance on the corruption front since the plundering process is still underway. However, the rapidly increasing debt, coupled with attempts at projects such as rental power, the LG contract being awarded without bidding, the mounting losses of public-sector enterprises, the back-breaking inflation and the various cartels, all point towards the obvious.

So when we fail to grasp why the government is not performing despite having total control over the state's affairs, we must also consider the goals and objectives that the persons responsible for the destiny of this nation have set forth for themselves. The events of the last two years certainly do give some credence to the possibility that the team is tasked by its leaders with milking the nation. It is now is up to the media and the courts to resist the attainment of these objectives.

The writer is a management consultant based in Toronto. Email: ayaza75@hotmail.com

 

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I. THE NEWS

OPINION

 WARRIORS OF THE STATUS QUO

S KHALID HUSAIN

The fake-degree issue, far from national soul-searching, has caused a bevy of politicians, including the country's president, to rise in defence of holders of such 'degrees'.

The president is said to have alleged that the Quaid-e-Azam was 'not a graduate' before he started practising law in England. Using the Quaid-e-Azam's name must come easily to the president who lives, and seeks to survive, on names, such as of his late wife, and of her late father.

Surely, the president must know, and if he does not his law minister, who has decorated himself with a 'doctorate' from a fake 'university' in the US, must know, that in England barristers are not called to the Bar by the Election Commission of Pakistan, but by a body, which has been known, for over a hundred years, to distinguish the eligible from the ineligible, and the fake, be it a person or his degree, from the real.

The chief minister of the largest province, in area, with wide open spaces, has all but publicly 'declared', that he has the same in his head between his ears, by claiming 'a degree is a degree, real or fake'. He has a point, though. If the question is only of possessing a degree document, then the real and the fake are both documents. Just as if the purpose is only to draw money from the bank, why should it matter if the money is drawn through writing a cheque, using the ATM card, or by pointing a gun?

The federal minister, for education of all things, says fake-degree holders are the same people who the electorate will vote for regardless of degrees, real, none, or fake. So, he asks, what is the problem?

Yes, indeed, what is the problem? Unless it is the federal education minister's mindset, which long years of living off the fruits of the sweat and toil of his electorate, and off its votes, has been conditioned to accept both as natural right.

The problem is the traditional and hereditary powerlessness of the minister's, and the rest of his feudal colleagues', electorates. Illiteracy breeds poverty, which creates powerlessness. Such powerless electorates have served for generations as rock-solid bulwarks against any erosion of feudal influence and power. It is where the minister's, and other feudals', political power comes from, and also the votes at election time. 

The feudals will not easily let go of this power, nurtured by them with deliberate care, over generations. It would be being one-dimensional to expect the minister, even if he is supposedly looking after education, to come down hard on fake-degree holders when in his mind, literacy, education, degrees, are all unnecessary, and irrelevant issues in his constituency.

The politicians' argument, that the graduation proviso is undemocratic, is valid. However, the politicians would have served the cause of democracy better if they had declined to participate in elections, instead of attempting to evade the degree requirement through falsehood, and fake documents. In doing so, the politicians have further blackened their not-altogether-tidy reputations.

As if individual discolouring of reputations was not enough, the parliamentarians have gone in for collective discolouring. The Punjab Assembly has passed a resolution attacking the media. In 'no holds barred' speeches on the floor, they have, literally, screamed, raved and ranted why only the parliamentarians are being singled out for their fake degrees. 

A more juvenile tirade by grown-up men and women gracing the assemblies is hard to imagine. As people's elected representatives, the parliamentarians, in any democracy, are deemed to have a higher national purpose than journalists, generals, bureaucrats, judges and any others. By their raving and ranting, the Punjab parliamentarians have shown themselves to be exceptions.

Clearly, the self-denigrating and demeaning actions of our parliamentarians are a result of their ignorance of their own most significant relevance to the country's growth and progress. This is understandable, as most politicians enter the field, not on the strength of their popular appeal, but entirely on strength of their land holdings and illiterate, poverty-ridden, powerless electorates, and on hereditary footsteps, inherited as next in line.

Until this situation is corrected, and it is hoped the correction would be peaceful, there is no chance of the overall quality of our politicians and parliamentarians improving. They are 'warriors' of the status quo, and they have, in the past, successfully warded off threats to any change in the social, political and economic structure of Pakistani society, under which they loll, and rule. There is no threat to their status on the horizon, the 'warriors' have blocked all possible approaches to such threats.

If the politicians will not bring quality to politics, the answer probably lies in taking some semblances of quality to the politicians. One way to do so could be to make it mandatory, for contestants of elections to the national and provincial assemblies, to attend a course, not necessarily pass one. There need not be an exam, but attendance has to be certifiable, before they are eligible to file nomination papers.

The course can be designed to introduce candidates to the Constitution, to the role of parliament, to their role within parliament, to the magnitude of their role as an elected member of an assembly. It can cover benefits to the country, and indeed to themselves, of their fulfilling the roles well, and of the costs to the country, and to them, of their failing to do so. 

The course emphasis should also be on parliamentary rules, decorum, conduct, language, and all the rest. The course content, and the modalities, such as frequency, locations, language, costs, can be developed to make the course accessible to any citizen of Pakistan, anywhere. 

An independent arrangement, through an autonomous body, or through reputable existing institutions, such as LUMS, IBA, or any other, for a suitable duration course (up to four weeks perhaps) at different locations, to be conducted every quarter, appears feasible. 

The course, by a long shot, would not result in production of ideal parliamentarians. However, the exposure in the course, to the magnitude of their responsibility as MNAs or MPAs, and to the significance of their roles, will sober many incoming ones enough to take themselves, and their responsibility, more seriously than most do now. 

Hopefully, the course exposure will also develop a level of self-worth in parliamentarians, something the current crop has been shown to lack. 

 

The writer is a former corporate executive. Email: husainsk@cyber.net.pk

 

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I. THE NEWS

OPINION

A CANDID PRESENTATION

DR ASHFAQUE H KHAN

The finance team, led by Dr Abdul Hafeez Shaikh, gave a frank and blunt presentation on the state of the economy in general and the budget and its financing difficulties in particular to the prime minister during his first visit to the Ministry of Finance on July 9. The timing of such a candid presentation was important because Pakistan has just entered a new fiscal year and a month-long engagement with the IMF to review the existing programme is about to begin. 

The presentation to the prime minister was exactly in line with my assessment of the state of finances that I have been sharing with the people of Pakistan through my columns. The finance team informed the prime minister about the deleterious condition of the country's finances owing to the fiscal profligacy of the federal and provincial governments. Budget deficit for the year 2009-10 ended at 6.2 per cent of GDP as against the target of 4.9 per cent for which the government will have to seek waiver from the IMF. 

The prime minister was also informed that the display of stunning financial indiscipline by the provincial governments and the political leadership have already created serious difficulties for the finance team in achieving fiscal deficit target of 4 per cent of GDP for the year 2010-11. Unless corrective measures are taken quickly, the budget deficit is likely to be in the range of 6.5-7.0 per cent of GDP in 2010-11. The prime minister was bluntly told that the politicisation of VAT has added further fuel to the fire. If Pakistan fails to implement VAT or refined GST on October 1, 2010 it will face serious consequences. There will be no money from the IMF, the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank and perhaps from the Kerry-Lugar Act. The consequences of going off the IMF Programme were explained to the prime minister in greater details. 

The prime minister was also informed as to how the bleeding of the eight public-sector enterprises (PSEs) is damaging the economy and budget. Restructuring and then privatising these PSEs within the next two-three years are the only solution for which the finance team would require political support. 

The prime minister should immediately call the meeting of the chief ministers of the provinces and the heads of the political parties that have representation in parliament, and ask his finance team to give them a frank assessment of the state of finances. The outcomes of the presentation must include; (i) provincial governments committing to deliver a surplus of 1.5 per cent of GDP by cutting expenditures;(ii) the prime minister downsizing the federal cabinet to 20-25 ministers; (iii) allocation under the Benazir Income Support Programme be reduced to the actual spending of last year; (iv) rationalising allocation for the IDPs and (v) reducing subsidies to bare minimum. In short, the outcomes should be one of austerity at all levels of governments. 

The above listed measures are of short-to-immediate nature but Pakistan's key economic challenges are structural and require inter-ministerial coordination to address them. Finance Minister Dr Abdul Hafeez Shaikh is one of the many cabinet ministers and has no control over the workings of other economic ministries. It is the finance minister who deals with the IMF and other International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and is responsible for implementing their programmes, which require inter-ministerial support. 

How to streamline the workings of the economy of Pakistan? In East Asia, the economic planning minister (finance minister) is also the deputy prime minister, in charge of several economic ministries. The prime minister deals with political (domestic and external) issues while the deputy prime minister handles the economy. In Pakistan, we do not have the provision for deputy prime minister; therefore, the prime minister may appoint Dr Shaikh as senior minister for economy, in charge of commerce, industry, water and power and petroleum and natural resources in addition to his current portfolio of finance planning, economic affairs and statistics. As senior minister, Dr Shaikh will coordinate and chair the meetings of the economic ministries. It will quicken the process of decision-making and help improve economic governance. 

The finance minister has already pointed out in his budget speech that he intends to restructure the PSEs in 2010-11 to make them attractive for privatisation going forward. The PSEs are bleeding and have become a permanent burden to the budget. The government has spent Rs245 billion in 2009-10 to keep these PSEs afloat. How long can the government keep pumping taxpayers' money to finance the inefficiencies of the PSEs? The quicker these are restructured and then privatised, the better it is for the budget and the economy. There are vested interests which will be opposing privatisation of these PSEs. Dr Shaikh as finance minister alone may not succeed in his efforts but as senior minister he may succeed in restructuring and then privatising these loss-making institutions.

 

The writer is director general and dean at NUST Business School, Islamabad. Email: ah khan@nbs.edu.pk

 

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I. THE NEWS

EDITORIAL

THE PAST AS PRESENT

DR MALEEHA LODHI

The writer is a former envoy to the US and the UK, and a former editor of The News.

It is part of the enduring tragedy of Kashmir that waves of wide and sustained public protests there receive little international attention, much less evoke the concern of governments across the world. Inattention, however, doesn't make the issue go away.

For weeks now, Indian-held Kashmir has been in turmoil. The unrest was ignited by the killing on June 11 of an unarmed 17-year-old student by a tear gas shell during a demonstration in Srinagar. The uproar intensified as angry stone-pelting youths took to the streets in protest. Each subsequent clash with the paramilitary Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and killing of peaceful demonstrators stoked public anger and catalysed more furious protest as unrest spread across the Valley. 

On July 6, at least four protestors were shot and killed in Srinagar in desperate efforts by the trigger-prone paramilitary forces to quell the agitation. Scores of demonstrators were injured in the crackdown that followed. Curfew was imposed in much of Kashmir, with thousands of Indian troops deployed to enforce it. But they were unable to dampen the anti-India protests that continue in defiance of the clampdown. The army was called out for crowd control in the capital for the first time in over a decade—a move that symbolised India's stunning failure in Kashmir. Life was paralysed by the security lockdown and a general strike called in protest over the killings of over 15 civilians in less than a month. Most of those shot by security forces were teenagers.

Chants of freedom resonated throughout the Valley—at the funerals of the martyred, in the mosques, in hospital compounds and at public rallies in towns and villages. This stressed the unchanged reality of Kashmir where every protest morphs into the popular demand for an end to Indian occupation. This pattern has repeated itself with ever greater intensity and is exemplified by the widespread mass protests last year and even bigger ones in 2008. That it takes but a spark to set off a storm of anti-India protest belies New Delhi's claim that state elections have "settled" the Kashmir issue.

The ongoing ferment highlights aspects of both change and continuity in the situation in Indian-held Kashmir. The first and most significant dimension of change is that the young have been in the forefront of the protests. The mass agitation in the summer of 2008 and 2009 was also youth-led and driven. This means that a new generation of Kashmiris is defining the resistance movement—a generation which has grown up in the oppressive and militarised environment that still makes Kashmir the world's most densely armed region.

A generation that has suffered the daily humiliation of occupation is increasingly describing its protest as an intifada in "Asia's Palestine." As Arundhati Roy perceptively noted in 2008, "Raised in a playground of armed camps, checkpoints and bunkers...the young generation has...discovered the power of mass protest." A more politically assertive younger generation has emerged from the demographic shifts that have been underway, as well as their enhanced ability to coordinate and organise protests that has been facilitated by the new technology.

The 2010 street protests resemble those in 2009 and 2008, in that Kashmiri leaders have followed rather than led them, a fact acknowledged by the chief of the All-Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC), Mirwaiz Umar Farooq. Like other APHC figures he has often warned of the radicalisation of youth if their demands do not find a democratic solution. Yasin Malik too has been cautioning that frustration among the young can take a violent turn if their grievances are not addressed.

A second factor that makes for change is that the protests reinforce a new phase in the Kashmiri struggle for self-determination which started with the popular protests of 2008. In a context where militant violence has ebbed, the decades-old freedom movement has increasingly been transforming itself into a peaceful civil disobedience campaign. The mass protests in three consecutive years attest to the fact that the Kashmiri resistance is increasingly assuming the shape of a popular, non-violent movement. This has made it much harder for the Indian authorities to demonise or de-legitimise it, and even harder for them to blame the unrest on militants or Pakistan's intervention.

When the Indian home minister, P Chidambaram, recently tried to blame the Kashmir upheaval on the Lashkar-e-Taiba, the allegation got little traction even in India. The Mirwaiz characterised his remarks as signifying the "ostrich-like mindset of the Indian government" that chooses to remain in denial.

Factors that represent striking continuity with the past and that have been further reinforced in the current turmoil are obvious: New Delhi's spectacular failure to politically engage with the Kashmir issue as well as the singular inability of the state government to defuse the crisis. The Indian government has shown once again that repression is its only answer to Kashmiri demands.

For all the noise New Delhi routinely makes about seeking a dialogue with the Hurriyat leaders, the reality is that the Indian authorities have shown an utter lack of seriousness or will to pursue meaningful engagement to find a genuine solution. It is neither prepared to talk to Pakistan nor to the Kashmiri leaders on terms other than its own.

Instead, the Indian government has continued to resort to force to deal with the situation. This points to the most enduring feature of the Kashmiri landscape: the infrastructure of repression and control that is mobilised and deployed to staunch mass protests when they re-erupt. The ongoing round of agitation has met a familiar response. The heavy-handed use of force has involved a ruthless crackdown, curfews, house-to-house searches, shoot-on-sight orders and yet more killings, including that of a nine-year-old boy.

The culture of oppression spawned over decades of Indian occupation remains in place even though militant violence is at its lowest point since the uprising began in 1989, according to the Indian authorities themselves. Yet security forces use excessive force to quell protests in which civilians are only armed with stones. The effort by the chief of the CRPF to cast "stone-pelting" as "a new form of gunless terrorism" is so disingenuous that it merits no response.

Indian security forces continue to act with impunity under the draconian Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), which gives them sweeping powers to shoot, arrest or search without warrant, and kill on suspicion. The environment of coercion and repression that has long been in place cannot be transformed unless the demands of Kashmiri leaders in this regard are met. They include the repeal of AFSPA, end to arbitrary detentions and search-and-cordon operations, release of all political prisoners, cessation of extrajudicial killings and human rights abuses. 

For the third successive year young Kashmiris have shown a resolve to orchestrate their own "referendum" and intensify their call for India to abandon its occupation. The world community chooses to ignore the situation, leaving it to human rights organisations to voice concern about the most egregious conduct of the Indian security forces. Last month Amnesty International called on the Indian authorities to investigate all the killings. 

Meanwhile, with Pakistan-India relations back in the default mode of no-war, no-peace, and a confidence-building process serving as an excuse not to settle disputes, this does not hold out any promise of alleviating the plight of the Kashmiri people and mitigating the tensions in the state. But paralysis in peace-making and international indifference serves to heighten rather than diminish the danger of instability. The current protests are no passing episodes but emblematic of a people's yearning to be free.

The lesson of history can only be ignored at great peril. The ruthless suppression of peaceful protests against Indian occupation two decades ago led to armed resistance and violent conflict. There is untold danger if that history repeats itself.

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I. THE NEWS

OPINION

 THIS IS ANARCHY

MIR JAMILUR RAHMAN

The NAB prosecutor general tells the Supreme Court, including the chief justice, that it is unfit to hear the Bank of Punjab case. The chief minister of Balochistan tells the media a bachelor's degree is valid, whether fake or genuine. The government defies Supreme Court orders by not implementing them. The Punjab Assembly passes a unanimous resolution under the veiled guidance of Khadim-e-Punjab, the chief minister of the province, condemning the media. Is the country heading towards anarchy? Yes, because the government seems nonexistent, the ultimate sign of a state of anarchy.

Political or social disorder, confusion and general lawlessness provide a fertile ground for anarchy to take hold of a country. These conditions result from an absence or failure or lack of government. In that respect, we are a prime candidate for anarchy. However, we do not see any signs of widespread violence generally associated with anarchy. Obviously, people are patient and are not inclined to head for the streets. Contrary to popular belief, political anarchy does not necessarily imply violent disorder on the streets. Anarchy just creeps in, slowly but surely. The writ of the government disappears and the rulers become victims of uncertainty and doublespeak. For instance, take the statement of Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani published in the media.

Mr Gilani "made it clear that neither he nor his administration had anything to do with the controversial letter which the NAB prosecutor general had addressed to the Supreme Court. He added that the content of the letter may be the personal view of someone and did not represent his government's point of view."

The prime minister has conveniently distanced himself from the writing of the letter to the Supreme Court. Instead, he has accused the NAB prosecutor general of writing the letter on his own. But Prime Minister Gilani sees nothing wrong in the controversial behaviour of a Grade 21 officer and grants him the right to air a personal view, even if it is at variance with that of the government. In other words, is it that Prime Minister Gilani has inadvertently allowed government servants to hold and publicise their personal views with immunity? This will surely push the country to governmental anarchy. The only way the government can regain its authority and credibility is for the prime minister to dismiss the officer who wrote the contemptuous letter to the Supreme Court, without authority.

The prime minister has expressed anger at the delay in the import of sugar, because it may push the sugar price to Rs100 per kg in Ramadan. The prime minister says the delay is despite the fact that the government had given a clear directive for import of sugar in time. That is another sign of anarchy: government servants taking their time in carrying out government directives. 

However, prime ministers do not merely get angry in such cases; they get their orders implemented. The Prime Minister's Secretariat is huge, and it is this hugeness which has made it indolent. It should be the duty of the secretariat to monitor action on the government's directives. Sugar import would not have been delayed if the Prime Minister's Secretariat had been more vigilant.

I have visited many search engines to find if an elected assembly in a democracy ever passed a resolution condemning journalists. I was unsuccessful. Legislators have fought each other in many countries but never have they picked a quarrel with journalists. Pakistan has given the lead here.

All the political parties represented in the Punjab Assembly connived at the unanimous condemnation of journalists. This is not the end. The next step could be the introduction of an arbitrarily a "code of conduct" to cow down the media.

Email: mirjrahman@hotmail .com

 

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

MALIK TOO TALKS OF AFGHAN INFILTRATION

 

INTERIOR Minister Rehman Malik, who is otherwise blunt and straightforward, always talks in a diplomatic manner when it comes to different dimensions of the war on terror especially the aspects that could offend the allies. He avoids levelling allegations or pointing fingers and instead advises others to wait for the investigations to complete.

In this backdrop, his assertion that terrorists are infiltrating into Pakistan via Afghanistan and that Islamabad has asked Kabul to take action to stop their movement speaks volumes about gravity of the problem. It is good of the Minister that he has publicly expressed concern about an issue that is assuming dangerous proportions just because of appeasing attitude of our leaders. In our view, it is known to all that every bullet and rifle used by militants and terrorists finds its way to Pakistan from Afghanistan. This is also the considered viewpoint of Governor Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Owais Ghani, who has intimate knowledge of what is happening in FATA and other areas of the NWFP. There is credible evidence that Indian missions in Afghanistan are instrumental in fanning militancy inside Pakistan to destabilise the country. It is also beyond comprehension that militants and terrorists could put up such a stiff and organised resistance to an Army of professional excellence like Pakistan without training, funding and supply of weapons. The menace of terrorism in Pakistan would not end until and unless the sources of supplies are choked but so far there are no indications that any effective strategy has been prepared to do that. The first part of such a strategy should be to expose all those who are adding fuel to the fire so that the international community could see their real faces. Secondly, our counter intelligence personnel should be activated to penetrate deep into the ranks of the militants. Thirdly, all arms of the State should act in unison to chalk out a coordinated action plan to foil short, medium and long-term designs of the enemy. We firmly believe that the insistence of Afghanistan and the United States to allow trade between Afghanistan and India through Wahga border is part of this plan and the country would be in for a greater trouble if we succumbed to their unjustified demand. We would also urge the Interior Minister and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to take up the issue of infiltration with Kabul authorities in right earnest.

 

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

INDIA NOW OPTS FOR BIO WARFARE ALSO

 

INDIA is overwhelmed by its desire to become mini superpower overnight and for this purpose it is spending trillions of rupees annually in giving teeth to its military muscle. According to a report appearing in this newspaper, the Indian Cabinet Committee on Security has cleared a project worth Rs 285 crore aimed at development of systems and equipment for protection against nuclear, biological and chemical weapons and leakages. The fresh allocation follows reports that Indian Navy is all set to acquire six new generation submarines at a whooping price of Rs 500 billion while another Rs 420 billion have been allocated for procurement of 126 multi-role fighters.

India already has an elaborate and well-developed biotechnology infrastructure that includes numerous pharmaceutical production facilities and bio-containment laboratories (including BSL-3 and BSL-4) for working with lethal pathogens. Allocation of huge resources for further development of this programme is a clear indication that the country is embarking upon an offensive biological weapons programme despite repeated claims that the programme was defensive in nature. India also possesses nuclear weapons and maintains short, intermediate and long-range ballistic missiles, nuclear-capable aircraft, surface ships, and submarines as possible delivery systems and platforms. All these preparations are part of its hegemonic designs and raise legitimate concern among its small neighbours especially Pakistan. One fails to understand why Indians are in a mad rush to acquire all sorts of weapons, technologies and capabilities despite the fact that their country faces no threat from anywhere. China has no aggressive designs against any country and is focused instead on economic development. Pakistan, basically a peace loving country, has already too much on its plate and cannot afford any conflict with India or any other country. Our policy-makers should, therefore, be alive to the growing dangers from the eastern border especially when the new Indian military doctrine described as cold start is intended to carry out surprise surgical strikes against Pakistan with the assumption that Islamabad would not react in time.

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

PAKISTAN TOO SHOULD PRIORITISE SPORTS

 

SPAIN finally won for the first time the World Cup Football tournament in an intense and exciting, if not pretty, final match at Soccer City outside Johannesburg against Netherlands. South Africa did herself proud in hosting the FIFA World Cup 2010 in a fascinating manner with an appearance by Nelson Mandela sealing the end to an immensely successful tournament for the South Africans.

Riotous celebrations spread across Spain after the national football team won its first World Cup when Andres Iniesta scored an extra-time goal in a 1-0 win over the Netherlands. An estimated 300,000 people forming a sea of red and yellow packed Madrid's downtown erupted at the final whistle as Spain became world and European champions. The wild celebrations were easily the biggest ever held in living memory in Spain. Fireworks lit up the city sky as people herded out onto the streets to celebrate. Nearly 700 million people across the globe witnessed the thrilling encounter on TV screens and in Pakistan too sports enthusiasts watched the final and majority were in favour of a win for Spain. Sports has gripped the world and as a healthy activity it has galvanised the youth. In this perspective in Pakistan we are nowhere not only in Football and Volleyball but also in other international sports. The days are gone when we were World Cup, Olympics and Asian Champions in Hockey and long held the Squash championship. Cricket team under Imran Khan lifted the 1992 World Cup Trophy which made the entire nation proud and we still remember those days. We have landed in a poor position in sports because of lack of attention by the Government and bad management by those who are tasked to groom the talent. The Government only needs to prioritize sports with little bit additional financial resources to improve sports facilities and hiring of committed people. There is tremendous unexplored talent in Squash, Hockey, Cricket, Badminton and Football and if our teams take part in different sports events at the international level that will bring a good name and improve the image of the country.

 

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

KASHMIR MARTYRS' DAY

NEWS & VIEWS

MOHAMMAD JAMIL

 

This day reminds us of 23 Kashmiri martyrs who had laid down their lives fighting the Dogra rule to keep the torch of freedom alight. It was, indeed, due to this movement that British government had appointed Glancy Commission to investigate into the atrocities committed by the Maharaja. It was as a result of the above episode that Kashmiri leadership realized the need to build up an organization with a view to waging struggle for their freedom. In 1934, State's first elections were held, and the Muslim Conference won 21 out of 16 seats. After two years in 1936, it succeeded in getting 19 out of 21 seats. Congress was upset with these results, and tried to create division in the ranks of Kashmiri leadership. In 1937, a meeting was arranged between Jawahar Lal Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah and the latter agreed to convert Muslim Conference into National Conference. When Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas and his colleagues realized that Sheikh Abdullah was toeing Nehru's line, they revived the Muslim Conference. Anyhow, Kashmiris have passed through the longest ordeal, and faced repression, death and destruction even before the partition. 

The British had played an ignominious role in bringing Kashmiris to the present pass, firstly as they had sold Kashmir to Gulab Singh, former governor of Maharaja Ranjeet Singh, for 7.5 million rupees. Once again at the time of partition when people of Kashmir had dreamt of freedom from oppression, India accepted Lord Mountbaten as the first Governor General of India to contrive an insidious plan of annexing Kashmir, which was implemented by Lord Mountbaten and Nehru when Raja Hari Singh was coerced into signing the controversial document on 26th July 1947, which was prepared by Lord Mountbatten. It was on the basis of this document that Indian forces entered the Valley, and endless dark night for Kashmiris started. On 19th July 1947, Muslim Conference held a convention and passed a resolution to merge Kashmir with Pakistan, which stated: "This convention of Muslim Conference has reached the conclusion that geographical conditions, 80 per cent Muslim population, important rivers of Punjab passing through the state, language, cultural, ethnic and economic relations and contiguity of the state with Pakistan make it imperative to merge with Pakistan".

In 1989, valiant Kashmiris started armed struggle and at least 90000 Kashmiris have laid down their lives, but they are determined to take their struggle to the logical conclusion. There is a perception that it is an article of faith with Congress leadership to weaken Pakistan, and has kept the Kashmir dispute unresolved so that Pakistan continues spending on defence. After the elections in 2004, the first policy statement issued by the Indian Foreign Minister Natwar Singh was reflective of its intentions when he referred to Simla Accord of 1972 as the basis for resolving the Kashmir dispute. He perhaps lost sight of the fact that the region and the world had undergone profound changes since 1998, and India and Pakistan are now atomic powers. However, 9/11 events have changed political landscape of the world and since then even genuine struggle for freedom is construed as terrorist act. India has taken full advantage of the situation and has tried to ruthlessly crush the Kashmiris' struggle. In June 2008, Kashmiri Muslims had protested against allotment of land to Delhi-based Amarnath Shrine Trust, which was violation of the law. Later, there was strike in Muslims' areas of Indian Held Kashmir against anti-Muslim riots, vandalism, looting of Muslim properties and economic blockade of the Valley.

In fact, Congress-led government had earlier allotted a piece of land near the shrine apparently to facilitate Hindu pilgrims that throng the shrine in hundreds of thousands, but Kashmiris were suspicious of the government's intentions, as efforts were being made to encourage migration of Hindus to the state with a view to diluting Kashmiri Muslims' 98 per cent majority in IHK. Over sixty Kashmiris had lost their lives in the brutal Indian state response, then. In June 2009, it was the rape of two Kashmiri women by the Indian security forces' personnel that had caused the wide scale anger to erupt and spill over the entire landscape of the Kashmir Valley. Two women, 17 Years' old Aasia Jan and her sister-in-law Nilofer Shakeel aged 22, had gone to work in their apple orchard in Shopian but failed to return. Their bodies were found floating in shallow waters of a stream on May 30. As the public grew and fingers of accusation were pointed against members of Indian security forces, the government was in the denial mode. The autopsy results and forensic investigations however confirmed that the two women had been murdered following rape and had not drowned. How many such incidents go unreported due to shame or cover-up is not known. According to data maintained by a media portal of United Kingdom nearly 500 women were raped in various parts of IHK between 1990 and 1994. 

Kashmir is in the grip of a nearly 20-year insurgency that has left more than 47,000 people dead by official count in India but more than 90000 by independent reporters. It has to be said that International community's apathy to the sufferings, death and destruction in Kashmir is the reason that Kashmiris have to live in the long nightmare with no end in sight. According to Kashmir Media Service, the Amnesty International in a statement issued in London in July 2010 said that Indian authorities should avoid excessive use of force while dealing with demonstrators in occupied Kashmir. 

It said that during the last month, a total of 11 persons, at least eight of them teenagers, were killed in shootings by the Indian paramilitary Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) personnel stationed across the Kashmir valley, as protestors held demonstrations in Srinagar, Sopore and other towns, which were put under curfew. The AI demanded probe into all the killings and urged India to take steps to ensure protection of the right to life in the occupied territory under international law. It said that at least 35 people sustained injuries during the demonstrations so far. Harassment, humiliation, acts of cold-blooded murder, mass rapes, arson, and endless human rights violations perpetrated upon the hapless Kashmiri people by Indian security forces, including army, BSF, CRPF and police continue unabated. In April 2010, police spokesman in a statement had said that troops allegedly raped 51 women in Jammu and Kashmir in six years between November 2002 and July 2008, whereas 38 rape cases allegedly by troops were reported from November 2002 to October 2005. "From November 2005 to 10 July 2008, 13 rape cases allegedly by troops were reported." 

The spokesman said that from 11 July 2008 to 4 January 2009 only one rape case allegedly by troops was reported. "During the period from 5 January 2009 to 23 February 2010 no rape case by troops was reported." The police spokesman said Chief Minister Omar Abdullah had mentioned in the Legislative Assembly that 11 cases of rape allegedly by troops were reported between October 1996 and October 2002, thus taking the number of raped by troops between October 1996 to July 2008 to 62. It should be remembered that these figures have been issued by Indian police; therefore one can imagine that the incidence of this heinous crime would be much more than what has been stated by the Police.

 

 

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

GOVERNANCE: STATUTORY APPOINTMENTS

CH BASHIR AHMAD

 

The Government is a body of men and women which under the constitution is given the authority over other citizens and vesting of authority simultaneously entails responsibility. A government which cannot ensure good governance and establish rule of law in making merit-based statutory appointments looses the right to rule the citizens. Statutory appointments are such appointments which are provided in the statute itself. These appointments are in some cases made by the President and in other cases by the Federal Government under a statute or law for the time being in force.

Under Schedule V-A of the Rules of Business of the Federal Government, such cases where the appointment is to be made by the Federal Government, are to be submitted to the Prime Minister for his orders. Such appointments include Chairmen, Heads and members of autonomous bodies or Corporations and in common man language these are also called political appointments and politicians are also appointed against such posts to bestow political favours. In some statues, the criteria for making such appointments are laid down in the statue by the legislature and in some others this is left to the discretion of the Federal Government. In other words, such appointing authority exercises the delegated powers of the legislature to fix the criteria, according to its own choice.

Although such discretionary power is not unbridled and is controlled by the golden principle of equity, justice and fair play, yet such absolute powers in making statutory appointments give rise to many evils like favoritism, nepotism, political bribe and in short cannot be termed as merit-based appointments in cases where the competency and integrity of the appointee is not made the sole consideration. Now we come to such statutory appointments where no criteria is fixed and no qualifications are laid down in the statute itself for making such appointments and no rules are made for this purpose. For example, Section 3 of the Evacuee Trust Properties (Management and Disposal) Act, 1975 (Act No XIII of 1975) (hereinafter called the Act) provides that the Federal Government shall constitute a Board, to. be known as the Evacuee Trust Property Board for the management and disposal of evacuee trust properties. The Board is to consist of Chairman and such members as the Federal Government may, by notification in the official gazette, appoint. The Chairman is to be appointed by the 

The importance of the appointment of Chairman of the- Board is manifold. Under Section 3 (4) of the Act the Chairman is the administrative and executive head of the Board and enjoys vast powers. Under Section 8 of the Act, if a question arises whether a property is evacuee trust or not, it shall be decided by the Chairman whose decision shall be final and shall not be called in question in any court. Such an absolute and exclusive power given to the Chairman in the statute is not available to any other authority or court, including the High Court. If an evacuee trust property is transferred by the Settlement Department to a claimant against verified claim, it is to be deemed, subject to certain conditions, to have been validly transferred by the Chief Settlement Commissioner and if a question arises whether such transfer is bona-fide or not, it shall be decided by the Chairman of the Board under Section 10 of the Act whose decision shall be final and shall not be called in question in any court. If it is decided that the transaction is not bone-fide, the Chairman may pass an order cancelling the allotment or transfer of such property. It is to be noted that such allotments or transfers were made by the Settlement and Rehabilitation Department under Settlement Acts of 1958 against a few thousand rupees and now after more than half a century such valuable properties are worth crores and crores of rupees and the allottees/transferees of such properties would always be ready to do any thing to save such properties. It is apparent that to decide such delicate and intricate questions of law, persons of unimpeachable integrity and strong judicial background would be needed to apply their independent judicious mind before making any decision. If the incumbent of the post of Chairman is not law knowing and has no legal background, he cannot exercise his independent judicious mind which is the requirement of law and will have to act solely on the advice of others and injustice is more likely to occur.

After giving a resume of the authority and powers - executive, judicial and financial - vested in the Chairman of the Board, the most painful and sorrowful aspect is that no qualifications are provided and no criteria is fixed in the statute or Rules for this statutory appointment although the minimum qualifications prescribed for the junior most post of Assistant Administrator in BPS-16 is B.A., LL.B. It is left to the discretion of the Federal Government to appoint any person as Chairman after obtaining orders of the Prime minister and it all depends on him that in what manner the latter exercises his discretion - weather it is guided by the principle of equity, justice and fair play or the appointment is made for extraneous considerations. It is all the more imperative on the Federal Government that the persons who are selected for appointment as Chairman, Evacuee Trust Property Board, should be persons of competence and integrity who can protect such properties in accordance with law and the wishes of the persons who created such trusts. The Evacuee Trust Property Board was established in 1960 and up to 1994 the post of Chairman has been held by the members of regular services (CSP, PCS, DMG etc.) and thereafter this post is held by politicians and retired Army officers. During Army rule, the post was held by some retired Generals and during the time of political government, by some politician. Generally speaking, this whole period of occupation of the office of the Chairman by retired army officers and politicians has adversely affected and in many ways damaged the efficiency and working of the Organisation. 

Therefore the senior officers with competence and integrity from regular services are most suited for the high slot of Chairman of the Board, especially because they have close personal contacts with their counterparts in other departments with which they have to deal in day to day working and this goes in the interest of the Board. Another important aspect to be noticed is that when from 1960 to 1994 the tradition of making the appointment of the Chairman of the Board from regular services had worked successfully then what could be the genuine reason to change that system except that some other favorites were to be accommodated for extraneous considerations. The politicians generally choose to hold the post of Chairman on honorary basis and their terms and conditions of appointment are not settled and notified for years for the simple reason that they are not disqualified under the law for contesting the next election.

Under Section 5 of the Act, the Chairman has to preside over the meetings of the Board constituted by Federal Government under Section 3 of the Act and the said Board has to perform its very important functions for the proper management, maintenance and disposal of trust properties as detailed in Section 4 of the Act and the general supervision and control of all evacuee trust properties vests in the Board. It is therefore absolutely necessary that the person holding the post of Chairman should be adequately qualified and possess vast experience in the relevant field to ensure lawful decisions in the matters which are placed before the Board. The custom and tradition of appointment of Chairman from regular services which has successfully been practiced for a long time from 1960 to 1994 should be followed by the Federal Government to ensure good governance instead of making appointments of retired Generals and defeated politicians.

In view of the anomalous situation prevailing in the Board, it is absolutely necessary for the Federal Government to review the statutory appointments made by them in the Board and some other such like organisations and must also determine the terms and conditions of such appointment simultaneously so that the incumbent is made to function within that sphere. It is imperative that the statutory appointments made by the democratic Government are based on competence and integrity and not on extraneous considerations so that such appointments demonstrate good governance which they promised before coming into power and even now claim at public platform.

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

EDITORIAL

DESTINY BECKONS YOU MR GILANI

AHMAD HASAN SHEIKH

 

It is two and a half years since the present Government took office, ending the fourth nightmare of military adventurism which left in its wake a polity in tatters. Even though there was talk of deals, particularly the infamous NRO which, it was made out, paved the way for the restoration of the civilian rule, the people heaved a sigh of relief. Mr Gilani earned the rare honour of a unanimous vote of confidence as Prime Minister from Parliament. This was a signal to him that if he pursues a national agenda to rescue a ravished people, he was assured of the support of members belonging to different political persuasions. Though he was the nominee of a political party, the unanimous vote of confidence tried to catapult him from his party closet to a broad national canvas.

But unfortunately that has not come about. Even after the passage of the 18th Amendment, the impression persists that he is not his own man. His own unsure and wavering touch, sometime making an about-turn within the span of twenty-four hours has lent credence to that impression. It is a riddle really to figure out why he feels so hamstrung in the exercise of his power as the Chief Executive when he was assured right at the beginning of unanimous backing in case he stuck to the national priorities. In fact the prospect of consensus politics, the need of the hour appeared only inches away. But where do we stand today? Is it the ordained fate of this hapless country that everytime its people rise up to correct its suicidal course, it is pulled back to grovel in dust. Wasn't the lawyers movement a soul-stirring and peaceful revolution? Where are its gains? Certainly they were not all about the restoration of dismissed judges. How can we therefore see with equanimity the sight of the Law Minister scouring the length and breadth of the country with bagfuls of money to suborn the integrity of the lawyers whose struggle made it possible for the like of him to become the cynosure of the present rulers. However, looking at the enormity of what is happening all around, this 'indiscretion' on his part could be overlooked as just a foible. 

Being a 'do-atsha' an aggressive lawyer and a loquacious speaker on Islam it is not unnatural if he display both intrepidity and self-righteousness in the expression of his views. But where he is going to land his latest client, only time will tell. Unfortunately, what the present political dispensation is trying to do is not merely defy or circumvent the law but to demolish the whole edifice of law. "Na rahe baans, Na bajay baansari", appears to have been adopted as a cherished pursuit. Though the issue is clear, the Prime Minister has chosen to push it to the realm of opaqueness by saying that every institution must work within its own sphere of authority, though at the same time adding, to convey what message remains a mystery, that the Government respects the judiciary. He is intelligent enough to know that none will miss either the thrust or context of his statement. It definitely does not establish Government's credibility in the eyes of the people though the profuse outpouring of rhetoric from its trumpeters may induce self-delusion. Loyalty to a party in a democratic set-up is indeed a virtue because it is commitment to the political philosophy and programme it espouses. But obeisance to an individual, his personal whims and shenanigans, because of the status he might have come to acquire, is in reality disloyalty to the party and a disservice to the country. Failure to recognise and maintain this distinction has landed the national polity in a conundrum that we face today.

As a result, governance goes by the board and the rulers get diverted from the real and pressing problems of the people. Suicides from poverty and hunger have become almost a daily routine. It is a shattering experience for men of conscience. Yet we see politicians of this hue or that non-chalantly engaged in verbal duels and regaling themselves with endless receptions and parties, of course all at public expense. A callousness difficult to find a peer. What kind of priorities our rulers have that they spend, without inhibition, millions, if not billions, on bricks and mortar for repairs and renovation of the tombs of saints to show their reverence for them but pay no heed to their example and teachings. Showy rituals are all that they are interested in because these enable them to exploit the simple faith of the common man to their advantage. Just one quote form Hazrat Umar should suffice to show what revolution in human sympathies true faith can bring about. Even animal life is considered as sacred as human life. During a famine, he uttered the famous words. "If a dog dies of hunger on the banks on Euphrates, Umar will have to answer for it on the Day of Judgement". What was meant to be haven has been turned into a hell. Step by step, as if with the consistency of a plan, the dream that the Muslims of South Asia saw and struggled to make it come true has been converted into a nightmare. There is a dread in every heart about where it is all going to end up. Memories of the 1971 tragedy have come alive.

Will the people of Pakistan, numbed by one shock after another, stand by like mute animals, and allow cheats, swindlers, looters and thugs to deprive them of their proud identity. One thing is for sure. There is no margin left. Only a decisive plunge will save them from becoming a forgotten page of history. But who will take the plunge. Whether he wanted to or not, fate seems to have chalked out a pivotal role for Prime Minister Gilani at this decisive moment in the life of the nation. He can no longer dither and prevaricate otherwise he will whimper into oblivion, unwept, unmoured. Either in one go he breaks the shackles of polluted party policies to be his own man and shine over the national firmament or he betrays both himself and the nation. Destiny is beckoning him. He has to make a choice. He has no other option. Nor any more time.

 

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

ARTICLE

AUGMENTING PAK-CHINA TIES

SHANZEH IQBAL

 

During the state visit of the President of Pakistan to China 6 cooperation agreements were signed in the fields of agriculture, healthcare, economy and media technology. This visit was scheduled from July 6 to 11 and was his fifth visit since he took office in September 2008 and so far the two countries have concluded more than 60 agreements. The 12 corporate leaders belonging to defence, petroleum, banking industrial and architecture sectors met the President Asif Ali Zardari separately. They agreed to invest 10 billion dollars in the sectors of energy, railways, construction, oil and gas explorations and other services. It was promised that China will also provide Pakistan 50 million yuans which will be used for bringing improvisations in different fields.According to the agreements a railway track will also be laid down for trade purpose between China and Pakistan. China will give Pakistan 75 railway engines and 202 bogeys. The bilateral ties will be strengthened and legal assistance will be provided to ward off crimes of different kind to improve the law and order situation. There is a free trade agreement of goods and services between China and Pakistan. Pakistan gave a complete guarantee to protect the Chinese capital. During the meeting of Chinese President Hu Jintao with the President Asif Ali Zardari on Wednesday it was revealed that China will continue cooperating with Pakistan in the atomic field for peaceful purposes. 

Despite the assurance that the issue of atomic reactors is duly transparent, the Western world and India has raised a great hue and cry over this matter. The nuclear cooperation is transparent and under the IAEA safeguard and the agreement between Pakistan and China was signed long ago. Also the atomic reactors will always be open to be checked by the experts of IAEA. The British Foreign Minister William Hague has also suggested that Pakistan should follow the dictates of International Laws but China is steadfast in its determination to go ahead with the nuclear deal. It has made it clear that it will not go back in this regard. In this reference Pakistan must not bow to any foreign pressure and continue with this as India is getting civil atomic technology from America and is moving ahead in its uranium enrichment programme. It should make sure that the requisite action should be taken at the earliest regarding these agreements because it will be in favour of both the countries. The agriculture sector of Pakistan is facing adverse situation these days. It plays a major part in providing the subsistence to almost 60 percent population. There is a need to revamp this sector. It must be modernized and state of the art technology should be provided to meet the incessantly growing population needs. 

The agreements with China in the field of agriculture will be very vital in enlivening this sector. The two Presidents exchanged views on changing regional scenario. The Chinese leadership has made the historical city Kasghghar a special economic zone. It links Pakistan with China and is located on the Karakoram Highway. China has also expressed its resolve to connect it with Pakistan through rail track. In this way not only trade will increase but it would also provide an opportunity for promotion of people to people contact and a common vision will be developed. The President Asif Ali Zardari has told that connectivity with Pakistan will enable China gain an access to warm waters.

Hence the agreements will be in the interest of China too. Pakistan is the grip of serious power crisis. To avert this predicament China will construct two dams in Gilgit Baltistan and Kohala. 700 megawatt electricity will be produced from the dam in Bonji in Gilgit Baltistan and 1200 megawatts will be generated from a dam in Kohala. Another project worth more than 1 billion dollar amount will be started in Karachi .This project will generate 500 megawatt electricity. According to the Chairman of Three Gorges Corporation Jun Jing, his corporation would invest in hydel power generation projects. On July10 the Pak President called upon the Chinese companies to invest in Pakistan during his address to the Pak-China alternate energy forum. 

Both the presidents declared terrorism, extremism and separatist forces, a serious threat to their countries. They also discussed the mechanism to tackle such problems. They discussed about international and regional issues and exchanged views in this regard. Another dimension related to this visit is that day by day the people are now getting convinced that generating an arms race in the region essentially goes against our interest. Especially the developing countries cannot simply afford it as in this way the economic development suffers from inertia. Therefore the best way to survive with honour is to keep the minimum deterrence and pay importance to mend our own house and bring it in order. China is a country which is a preacher of peace doctrine. The way it attained great heights is the result of gradual and consistent hard work without any interference in the affairs of its neighbouring countries. The President Zardari has described it as the growth engine of the world. Pakistan always reciprocated and always acted in good faith. It had favoured the membership of China for UN. 

This visit will not only strengthen strategic partnership but also establish good, friendly relationship on firm basis. The visits also show that Pakistan and China share the same thought and stance over different regional and universal issues. Pakistan reaffirmed ties with China during this visit. The recent visit is an emblem of deeper cooperation. The firmness to expand the trade relations and nuclear cooperation will definitely help overcome the plight which currently Pakistan is facing. It is also expressed that the development projects initiated in this way will not only bring stability in Pakistan but its effects will be visible in the South Asia and the Middle East as well. Today we live in a global age and since the geographical importance of Pakistan is without any doubt, any change here is very likely to affect the situation of contiguous countries. It was an extraordinary show of unity and will be a potent tool in harnessing links between Pakistan and China. Fraternity achieved in this way would help us reap fruitful results in the long run and would be in mutual benefit. 

The President's visit speaks of the seriousness of the Chinese government to maintain and expand economic relation with Pakistan. It showed that the Chinese government takes interest in increasing partnership with Pakistan in various fields. The developmental agreements of such types will be an effective tool in bringing a positive change to better the lot of South Western Asian countries. They will also be useful in resolving the regional disputes. 

Necessary measures should be taken to ensure the implementation of these agreements so as some hostile country does not succeed in creating barriers. As India has an already serious concern over civil atomic technology and establishment of railway links.The Pak China traditional friendship is beyond any interest as both the countries rear a very cordial historical relation. The President of China was very right in describing the relationship as deeper than oceans and taller than Himalyas which has withstood all tests and tribulations. The President of Pakistan also described at the Shanghai Expo 2010 that Pak China relations were thousands of years old dating back to the time when Budhism became popular in the parts of the world that now constitute Pakistan. Therefore it is hoped that the recent working visit of the President Asif Ali Zardari will result in fetching productive results.

 

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PAKISTAN OBSERVER

ARTICLE

STAYING STUCK IN AFGHANISTAN

STEVE CHAPMAN

 

There is good news about Afghanistan. No, really. It comes from Jonathan Alter, Newsweek columnist and author of the book "The Promise: President Obama, Year One." He thinks the president is firmly resolved to end our involvement there. Based on his sources inside the administration, he says one thing is certain: "We ain't stayin' long." Anyone who thinks nine years of stalemate is enough would like to believe Alter, whose reporting skills are not in doubt. But it may be more prudent to believe Gen. David Petraeus. Reminded of Obama's commitment to begin withdrawing a year from now, the new commander in Afghanistan carved out four lanes of wiggle room. "There will be an assessment at the end of this year after which undoubtedly we'll make certain tweaks, refinements, perhaps some significant changes," he told senators.

So we may be leaving even sooner than planned? Um, no. "We'll need to provide assistance to Afghanistan for a long time to come," he said. That's a recurring theme. Obama himself recently ridiculed the "obsession around this whole issue of when do we leave." The plan for next summer, he said, is not to leave but only to "begin a process of transition." The Rockies may crumble and Gibraltar may tumble in the time it takes to complete a "process of transition." But Alter says his reporting gives him confidence "a significant withdrawal will begin within, at the most, 18 months to two years." Not staying long? That would put off Obama's original drawdown by as much as a year. If Obama is willing to push back his deadline by a year, why not two years? Or five?

Harvard international relations scholar Stephen Walt notes that Obama has had three chances to begin our extrication — "right after his election, then following his strategic review in the fall of 2009, and most recently with the (Gen. Stanley) McChrystal firing." But he passed them up. "In each case," Walt told me, "he's chosen either to deepen U.S. involvement or he's publicly committed to 'staying the course.'" It's possible that Obama will break that pattern next summer, just as it's possible that Adam Sandler will go for his doctorate. But there is no reason to bet on it. He came into office opposed to the Iraq war, unlike the Afghanistan war — and yet his schedule for withdrawal is no different from what President George W. Bush planned. Why should anyone expect him to show more nerve in Afghanistan?

The political incentives are pushing him to go along with extending our presence because no president wants to be blamed for losing a war (see: Iraq, Vietnam). It's politically safer to muddle along hoping for something that can be portrayed as success than to admit failure. To think Obama will take the risk of a major withdrawal as he's running for re-election assumes him to have more backbone on national security matters than he has yet demonstrated. Time after time, forced to choose between sticking to his commitments and appeasing Republicans, he has opted for the latter — keeping Guantanamo open, giving up the idea of trying Khalid Sheikh Mohammed in New York City, abandoning his campaign pledge to leave Iraq in 16 months.

The only thing that would spur Obama to start a pullout would be major progress in Afghanistan, which is about as likely as a Hard Rock Cafe in Kandahar. June was the most lethal month for U.S. and NATO troops in the entire war, and this may just be the beginning. A UN report says the number of roadside bombings by our enemies nearly doubled in the first three months of this year. So did the number of "complex suicide attacks." Meanwhile, our allies are failing us. Corruption has proliferated, and President Hamid Karzai has not captured the hearts of his countrymen since winning a rigged election last year. The Afghan army suffers from ethnic divisions, weak leadership and an epidemic of desertion. The national police are plagued by illiteracy as well as graft. These developments do not spell "victory."

Getting out of Afghanistan would be easy for Obama if things were to go well. But to get out when things are going badly would let Republicans blame him and his party ever after for what happens next. Democrats learned that lesson from Vietnam. In the end, Obama is likely to follow a well-known rule of American politics: Fighting a futile war is excusable. Ending one is not. — The Chicago Tribune

 

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THE INDEPENDENT

EDITORIAL

SPAIN WIN WC

 

The 19th FIFA Football World Cup game of 2010 is over with a one nil win of European champion Spain against the Netherlands. This is for the first time Spain won the world cup. Netherlands went up to final thrice but never won the trophy. Spanish Iniesta scored the lone goal only four minutes before the end of extra time. After the game was over victorious Iniesta said, "It is incredible, but the victory is the fruit of a lot of work." Football players all over the world have a lot to learn from the exuberant but heartening expression of Iniesta. 
During the final game in Johannesburg, the presence of great political figure of our time and the architect of South Africa, Nelson Mandela, added an extra grace to the event. South Africa hosted the game and thus became the first African country to host the global event. The management of the game and hospitality of the South Africans impressed all and they deserve thanks for that.

World cup football is a unique event for the world community. People of all nations irrespective of creed, caste, colour and age enjoy the game. It teaches people to be competitive, sporting and friendly. It creates an environment of peace and develops amity among nations.

This year's World Cup has been marked by certain remarkable features. All Asian teams were routed at the knock out stage. African teams have shown noticeable skill and stamina. Their game tactics have also improved. Their elevation, therefore, to the quarter final was most fittingly deserving. Brazil and Argentina are famous for their impeccable football skills. These two countries have elevated the game to a higher plateau of symphonic art by their aesthetic way of playing the game. Football connoisseurs and also lay spectators are carried off their feet by their breezy way of playing the game. That made Brazil world champion five times. But this year, the two countries performed rather poorly and were out of the game at the quarter final stage, much to be frustration of millions of their global fans. At the final level it turned our to be an all-European affair and the reigning European champion most deservingly won the world cup.

 

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THE INDEPENDENT

EDITORIAL

PORNO MENACE

 

The Internet has introduced us to many wonders but, unfortunately, it has also got us in touch with many evils. One such evil is the uploading of pornography by a set of unscrupulous IT traders. Now that the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) has directed the concerned authorities to take punitive action against those in the trade of selling pornographic material, we may feel relieved. The PMO has also directed setting up of mobile courts for conducting special drives across the country to arrest those involved in this putrid trade. The letter addressed to the Bangladesh Telecommunications Regulatory Commission (BTRC) advised the information secretary to amend existing laws where necessary. It has also directed the regulatory body to initiate steps to block pornographic sites on the Internet. A BTRC official said it has already taken steps to block porno sites on the Internet.

With the advancement of information technology we have been facing increasing rates of this type of crime. Though we are envisioning 'Digital Bangladesh' we should not be oblivious of the evils of such cyber crimes. Pornography is a degrading facet of that crime which is a thriving business in Bangladesh. So, strict laws must be enacted, if we are to nip it in the bud. Child pornography is a particularly odious aspect of this trade and though the Information and Communication Technology Act 2006 defines cyber crime and brings this particular form under our criminal code, not much action was taken up until now to curb it. Now that the PMO has stepped into the fold we may at last see some action. We are gratified to note that film makers have been told to leave out obscene footages from their films. However, the government must act quickly if it is to protect our young from this baneful cyber vice.

 

 

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THE INDEPENDENT

BOB'S BANTER

PAUL THE FISH.!

 

In India very few knew who played against who in the just concluded World Cup, all they knew was Octopus Paul won against Parrot Mani in predicting the winner and suddenly all soothsayers, astrologers and Tarot card readers who use parrots are dismayed. "How could a western octopus do a better job than our Indian parrot?" they ask looking mournfully at all the green birds kept in cages outside stations and other places, who dutifully predict the future to gullible people. 

 "We are throwing away our parrots!" shouted a fortuneteller as he opened the cage door and told his parrot to get out.

 "Polly wants a biscuit!" screamed the parrot.

 "Polly can find her own biscuit from now on!" said the fortuneteller angrily, "Shoo! Shoo! Go fly away, be off with you!"

 "Polly wants her cage!"

 "Take the cage!" shouted the soothsayer as he threw the cage after poor parrot Polly.

And suddenly on the beaches of the country, the soothsayers and fortunetellers gather in numbers and greet the fisher folk as they bring their catch in from the sea, "Have you caught an octopus?"

 "We don't catch octopuses!"

 "Then what do you have close to an octopus, we have to feed our families, so any sea animal which predicts the future will do!"

 "We have fish!"

 "But fish cannot predict the future?"

 "Well it's closest to the octopus!"

So having no choice, all over the country, soothsayers and astrologers suddenly go on a fish buying spree, and shout, "Your future, your predicted by Paul the Fish!"

And all the gullible people gather around the astrologers again, "How will the fish predict the future?"

 "It's not an ordinary fish, it's Paul the fish!"

 "But how will you put your tarot cards in the water?"

 "Tarot cards are for silly parrots," say the fortune tellers disdainfully, "We have done away with cards and made it simpler, ask a question, if Paul swims under water it means no, if he comes up for breath it means yes!"

And now it's back to business as usual outside railway stations and other places where soothsayers like to sit; they watch Polly dragging her cage along in the distance and tell one another, "Thank god for the octopus winning the World Cup, it's made our overheads cheaper, it's easier feeding fish than maintaining parrots!"

Like I said in India, the World Cup win had nothing to do with football..!

—bobsbanter@gmail.com

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THE INDEPENDENT

POST EDITORIAL

SHOULD PRIVATE VARSITIES BE TAXED?

 DR. M. AZIZUR RAHMAN

 

Higher educational institutions including universities have recently been given in the private sector of Bangladesh. Private university graduates are being well accepted in the job market as well as in the society because of the quality education and valuable skills they are receiving. The private universities are providing education to approximately 53 per cent students of the country while the public universities are able to accommodate about 47 per cent. It indicates that higher education sector in Bangladesh is fairly dominated by private universities. So, they deserve much appreciation, praise and encouragement for their commendable services to the nation.

  
Private universities, as mentioned before, have been established for the purpose of spreading education, not for making profits. In other words, private universities are not operated commercially as business organizations. There is no scope for doing profit-oriented business in a private university. Profit and loss accounts are never drawn-up in private universities since it is not allowed by the Act on private universities. 
The purpose of private universities is to disseminate higher education to the potential students in the country. In a similar spirit medical, dental, engineering colleges and institutes on information technology are being established in the private sector of Bangladesh. These institutions are not paying any corporate taxes. 
Why should the private universities, which are concerned with the education of a large number of population in Bangladesh, be taxed like a company? Imposing taxes on private universities is very discouraging for the expansion of higher education in the country. Taxing on private universities is unexpected and not appropriate in the socio-economic-educational perspective of Bangladesh. Certainly this kind of government action will have negative impact on universities and parents of the students. Please note that private universities do not have any owners like the owners of shopping centres. Private universities are fairly operated under the direction of their board members. Board members are educationists, politicians and affluent business individuals who can afford to donate in the service sector to help the government. These universities help the government as supplementary organisations since they are required to do it according to the private university act. Many well-to-do families in Bangladesh do enjoy donating and supervising the universities themselves. Also please 
note that they are promoting the private universities in a progressive fashion by investing the surplus funds, if any, in addition to their own funds. 

Questions arise how these surplus fund of an educational institution is being taxed by the government while it is not considered profit. The government of Bangladesh needs to maximise its tax revenue by imposing taxes on several other sectors than the education sector or private universities. 

It is worthwhile to mention that only 0.5 per cent of population gives taxes to the government. It means that the general tax culture is not yet developed in Bangladesh. Precisely speaking, the government can maximise its tax revenue by increasing the tax area very easily, not by imposing any tax on educational institutions. Private University Act of 1992 and amendment to this Act in 1998 do not have any provision for the assessment of income or corporate tax on private universities. Therefore, imposing any tax on private university is simply illegal. Taxing private universities will indirectly mean taxing its students and their parents because tax will increase the cost of education. The private universities will indirectly impose these costs on the students by increasing their tuition fees. This tax will erode the development and research activities of the higher education institutions including private universities. The outside world does not do it. We should not do it either. Private universities should be exempted from both income tax and VAT as these institutions are running solely for educational purposes and not for making any profit. As mentioned before, medical, dental and engineering colleges and other institutions imparting education on information technology (IT) were not under any taxes. 
Private universities collect fees to meet the cost of education and do not sell degrees, diplomas or certificates. Students pay the fees. If they fail in the exam, they do not get any certificates. Therefore, private universities are not business organizations. Taxes are not imposed in SAARC countries or anywhere else in the world.

 

Bangladesh is not an exceptional human society where we can impose any tax on private universities. 

The operational surplus fund of the non-government universities, if any, are utilised for the development, research and expansion of the universities including the procurement of land, construction of buildings, expansion and modernisation of laboratories, upgradation of libraries or research facilities, student amenities, payment of salaries to the faculty and the related expenses. The surplus, spent in the form of capital or revenue expenses, can in no way be defined as profit. No part of it is paid or transferred or distributed directly or indirectly to the founders or members of the founding organization by way of dividend, bonus or otherwise. 
As mentioned before, exempted from taxation, the non-government colleges and universities provide medical, dental, engineering and information technology education (ITE). It is, therefore, logical and very natural to extend the tax exemption to all non-government universities. Taxing non-government universities goes against the public interest as they are contributing to public welfare. 

Private universities should, therefore, be exempted from all kinds of tax, just like the medical, dental and engineering colleges and polytechnic institutes are exempted. The government should withdraw the tax imposed upon fixed deposit receipt (FDR) of private universities. If it does not withdraw this tax, private universities will not be able to build their fund for future development.

 

(The author is Chief Adviser of Institute of Policy Research, Uttara Univsersity)

 

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THE INDEPENDENT

POST EDITORIAL

NO TIME FOR A TRADE WAR

 JOSEPH E. STIGLITZ

 

The battle with the United States over China's exchange rate continues. When the Great Recession began, many worried that protectionism would rear its ugly head. True, G-20 leaders promised that they had learned the lessons of the Great Depression. But 17 of the G-20's members introduced protectionist measures just months after the first summit in November 2008. The 'Buy America' provision in the United States' stimulus bill got the most attention. Still, protectionism was contained, partly due to the World Trade Organization.

Continuing economic weakness in the advanced economies risks a new round of protectionism. In America, for example, more than one in six workers who would like a full-time job can't find one. 

These were among the risks associated with America's insufficient stimulus, which was designed to placate members of Congress as much as it was to revive the economy. With soaring deficits, a second stimulus appears unlikely, and, with monetary policy at its limits and inflation hawks being barely kept at bay, there is little hope of help from that department, either. So protectionism is taking pride of place.

The US Treasury has been charged by Congress to assess whether China is a 'currency manipulator'. Although President Obama has now delayed for some months when Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner must issue his report, the very concept of 'currency manipulation' itself is flawed: all governments take actions that directly or indirectly affect the exchange rate. Reckless budget deficits can lead to a weak currency; so can low interest rates. Until the recent crisis in Greece, the US benefited from a weak dollar/euro exchange rate. Should Europeans have accused the US of 'manipulating' the exchange rate to expand exports at its expense?
Although US politicians focus on the bilateral trade deficit with China - which is persistently large - what matters is the multilateral balance. When demands for China to adjust its exchange rate began during George W. Bush's administration, its multilateral trade surplus was small. More recently, however, China has been running a large multilateral surplus as well.

Saudi Arabia also has a bilateral and multilateral surplus: Americans want its oil, and Saudis want fewer US products. Even in absolute value, Saudi Arabia's multilateral merchandise surplus of $212 billion in 2008 dwarfs China's $175 billion surplus; as a percentage of GDP, Saudi Arabia's current-account surplus, at 11.5 per cent of GDP, is more than twice that of China. Saudi Arabia's surplus would be far higher were it not for US armaments exports.

In a global economy with deficient aggregate demand, current-account surpluses are a problem. But China's current-account surplus is actually less than the combined figure for Japan and Germany; as a percentage of GDP, it is 5 per cent, compared to Germany's 5.2 per cent.

Many factors other than exchange rates affect a country's trade balance. A key determinant is national savings. America's multilateral trade deficit will not be significantly narrowed until America saves significantly more; while the Great Recession induced higher household savings (which were near zero), this has been more than offset by the increased government deficits.

Adjustment in the exchange rate is likely simply to shift to where America buys its textiles and apparel - from Bangladesh or Sri Lanka, rather than China. Meanwhile, an increase in the exchange rate is likely to contribute to inequality in China, as its poor farmers face increasing competition from America's highly subsidized farms. 
This is the real trade distortion in the global economy - one in which millions of poor people in developing countries are hurt as America helps some of the world's richest farmers.

During the 1997-1998 Asian financial crisis, the renminbi's stability played an important role in stabilizing the region. So, too, the renminbi's stability has helped the region maintain strong growth, from which the world as a whole benefits.

Some argue that China needs to adjust its exchange rate to prevent inflation or bubbles. Inflation remains contained, but, more to the point, China's government has an arsenal of other weapons (from taxes on capital inflows and capital-gains taxes to a variety of monetary instruments) at its disposal.

But exchange rates do affect the pattern of growth, and it is in China's own interest to restructure and move away from high dependence on export-led growth. China recognizes that its currency needs to appreciate over the long run, and politicizing the speed at which it does so has been counterproductive. (Since it began revaluing its exchange rate in July 2005, the adjustment has been half or more of what most experts think is required.) Moreover, starting a bilateral confrontation is unwise.

Since China's multilateral surplus is the economic issue and many countries are concerned about it, the US should seek a multilateral, rules-based solution. Imposing unilateral duties after unilaterally labeling China a 'currency manipulator' would undermine the multilateral system, with little payoff. China might respond by imposing duties on those American products effectively directly or indirectly subsidized by America's massive bailouts of its banks and car companies.

No one wins from a trade war. So America should be wary of igniting one in the midst of an uncertain global recovery - as popular as it might be with politicians whose constituents are justly concerned about high unemployment, and as easy as it is to look for blame elsewhere. Unfortunately, this global crisis was made in America, and America must look inward, not only to revive its economy, but also to prevent a recurrence.

 

(The writer is a professor of economics at Columbia University and winner of the 2001 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics. His most recent book, Freefall: Free Markets and the Sinking of the World Economy, is now available in French, German, and Japanese, and will be shortly available in Spanish, Italian, and Chinese.)

—Project Syndicate 2010

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THE AUSTRALIAN

EDITORIAL

TIME TO CHALLENGE THE VIRTUOUS AURA AROUND AID

AS OUR SPENDING INCREASES, PROPER AUDITING IS ESSENTIAL

 

WORLD Vision chief executive Tim Costello is right to suggest that the 2004 Boxing Day tsunami was a chaotic happening that made the emergency aid response difficult. Few natural disasters of recent times match the complexity of an event that killed 230,000 people in 14 countries. But that should not deter Australians asking hard questions about how our aid money - whether from direct donations or via the federal budget - is spent. In this context, a report from researchers at RMIT and Monash universities, Colombo University in Sri Lanka and Madras University in India, and reported in The Australian yesterday, raises some legitimate issues. The report argues that much of the $8 billion collected around the world for the tsunami relief effort was wasted because of hasty reconstruction, for example, that did not consider the big picture of community development.

 

The report provides a window into an industry about which Australians should be better informed. By 2015, the government, which is committed to raising our aid to 0.5 per cent of gross national income, will be budgeting for about $8bn to be channelled through AusAID each year. Yet public discussion is often curtailed by the virtuous aura that tends to surround aid. It is only when a scandal erupts that much public attention is paid to the issues, increasing the risk of a negative reaction rather than a careful analysis of the problems. Indeed, an encouraging aspect of this 385-page report is that it was commissioned by AusAID as part of the agency's recent efforts to increase research and monitoring.

 

While a huge aid effort was essential in the tsunami, the research findings underline the extent to which positive publicity about emergency relief can be so important to non-government agencies in terms of raising their profile and helping their regular - as well as their crisis - fundraising campaigns. It is not surprising that this can lead to competition as organisations attempt to demonstrate their efficiency and rapid response to tragic events. Clearly, this is often essential, given the urgency about providing basic shelter and food, but as the report suggests, the broader development framework can be overlooked.

 

Equally, while many people assume that money donated outside a crisis situation is used on direct aid, the reality is that aid dollars are also used for advocacy on issues such as climate change, for example, which some might deem political. In a case that could have an impact on many charitable organisations, the High Court is considering an appeal by the small aid monitoring group AidWatch, which was stripped of its favourable tax status in 2006 because of its political activism.

 

AusAID will soon be one of the government's biggest agencies, facing a huge challenge as it dispenses a growing budget. In February, The Australian's Asia-Pacific editor Rowan Callick revealed AusAID was paying some aid workers in Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu up to $500,000 a year (albeit with that money paying for accommodation, security and airfares). His story highlighted the challenges not just of finding people with expertise in development aid, but in ensuring Australians, who have been generous on aid issues, continue to trust their aid dollars are being put to good use.

 

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THE AUSTRALIAN

EDITORIAL

TIME TO CHALLENGE THE VIRTUOUS AURA AROUND AID

AS OUR SPENDING INCREASES, PROPER AUDITING IS ESSENTIAL

 

WORLD Vision chief executive Tim Costello is right to suggest that the 2004 Boxing Day tsunami was a chaotic happening that made the emergency aid response difficult. Few natural disasters of recent times match the complexity of an event that killed 230,000 people in 14 countries. But that should not deter Australians asking hard questions about how our aid money - whether from direct donations or via the federal budget - is spent. In this context, a report from researchers at RMIT and Monash universities, Colombo University in Sri Lanka and Madras University in India, and reported in The Australian yesterday, raises some legitimate issues. The report argues that much of the $8 billion collected around the world for the tsunami relief effort was wasted because of hasty reconstruction, for example, that did not consider the big picture of community development.

 

The report provides a window into an industry about which Australians should be better informed. By 2015, the government, which is committed to raising our aid to 0.5 per cent of gross national income, will be budgeting for about $8bn to be channelled through AusAID each year. Yet public discussion is often curtailed by the virtuous aura that tends to surround aid. It is only when a scandal erupts that much public attention is paid to the issues, increasing the risk of a negative reaction rather than a careful analysis of the problems. Indeed, an encouraging aspect of this 385-page report is that it was commissioned by AusAID as part of the agency's recent efforts to increase research and monitoring.

 

While a huge aid effort was essential in the tsunami, the research findings underline the extent to which positive publicity about emergency relief can be so important to non-government agencies in terms of raising their profile and helping their regular - as well as their crisis - fundraising campaigns. It is not surprising that this can lead to competition as organisations attempt to demonstrate their efficiency and rapid response to tragic events. Clearly, this is often essential, given the urgency about providing basic shelter and food, but as the report suggests, the broader development framework can be overlooked.

 

Equally, while many people assume that money donated outside a crisis situation is used on direct aid, the

reality is that aid dollars are also used for advocacy on issues such as climate change, for example, which some might deem political. In a case that could have an impact on many charitable organisations, the High Court is considering an appeal by the small aid monitoring group AidWatch, which was stripped of its favourable tax status in 2006 because of its political activism.

AusAID will soon be one of the government's biggest agencies, facing a huge challenge as it dispenses a growing budget. In February, The Australian's Asia-Pacific editor Rowan Callick revealed AusAID was paying some aid workers in Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu up to $500,000 a year (albeit with that money paying for accommodation, security and airfares). His story highlighted the challenges not just of finding people with expertise in development aid, but in ensuring Australians, who have been generous on aid issues, continue to trust their aid dollars are being put to good use.

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THE AUSTRALIAN

EDITORIAL

SORTING OUT THE REAL GOALS

IT'S TIME FOR THE WORLD CUP TO JOIN THE MODERN AGE

 

AFTER kicking so many own goals on the economy, Spain was long overdue for a victory at the World Cup. Its 1-0 win over The Netherlands was a close-run thing but deserved, given the Spaniards' commitment throughout the tournament to playing exciting football. To say that a nation with almost 40 per cent youth unemployment, a shrinking economy and a divided society that pulled one million people into central Barcelona on Sunday to argue for more Catalonian autonomy will be boosted by the outcome in Johannesburg yesterday is an understatement. Sport, even the beautiful game, will not solve a nation's problems but it certainly bolsters the national psyche.

 

Spain was not the only winner. South Africa had a good World Cup, with general agreement that the organisation of the month-long competition was efficient. The fears that safety and security issues would undercut the positive global publicity did not eventuate. While the final was more ugly than beautiful, with 14 yellow cards and one red card handed out by English referee Howard Webb, there were some magical and extraordinary games along the way. Once again, football will not solve South Africa's problems but hosting the Cup has brought world attention and tourism to a nation still struggling to manage the transition to a post-apartheid society.

 

The loss was devastating for The Netherlands, who have now lost three World Cup finals. But their counter-attacking approach to the game was ultimately no match for the pre-tournament favourites, recognised as one of the best teams in the world in recent years. Sportsmanship, too, seemed to be thin on the ground at Soccer City, with the Dutch attracting 10 of the cards and probably lucky to avoid a couple of red cards early in the match, thanks to a referee who seemed to bend over backwards not to send off players on such a big night.

 

Which brings us to what should be the next goal for world football - improving the credibility of refereeing, particularly in the early group games, where expertise and experience seemed to be stretched to the limit. There is an overwhelming case for governing body FIFA to join the 21st century and embrace video technology, not just to decide contentious goals, such as England's crucial, disallowed goal against Germany, but also to help stamp out the dives and professional fouls now so disappointingly on display.

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THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

EDITORIAL

CLEAR THE MIASMA ON CITY PLANNING

 

When planning procedures are reviewed in NSW, the end result is usually a migration of power over developments away from local councils to the state government, or its ad hoc authorities. Or into non-government hands, as with the private certification switch. So no wonder the City of Sydney council and its lord mayor, Clover Moore, are getting edgy about the current review of the Central City Planning Committee.

 

This powerful body has assessed large development proposals, those worth more than $50 million, in the heart of Sydney for the past 22 years. It looks far from a no-progress, not-in-my-backyard outfit. The lord mayor and two city councillors are outweighed by four state government nominees, two officials and two outsiders with city planning expertise. Currently the two officials are a deputy-director of planning and the state architect; the two non-officials are the former planning minister Craig Knowles, and the leading property industry figure Brendan Crotty.

 

The only reason the state government has come up with for the review is that the committee has been operating for 22 years and things around it might have changed. The lord mayor hears otherwise. Powerful interests seem to be lobbying for denser development around Green Square and at the Harold Park Paceway in Glebe. The drum, according to the mayor, is that the review is a sham, just a prelude to the Planning Minister, Tony Kelly, abolishing the committee and taking to himself powers over $100 million-plus projects.

 

Nothing of the sort, says the Premier, Kristina Keneally, who points out that as the local member of Parliament she's opposed applications for higher apartment towers at Green Square, and while planning minister herself, she refused to take Harold Park out of council control and make it a development of state significance.

 

Well and good. But the unease goes beyond the Town Hall. The Australian Institute of Architects is puzzled at the review: its local members working on big projects hadn't felt any problems with the working of the committee. By contrast, the Urban Taskforce, a developer lobby, isn't puzzled: it says the committee had been ''heavily pressured'' by NIMBY Luddites, presumably with results it does not like. Is this where the idea of the review started? It's all very strange, because this committee was the model for the kind of joint regional planning panel that the Urban Taskforce wants to replace it with. The review makes its finding in a week or so. To clear the air, all the submissions should be released too.

 

And the winner is … South Africa

 

So the world's premier single-sport event is over for another four years. The yellow and red of the Spanish flag flies jubilantly over wherever else football-obsessed Spaniards gather to celebrate their country's membership of that most elite club of sporting nations - the handful that have carried soccer's World Cup aloft.

 

Worthy winners, the European champions showed again that fortune favours attacking football in all its codes. That the heartbroken vanquished, the Dutch, held the game scoreless until the 116th minute - even though outplayed from the start - is testament, however, to soccer's exquisite unpredictability.

 

Predicting the influence of this World Cup on its South African host proves equally testing. As the world packs its bags and heads off to build again for Brazil in 2014, South Africa is left to do the sums. Apart from a month of first-rate sport, what does a nation hope to get for the outlay of more than $5 billion?

 

Sure, South Africa is now home to an impressive array of stadiums. Even the poor, who couldn't afford a seat at a World Cup fixture, might get the chance to hone their skills on pitches befitting the world's best. South African roads and public transport, its airports and security organisation, have benefited.

 

Then there are the intangibles. Against the doubts in the developed world that any African nation - even South Africa - was capable of pulling together the necessary threads, the Rainbow Nation is entitled to thumb its nose at the condescension. Organisationally, the World Cup was a success. This transformation from "can't do" nation may encourage foreign investors and governments to think less sceptically, at least towards the Cape end of the so-called Dark Continent.

 

There is another level, however, where the impact might be more telling. It has to do with how South Africans regard themselves. Since 1994 and the end of apartheid, South Africa bumped along in cycles of hope and dejection. Unemployment is at 25 per cent, AIDS is rampant, the townships are violent, social equity seems out of reach and the government acknowledges economic recovery will be slow and unsteady. South Africans have come to question whether collectively they can meet the challenges.

 

Successfully hosting the World Cup can only partly ease those doubts, but ease them it should. Over four weeks, the nation that many critics said would not measure up surprised even itself. South Africa must build on that to keep the joyous surprises coming.

 

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THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

EDITORIAL

HONEYMOON OVER, BACK TO POLITICS AS USUAL

THE GOVERNMENT RETAINS A POLL-WINNING LEAD.

 

SINCE Julia Gillard replaced Kevin Rudd as Prime Minister a little less than three weeks ago, Labor insiders have put a lot of effort into arguing that Mr Rudd's downfall was not just a panicked response to the party's declining support in opinion polls. Whatever the truth in this claim, those charged with planning the ALP's strategy in the forthcoming election campaign will surely be relieved by the voting preferences expressed in theAge/Nielsen poll this newspaper reported yesterday. Labor's primary vote is 39 per cent, unsurprisingly down from the 47 per cent to which it had soared in the immediate aftermath of Ms Gillard's accession but still high enough to produce an election-winning two-party preferred vote of 52 per cent, to the Coalition's 48 per cent.

 

On these figures, if an election were held now there would be a slight swing against the government, of 0.7 per cent, which would place the Rudd-Gillard government in a recognisable historical pattern. Since World War II, all first-term governments have been returned, with a swing against them. The size of the swing has varied, but, as Opposition Leader Tony Abbott has publicly conceded, defeating a first-term government is a historically difficult task. The last government to be denied a second term was the Scullin Labor government, which had the misfortune to be elected in 1929, at the outset of the Great Depression.

 

The present Labor government has, however, broken the mould of history in another way. If an election is held in August, as seems likely, it will have been in office for two years and nine months, making it the longest serving first-term government since World War II. The third anniversary of the government's election does not occur till November, it is true, and the House of Representatives' term does not expire till February; but if the Prime Minister decides to ask voters for their verdict after a term of two years and nine months she can hardly be accused of rushing matters. Admonitory talk of an August poll as ''early'' is as idle as it is uninformed.

 

The clearest message in the Age/Nielsen poll is that voter attitudes are stabilising, after the precipitate plunge in Labor's support in early June, when the party would have been defeated with a two-party preferred vote of 47 per cent, followed by an abnormally high spike after Ms Gillard became Prime Minister. It is a process that was already under way in what turned out to be Mr Rudd's final week in office, when other polls showed that Labor's share of the two-party preferred vote had even then returned to 52 per cent. Throughout this time, what has barely changed is the Coalition's primary vote, which since early June has dropped 1 percentage point to 42 per cent, the same level it had at the time of the 2007 election. The Greens continue to be the main beneficiaries of falls in Labor's primary vote. In early June, 15 per cent of poll respondents would have cast a primary vote for the Greens, a high that subsided to 8 per cent after Ms Gillard became Prime Minister but has risen again in the latest poll, to 13 per cent. This possibly reflects disenchantment among some, though evidently not most, Labor voters with her tough talk on asylum seekers.

 

Does all this mean that Labor's jettisoning of Mr Rudd was ill-considered? Other questions asked in the poll suggest that those in the party who worried about the Rudd government's apparent inability to communicate with voters had grounds for their fear. A majority of poll respondents - 53 per cent - believe the Coalition would manage the economy better than Labor. That is an astonishing judgment upon a government that brought this country through the global financial crisis without going into recession, to the envy of other industrial democracies. Whatever difficulties Ms Gillard faces in justifying new policies on taxes, asylum seekers or the environment, she clearly must also surmount the obstacle at which Mr Rudd stumbled - explaining what the government has done well.

 

WORLD CUP FULL OF TRIUMPHANT FIRSTS

THE blare of vuvuzelas has ended, the bleary-eyed mornings are over for World Cup watchers. No doubt Spain's supporters will take a little longer to recover after celebrating their team's title, the first for this proud football nation. For the Netherlands, it was third time unlucky in a World Cup final. Still, the finalists justified their status as tournament favourites, as did third-placed Germany. Uruguay was a surprise semi-finalist thanks to a Luis Suarez handball that stopped a match-winning goal - to the dismay of fans who had willed on Ghana as Africa's last hope. During the third-place play-off the normally incessant vuvuzelas gave way to booing whenever Suarez touched the ball.

 

Vuvuzelas aside, the choice of South Africa as host, the continent's first, has been vindicated. Concerns about security, crime and infrastructure were banished by the enthusiasm and commitment of the organisers and, indeed, a country in love with the sport. Despite questionable aspects of the process by which FIFA selects the host nation, as well as the contrast between the poverty of many South Africans and the extravagance of the tournament, country and continent did themselves proud.

 

The emotion that greeted the appearance of Nelson Mandela at the final was a measure of how far his country has come since his release from prison 20 years ago. The first multiracial elections in 1994 and the rugby World Cup in 1995 were key moments in the process of national reconciliation, but neither united South Africans in quite the way we have seen over the past month. Support for the home team, the Bafana Bafana, was truly colour-blind. One must hope this spirit carries through to dealing with the many challenges that will confront South Africa long after the last World Cup visitor departs.

 

The common octopus is thought to be colour-blind, but that did not stop one tentacled tipster from selecting a

flag-draped box of mussels to predict correctly all of Germany's results, plus the final. Paul the octopus attracted

more interest than some of the 32 finalists (the feat of New Zealand, for instance, in leaving South Africa as the only undefeated team). His 100 per cent success rate put to shame a competing menagerie of tipsters.

 

For Australia, in hindsight, finishing third in a group with Germany and Ghana was a disappointment but no disgrace, as both reached the last eight. The Socceroos must now prepare for life after their ''golden generation'' and a new coach, while Australia seeks in December to emulate South Africa by winning its bid to host the 2022 World Cup.

 

Source: The Age

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THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD

EDITORIAL

LOST IN CYBERSPACE: THE GOVERNMENT'S INTERNET FILTER PLAN

ONLINE SAFETY IS BEST ACHIEVED BY EDUCATION AND PUBLIC AWARENESS.

 

SOMETIMES, contradictory political decisions can be made with the swiftness of a Twitter message. On Wednesday, Prime Minister Julia Gillard told ABC radio in Darwin that the government was pushing ahead with its proposal to introduce mandatory internet filtering, describing it as an effort to control the ''dark side'' of communications technology. On Friday, Communications Minister Stephen Conroy announced that the controversial program would be deferred for at least a year while an independent review determined what content would be banned. Meanwhile, the main internet service providers have agreed to block websites known to contain child pornography.

 

Senator Conroy appeared curiously coy about conveying this important information; in fact, his news release on Friday does not mention the postponement of the program until three-quarters of the way in - it receives a cursory, one-paragraph reference. He preferred to devote the bulk of it to announcing the review of the Refused Classification (RC) guidelines. This may be a good thing, in the interests of transparency and accountability, but it is hardly the main point.

 

So why another change of direction for the Gillard government in a week that had already seen the hullabaloo over East Timor and asylum-seeker processing? Although the internet-filtering issue has been postponed, not abandoned, it is nevertheless a further indication of abrupt policy change that does the government little credit.

 

Senator Conroy's announcement might have been all to do with political timing - getting one difficult issue out of the way while public attention is diverted to a bigger one; the more likely reason, however, is that it might have dawned on the government that mandatory filtering of internet content is unwieldy and unworkable and, to its legion of opponents, unpopular. Under the legislation, intended to be introduced earlier this year and now twice postponed, service providers would be forced to block access by their customers to prohibited websites, deemed RC by the Australian Communications and Media Authority - the RC list would not be made publicly available, and there would be no opportunity for judicial oversight.

 

The proposed filter method has already shown up significant technical drawbacks. For example, as a government-commissioned trial discovered last October, experienced internet users could easily evade the filter; also, much of the illicit content is not on publicly accessible parts of the internet, but on smaller, peer-to-peer sharing networks that allow content transfer between individuals. Claims the filter will slow internet speeds have been denied by the minister. There have been, more worryingly, wider social concerns about the plan. If implemented, it would give Australia the dubious distinction of being the only democracy to introduce mandatory internet filtering. Fears the proposal would give the government extensive powers of censorship are, in the event, justifiable. Other countries, including Britain and Canada, have successfully blocked access to child sexual abuse websites through voluntary rather than compulsory measures. The United States ambassador to Australia, Jeffrey Bleich, recently said his government believed the internet should be free, and he had concerns with any attempt to limit that freedom.

 

On Thursday, the Safer Internet Group (a recently formed coalition of state schools, librarians and key internet bodies and service providers, including Google and Yahoo) put its case to the joint select committee on cyber safety, in Melbourne. Its submission articulates not only the problems inherent in mandatory filtering but offers credible solutions that deserve further consideration. The group argues that filtering content would be a simplistic method of shielding children from harmful content on the internet, and that it would give parents a false sense of security. The group's five-point plan includes: more effective education; comprehensive policing of illegal internet content; improved user facilities; establishing dialogues about internet safety; and research of risks and opportunities for young people.

 

The vital phrase in the SIG's submission - the one that embodies the fatal flaw in Senator Conroy's proposal - is this: ''The government's response cannot lock families and industry out of the solution.'' Indeed, it is imperative they be included in order for the internet to be safer. Without the involvement of the very people who provide and use the internet, the risks of alienation are higher. It is hoped the plans for mandatory filtering have been shot to the furthest corner of cyberspace.

 

Source: The Age

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THE GUARDIAN

EDITORIAL

HEALTH SERVICE: THE CHANGE REMAINS THE SAME

THE BIGGEST RISK OF ALL IS THAT THE NHS WILL NOT SURVIVE THE SHOCK

 

Nigel Lawson grumbled that the National Health Service was the closest thing the English have to a religion. Its hold over the political class has strengthened since his 1980s heyday, with all three parties now proclaiming their devotion, not least the Cameronite Conservatives, who offer their piety as proof that they have changed. But what was once a unified church has splintered into a faith of many sects. A generation of ceaseless, breathless and often pointless revolution has produced dissent about what is truly sacred. Some venerate the doctors and others the state-owned hospitals. Others again say the only commandment that counts is that care is free at the point of use, and that the market can, perfectly happily, take care of the rest.

 

The new health secretary, Andrew Lansley, yesterday set out his own particular doctrine, in the form of a white paper. It was clearer about the sort of health service he is against than the sort of health service he is for. Out goes what remains of Aneurin Bevan's nationalised vision, and out too is New Labour's one-time belief in a regime of targets and terror. Forget the emerging academic evidence that targetry worked wonders on waiting times – for both good and bad reasons, doctors resented them. Always more trusted by voters than ministers, the medics who had already persuaded the last government to cut the number and iron out the undoubted perversities in many targets, have now won a more thorough victory.

 

There were other points, too, on which Mr Lansley's opposition strategy of hugging the British Medical Association close appeared to have been carried into government. Separating service purchasers from service providers is the orthodoxy in public sector reform, but this is being turned on its head by the plan to hand family doctors control of the NHS purse strings. Even if many GPs do not seek this control, it is striking that the very part of the profession that Labour threw most money at is about to become more powerful again. The Conservatives have also effectively crushed Liberal Democrat proposals to strengthen the voters' voice in the service, through elections to primary care trusts. Instead, PCTs will be abolished, and the junior coalition partner has settled for a new co-ordinating role for town halls in health, a mere face-saving gesture towards democratisation.

 

The Lansley doctrine, however, is about more than doctor worship. The supremacy of the medics will be challenged, and perhaps outdone, by that of market forces. Buried in yesterday's small print was a proposal to turn Monitor, the body that currently superintends the foundation trusts, into a full-blown economic regulator to oversee a healthcare market in the same way that Ofcom and Ofgem oversee the markets in communications and energy. Crucially, it will be required to go out of its way to attract corporate challengers to the NHS. Once the shift to a market system is made, European law may make it irreversible. Family doctors may, perhaps, be gaining enough power to shelter themselves from the full gales of competition, but the hospital sector will feel its force as never before. Mr Lansley's decision to remove the cap on foundation hospitals' private work will only aggravate fears about where all this is leading.

 

The biggest risk of all, however, is that the service will not survive the shock. With the baby boomers moving into their 60s, the near-freezing of health expenditure – which is all the health service's much-vaunted protection affords it – will feel like a deep cut. That makes this a dangerous time to go through yet another great upheaval, which – for all their ambiguities – is the one thing that the Lansley plans will certainly produce. In opposition, the Tories rightly damned Labour for reorganising the service too often. Now that they are in office, its weary staff must worry that the only thing that never changes in the political theology of the NHS is the demand for change itself.

 

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THE GUARDIAN

EDITORIAL

IN PRAISE OF … LEONARD BERNSTEIN'S MASS

 

Heroic or flawed - perhaps both - Bernstein's forgotten masterpiece tackles issues from which lesser artists shy away

 

Ever since its 1971 premiere to open Washington DC's Kennedy Centre, Leonard Bernstein's Mass has polarised audiences, divided critics and has thus acquired status as one of the possibly great, possibly not, forgotten masterpieces of the 20th century. Written for the stage, Bernstein's work interweaves the Latin text of the mass with lyrics depicting the growth and collapse of trust between a spiritual leader and his followers, ending in a reconciliatory aftermath. Premiered at the height of the Vietnam war and dedicated to the murdered Democratic president, the mass managed to offend Richard Nixon, traditionalist Catholics and music writers, who judged Bernstein's synthesis of classical, Broadway, rock and avant-garde music an inflated failure. Some see the mass as Bernstein's greatest attempt to bring popular music and the concert hall together. Others, like the New York Times in 1971, dismiss it as vulgar. Since an initial flurry of performances, the mass has languished. Last weekend, however, Bernstein's pupil Marin Alsop directed nearly 500 mainly young, mainly local musicians, singers and dancers in two spectacular performances in London. Opinion will always be divided, though it is hard to imagine a less inhibited and more life-enhancing rendering. The mass is a period piece now. Yet it tackles political, cultural and musical issues that matter and from which lesser artists than Bernstein shy away. Heroic or flawed – perhaps both – the mass sets the bar high and deserves to live on.

 

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THE GUARDIAN

EDITORIAL

AFTER THE WORLD CUP: SPAIN UNITED

VICTORY ON THE FOOTBALL PITCH MIGHT ENCOURAGE UNITY BUT THE ECONOMIC CRISIS IS MORE LIKELY TO HOLD THE COUNTRY TOGETHER

 

The Dutch team sang along lustily to Het Wilhelmus before the World Cup final; the Spanish appeared to mumble when their national anthem was played. This was not – as it seemed – a nationalist protest by a largely Catalan team, but the product of wider confusion about Spanish identity. The Marcha Real has a cheerful tune but no longer any words, since the Francoist verses were dropped as anti-democratic in 1978 and no government has dared to provide a replacement. At times the anthem has seemed to replicate Spain: a veneer of unity, disguising an absence of any agreed content.

 

Perhaps the World Cup win will change that and bring back a degree of Spanish unity. For a time on Sunday night it certainly seemed as though it might. There were Spanish flags and joyous crowds in Barcelona as well as Madrid; the few sourfaces who said they were cheering on the Dutch mostly changed their minds. "There are players from all over Spain here in the squad," said Vicente del Bosque, the national coach, before the match. "We are united and I hope the same feeling of unity occurs back in Spain. I hope that we'll look at things in a less radical way and, through football, create better relations among the regions in our country."

 

It will surely take more than a game, though, to settle Spain's internal contradictions. In one sense these are no greater than in many other post-imperial democratic European states – Belgium, for instance, or the United Kingdom, which, let us not forget, doesn't even manage to field a united national team, let alone a winning one. But Spain's challenges are greater: its borders contain people of several different national identities, who speak different languages and operate a variety of autonomous constitutions. The country also has a recent memory of dictatorship, and a nationalist past.

 

All this has encouraged fragmentation. No region has a clear majority in favour of independence. But many people in the Basque country and Catalonia would like it. At the weekend, before the final, hundreds of thousands of Catalans marched through Barcelona in protest at a recent Madrid court ruling that declared: "Our constitution recognises no country but Spain." This contradicts Catalan efforts to declare greater autonomy, backed by all the area's major political parties.

 

In France, local nationalism tends to be of the right; it is the left that respects the revolutionary glory of the republic. In Spain, Franco's legacy has produced the opposite effect. But the government in Madrid is now socialist, and struggling to cut spending in recession. Regional autonomy is costly; people want jobs. The economic crisis, more than the football, may hold Spain together in the next decade.

 

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THE GAZETTE

WORLD CUP: A TRIUMPH FOR SOUTH AFRICA

 

It might be something of a stretch to suggest, as United Nations secretary-general Ban Ki-moon did, that South Africa hosting the World Cup soccer tournament was "a triumph for humanity." More certainly it was a triumph for South Africa, as it is being widely hailed in the aftermath of Sunday's finale, for having successfully staged the global sporting spectacle despite its troubled past and its lingering troubles. People who have ways to measure this kind of thing say hosting a World Cup significantly boosts a country's happiness index and fosters a sense of community that strengthens the national fabric. As such, a happier, more functional South Africa is undoubtedly a boon for humanity.

 

The tournament was a splendid showcase for a South Africa that continues to suffer a bad international reputation 16 years after the fall of the country's odious apartheid regime. The smoothness of the organization, the quality of the facilities and the convivial atmosphere belied South Africa's latter-day repute as crime ridden, chaotic and wracked by racial hostilities. The tournament attracted the second-largest attendance in World Cup history and rang up the biggest ever profit. Close to half a million foreign fans travelled to the country, a testament to South African hospitality. There was no violence and what crime was reported during the month-long tournament was of the petty variety, far short of some expectations.

 

The fond hope is that South Africa will manage to build on its World Cup triumph. "What we've learned from the six years of preparation for the World Cup is that if we can focus our minds we can put an end to poverty and unemployment in this country." That's a big if there. Striving to end poverty in a poverty-ridden country where unemployment runs to nearly a third of the population is a more tasking and less glamorous enterprise than cranking up a World Cup spectacle. There is already giddy talk of South Africa now hosting the Olympics, a challenge the country might be up some day.

 

In the here and now, however, South Africa has more pressing challenges in the form of rampant poverty, disease, crime and racial tension to which it would better apply what can-do spirit the World Cup has imparted. South Africans dazzled by Olympic dreams should take a few deep breaths and think of Montreal.

 

© Copyright (c) The Montreal Gazette

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THE GAZETTE

WEST MUST KEEP UP THE PRESSURE ON IRAN

 IRAN SEEMS DETERMINED TO EXECUTE SAKINEH MOHAMMADI ASHTIANI, 43, MOTHER OFTWO, AND VARIOUSLY DESCRIBED BY IRANIAN AUTHORITIES AS AN ADULTERER, INSIDE AND OUTSIDEMARRIAGE, AND THE MURDERER OF HER HUSBAND.

 

Iranian officials insist that the postponement of her death by stoning is not the result of the recent outcry from the international community, but it is difficult to see what else it could be. At each step of the way, officials seem to feel they have to justify Iran's legal system. They have added new charges when Western critics condemn the previous process. And Iranian officials have stepped up their campaign of vilification against Ashtiani. The Tabriz resident has not been heard from since she was arrested in 2005.

 

It could be seen as a positive sign that Iran is behaving as though it has to justify, if not in law, then in the court of international opinion, its barbaric treatment of a woman who retracted her confession to adultery, saying it was given under duress.

 

But the form the justification takes is not reassuring: On Sunday, after days of protest from around the world, the head of East Azerbaijan province's justice system reacted by describing the case in such lurid, melodramatic terms that no one would come to Ashtiani's defence. The official told the Islamic Republic News Agency:

 

"If the way her husband has been murdered is expressed, the brutality and insanity of this woman would be laid bare to public opinion. Her contribution to the murder of her husband was so harsh and heartbreaking that many criminologists believe that it would have been better for her to have decapitated her husband."

 

He made no mention of the other person tried for the murder of Ashtiani's husband, about whose trial little is known.

 

Iran today is a country of frightening extremes. It is willing to apply medieval punishments such as stoning while working to develop the technological sophistication for nuclear weapons.

 

Russian President Dmitry Medvedev this week warned that Iran is "moving closer" to having the potential to build nuclear weapons. Last month, the United Nations Security Council endorsed a fourth round of sanctions against Iran, in what increasingly looks like a futile effort to stop Iran from developing a nuclear arsenal.

 

Iran's anger over being criticized by what it calls "Western media propaganda" is a sign it cares about its standing in the world. One way it could improve that standing is to retry Ashtiani in open court under clear rules or just let her go.

 

© Copyright (c) The Montreal Gazette

 

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THE MOSCOW TIMES

EDITORIAL

PUTIN'S NORTH CAUCASUS SNOW JOB

BY NIKOLAI PETROV

 

The second of eight planned regional United Russia conferences was not held in the Far East as earlier announced but in the North Caucasus. The transition from the first stage of the conference held in Nalchik to the second stage in Kislovodsk was held in strict secrecy. Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, who also wears the hat of United Russia leader, was present at the conference, and he claimed that extremism has degenerated into a series of banal crimes that are petering out. In fact, statistics attest to a dramatic increase in terrorism over the last two years.

 

The format of the conference — "The Social and Economic Development Strategy of the North Caucasus Through 2020" — looked very much like another Putin presidential campaign stop. There was no serious analysis of the severe economic and social problems in the North Caucasus. Instead, Putin's overly optimistic statements on the region's brilliant prospects, its 10 percent annual growth in gross domestic product and the creation of 400,000 new jobs clearly contradicted his earlier statement that the roughly 800 million rubles ($26 million) of federal budgetary funds invested over 10 years did not create any major changes in the region.

 

While there was a dearth of strategy in Putin's speech, there was an abundance of empty, high-sounding phrases and wishful thinking about the "bright future" for the region. Putin also promised funding for major projects, including ski tourism facilities between the Black and Caspian seas, rebuilding all key airports in the region, constructing new roads, transforming Makhachkala into a leading Russian seaport, building four hydroelectric power stations, creating a federal university and building a new oil refinery in Chechnya at a cost of 17 billion rubles ($550 million) as Chechen President Ramzan Kadyrov has been trying to do for a long time. The refinery can be viewed as Putin's gratitude for Kadyrov's outstanding work in "establishing order" in Chechnya and in the North Caucasus as a whole.

 

The mechanisms for developing the North Caucasus include direct budgetary infusions, as well as funding from state corporations such as Gazprom, Rosneft, Transneft and Russian Railways. In addition, the Finance Ministry is offering state guarantees on loans for financing projects in the North Caucasus Federal District.

 

The North Caucasus has been and remains one of the toughest challenges facing Russia today. The problems there have accumulated for decades and require an equally long and serious strategic approach to resolve. Unfortunately, it is precisely this strategic approach that has been lacking over the past two decades. Instead, the federal authorities have floundered from one crisis to another crisis, sweeping systemic problems under the carpet where they fester and get worse.

 

In the run-up to the 2004 presidential election, Putin tried to show that the war, terrorism and corruption had decreased in the North Caucasus. Now, in the run-up to the 2014 Olympic Games in Sochi, Putin will try to convince the world of Russia's blazing success under his leadership. Putin is making great efforts to ensure that this PR show is a big success.

 

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THE MOSCOW TIMES

EDITORIAL

NOSTALGIA FOR SOVIET SPIES

BY ANDREI SOLDATOV AND IRINA BOROGAN

 

The Russian spy scandal has focused attention on whether the use of "illegals," undercover agents with no diplomatic immunity, makes any sense in the 21st century. Comparisons to Soviet-era illegals who were quite successful during the Cold War are not valid. The Cold War was a war of ideologies, and the moral corruption of the enemy was the chief objective.

 

But today, the value of illegals is negligible. It is obvious that 11 — or even 1,011 —  Russian illegals in search of "hidden information" from open sources could never harm U.S. interests or undermine its "moral fiber."

 

The spy flap is evidence of a serious crisis within Russia's intelligence. The Foreign Intelligence Service, or SVR, is unique for two reasons: It has its own academy, and it uses illegal agents. Both the CIA, and MI6 only have training courses, and neither has attempted to send U.S. or British citizens to Russia disguised as local citizens.

 

The golden days of Russian espionage were during the era of Comintern, the international Communist organization active from 1919 to 1943. In those times, the Soviet Union used Western Communists and their loyalists as spies, but they were eliminated in the Stalinist purges of the late 1930s, forcing the intelligence service to create a special school to train former peasants to work in an unfamiliar environment.

 

The KGB's biggest successes of the late Cold War era were the recruitment of Aldrich Ames, who directed the CIA's analysis section covering Soviet intelligence operations, and Robert Hanssen, who worked in the counterintelligence unit of the FBI. They were both recruited by Viktor Cherkashin, a KGB agent with diplomatic cover at the Soviet Embassy — not by illegals.

 

But it looks like the Foreign Intelligence Service cannot give up on old ways. One reason is that it was never required to do so and was not reformed in the 1990s. The other reason is that it prides itself on maintaining its old traditions. But these outdated traditions have crippled the agency. Some old-time advocates of illegal agents claim that they are valuable resources during wartime. Located within enemy territory, the argument goes, these undercover agents can deliver weapons and lead a partisan campaign against the enemy. But it is difficult to imagine that this would be relevant in post-Cold War U.S.-Russian relations.

 

Igor Sutyagin was the only civilian among the four people whom the United States received in the spy exchange. Sutyagin's arrest in October 1999 coincided with the Federal Security Service's campaign against several dozen scientists and academics. Amnesty International and other human rights activists both in Russia and in the West declared Sutyagin a political prisoner.

 

Sutyagin faced absurd accusations that the open information he collected included state secrets. The fact that  a former intelligence service agent served as a jury member for the trial confirmed the weakness of the FSB's position. To be fair, however, the liberal media in Russia and in the West largely ignored or downplayed the shady consulting firm Alternative Future that hired Sutyagin as a consultant and vanished without a trace after his arrest.

 

Sutyagin's confession, which was a mandatory condition to secure a presidential pardon and extradition, changed the situation, hinting that the FSB could not or did not want to tell the court what sort of secrets Alternative Future really obtained from Sutyagin.

 

In times of war — including the Cold War — intelligence organizations were the ones that decided what the public was allowed to know about their activities. But in the post-Cold War era, this has changed. Americans have the right to know why a trial for spies alleged to pose a serious treat to their country's security was canceled, and Russian society must ask whether the mistakes of the intelligence service will be investigated.

 

Another good question that the public needs to ask: How long does the Foreign Intelligence Service intend to cling to its old ways and keep building false myths about its activities?

 

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THE MOSCOW TIMES

EDITORIAL

RUSSIA'S SINKING SHIP

BY VLADIMIR RYZHKOV

 

The sixth annual "Khodorkovsky Reading," a seminar devoted to discussing the economic and political fallout from the Yukos affair, was held in Moscow last week. These seminars are organized by the Memorial rights group and the Indem think tank. The forum brings together Russia's top democratic leaders and thinkers and searches for ways to boost the country's economic, scientific and technological development. After an entire day of discussion, the findings were certainly disturbing.

 

Economists Yevgeny Yasin and Sergei Aleksashenko spoke about the impact the Yukos affair has had over the past seven years on the degradation of public institutions, law enforcement and the judicial system. The attack on former Yukos CEO Mikhail Khodorkovsky and seizure of Yukos has also led to the growth of corruption and has scared off investment. Businesspeople fear that their assets will be used for blackmail or seized outright by corrupt bureaucrats and law enforcement officials. Thus, most businessmen refuse to invest money in the country.

 

President Dmitry Medvedev has not convinced too many people that his plans to modernize Russia will amount to anything. New Economic School rector Sergei Guriyev pointed out that Russia's per capita gross national product is now equivalent to what South Korea's was 11 years ago. But even then, South Korea stood much higher than today's Russia in international ratings based on its stable business climate, rule of law, independent judiciary, protection of private property and the high quality of its government institutions. It was precisely these factors that made it possible for South Korea to attract huge investment from all over the world and to achieve rapid economic growth.

 

By contrast, Russia has not even set improving the quality of its institutions as a strategic goal. What's more, as in almost every resource-rich country with weak state institutions, the ruling elite have no interest in the country's economic development. The only thing they are concerned about is preserving their economic and political monopoly that allows them to steal as much of the country's assets as they can. As long as this monopoly remains in force, any attempt to modernize the country is senseless.

 

According to Guriyev's "70-80 scenario," when oil prices hit $70 to $80 per barrel, the Russian authorities enjoy a 70 percent to 80 percent popularity rating but the country degrades into a period of stagnation resembling the 1970s and 1980s under Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev. At the conference, economist Alexander Auzan perhaps best summed up Russia's terminal condition: "The Russian ship is sinking — slowly, but surely."

 

Economist Mikhail Delyagin is convinced that the true goal of the ruling elite is to maintain the country's backwardness and enrich their backbone of support — the bloated bureaucracy and siloviki. Economic development and modernization bring no benefit to the elite and their lackeys within the bureaucracy, all of whom have enriched themselves by seizing authority and property. After all, development requires a demonopolization of the country's economic and political institutions. This necessarily means competition and the emergence of new independent forces, including a free media, that would demand transparency and that government officials answer to the people.

 

Only free, independent and enterprising people are capable of being the driving forces behind modernization, but those are exactly the people whom the state is persecuting. How can it invite foreign scientists and engineers to work at its planned innovation city in Skolkovo while at the same time hold dozens of Russian scientists and scholars in prison on trumped-up charges of espionage? How can Russia attract Western investors when it jails Khodorkovsky in a clear case of selective justice and when the country's most successful businessmen, such as former Yevroset owner Yevgeny Chichvarkin, are forced to flee the country for fear of arrest?

 

No resolution of the Yukos affair is in sight. Yury Schmidt, a member of Khodorkovsky's legal team, pointed out the absurdity of the charges in the case proceeding in Moscow's Khamovnichesky District Court. Judge Viktor Danilkin has made decisions during the trial that call into question whether he is truly an independent judge or a puppet of the prosecutor and of the Kremlin ringleaders who orchestrated the Yukos affair.

 

Medvedev's "fight against corruption" is no more than a front to disguise — and thus aid and abet — the corrupt system that lines the pockets of so many bureaucrats. The criminal "infernal rules" of this system are highly self-destructive. One manifestation of these "infernal rules" is the Khromaya Loshad nightclub tragedy in Perm, in which more than 150 people died as a result of fire code violations by the owners. When will we see an end to these "infernal rules"? Unfortunately, the Khodorkovsky Reading did not provide a conclusive answer to a question that is so crucial to Russia's survival.

 

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THE JAPAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

A SETBACK FOR MR. KAN

 

In Sunday's Upper House election — the first national poll that the ruling Democratic Party of Japan has contested under the leadership of Prime Minister Naoto Kan — voters demonstrated their lack of faith in the DPJ by taking away the ruling coalition's majority in the chamber of the Diet.

 

The divided Diet will make Japan's political situation more unstable. Every political party should set aside petty issues and instead place priority on finding solutions to the nation's serious economic, fiscal and social welfare problems.

 

Apparently buoyed by his Cabinet's high approval rating soon after its formation, Mr. Kan seemed to have believed that his party would do well in the election. But he stumbled seriously by failing to present voters with persuasive proposals.

 

The prime minister's main election theme was a call to raise the consumption tax. The Liberal Democratic Party, the top opposition party, also called for raising the tax. Both parties view a consumption tax hike as an effective means to reduce the government's massive deficit. Japan's outstanding government debts stand at ¥862 trillion or 180 percent of its gross national product — worse than Greece's corresponding figure of between 130 percent to 140 percent.

 

Mr. Kan made several tactical mistakes on the consumption tax issue. First, his sudden proposal took voters by surprise. His predecessor, Mr. Yukio Hatoyama, had said that he would not raise the tax during the Lower House members' current term. Second, Mr. Kan gave the impression that the consumption tax will be raised immediately.

 

Third, and most seriously, remarks made by Mr. Kan gave voters the impression that he had not thoroughly thought out his own proposal. The DPJ's election manifesto only called for supra-partisan consultations on the reform of taxes, including the consumption tax, but Mr. Kan started saying that he would use the LDP's proposal to raise the consumption tax rate from 5 percent to 10 percent as a "reference." This move by the prime minister gave voters the impression that he was merely borrowing ideas from the opposition instead of coming up with them on his own, and thus made him appear to be less reliable as a leader.

 

Once it became clear that his proposal for raising the consumption tax was unpopular, Mr. Kan started talking about various measures to lighten the consumption tax burden on low-income people, including refunding the increased tax portion to them in the form of rebates. But it was clear to voters that these measures had not been debated in detail in the DPJ, and thus Mr. Kan's credibility was further damaged.

 

At a news conference, Mr. Kan attributed his party's defeat to a lack of meticulous explanations on his part. But it is obvious that his overconfidence led him to act hubristically and he treated the consumption tax issue far too lightly. The election results will also strengthen the forces within the DPJ that oppose a consumption tax hike, making it more difficult for Mr. Kan to obtain a party consensus on the issue.

 

If the government wants to discuss raising the consumption tax, it should first make a serious effort to cut waste in the government's total budget, which tops ¥200 trillion. In discussing tax reform, the government needs to give consideration not only to the future level of the consumption tax but also to how to strengthen the income tax's function of redistributing income.

 

Both the DPJ and the LDP call for lowering the corporate tax, but there is no clear evidence that such a move will boost economic growth, employment and wages. If the consumption tax is increased, the additional funds should be used to improve social security measures, not to compensate for revenue lost as a result of cutting the corporate tax. The parties should also seriously consider the possibility that a consumption tax hike could stall the economic recovery.

 

For its part, the LDP should not interpret its strong electoral showing as an endorsement for its policies, as many voters were merely registering their displeasure with the DPJ. The LDP would do well to remember that its years of pork-barrel spending, especially in the form of massive public-works projects, caused Japan's current national debt nightmare.

 

Many floating voters who did not want to support either the DPJ or the LDP opted to vote for Your Party, whose platform calls for small government and a decrease in the size of the bureaucracy. The party increased its strength in the 242-seat Upper House from one seat to 11 seats and it now can play a pivotal role. The DPJ, the LDP and Your Party call for a reduction of Diet seats. Such a move, however, could lead to the suppression of minority opinions.

 

The problems of the economy, state finances and social welfare are intertwined with each other in a complex manner. All the political parties must leave behind partisan interests and concentrate on working out effective and coherent policy measures to solve these entangled problems.

 

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THE JAPAN TIMES

EDITORIAL

HOW JAPAN REGAINS VITALITY

BY SHINJI FUKUKAWA

 

Japan's international rating has been declining lately. Heard overseas are suggestions that Japan is about to enter its third "lost decade," or that Japan has disappeared off the world's radar screen. Its share of global GDP, 14.3 percent in 1990, slipped to 8.9 percent in 2008 and is expected to sink below China's this year.

 

Japan has long boasted of high-level manufacturing technology. But in recent years, it has lost its top positions in the production of traditional industrial goods to China, one after another. With regard to LED, 3D and other high-tech products, Japanese makers lag behind South Korean and Taiwanese rivals.

 

The academic standards of Japan's young people have declined; their level of English proficiency is the lowest in Asia. Not nearly as many Japanese students desire to study abroad as do Chinese and South Korean students.

 

So, why has Japan, with its excellent technological foundation for a diligent, safe society, fallen into this dismal state?

 

It's because, in the runup to the bubble economy of the late 1980s, enterprises failed to allow for innovation due to an arrogant mentality, while Japanese politicians relied on populism that weakened their policymaking capacity. A slumping Japan now faces the question of how to regain vitality:

 

First, it is necessary to regenerate a social structure in which efforts are rewarded. In a system in which politicians would decide all, as the administration of the Democratic Party of Japan advocates, it is hardly conceivable for society to recover its vitality. Market functions should be used as much as possible.

 

To strengthen the vitality of enterprises, it is indispensable to improve the corporate environment by reducing taxes and relaxing regulations. If industrial sectors in which growth can be expected are specified, as in the government's growth strategy announced in June, a tendency to rely on the government could arise among enterprises, thus decreasing their vitality.

 

True to the proverb that the protruding nail gets pounded down, the Japanese have a habit of envying other people's success and dragging them down. This trend is particularly conspicuous in the political world. Unless the idea of praising successful achievers takes root in society, it is not guaranteed that people will be rewarded for their efforts.

 

Yoshida Shouin, a spiritual leader of the Meiji Restoration, preached that aspiration is all that matters. In a society of envy, it is difficult for a person to nurture aspirations let alone achieve success. If the tendency to praise others' success spreads among people, political parties will naturally see the futility of merely spreading pork-barrel budgetary handouts and will step up farsighted discussions about policy matters.

 

Second, it is necessary to cultivate a new generation of talented specialists who work well on the world stage. Other Japanese will draw encouragement from those who make great strides in politics, business, science, technology, education, culture, art, fashion and sports. How can we improve the environment for bringing up such globally capable people?

 

Higher education needs comprehensive reform. The management of Japanese colleges and universities is traditionally conservative. Its management functions should be rationalized to enhance efficiency and competitiveness. To expand students' perspective, let's conduct half of the classes in English, admit many more foreign students and invite in a large number of foreign teachers.

 

Third, it is advisable to expand international exchanges to introduce the experiences and values of other peoples. Japan is a homogenous society. If it remains a mere assembly of people with the same values, fresh knowledge will not grow. If foreign enterprises advance into Japan's markets and take root, Japanese enterprises will be stimulated through competition, surely raising Japanese people's venture spirit. To encourage Japanese enterprises to change their thinking, it is necessary to invite in eminent foreign business managers.

 

Japan's population is in decline. Within the next 10 years its workforce will decrease by 8 million. To fill the gap, it is necessary to promote a program to invite foreigners equipped with certain skills. The view that Japanese enterprises have glass ceilings preventing the promotion of foreigners is spreading among Asian young people. If they cannot expect to get promoted at Japanese enterprises, capable young people abroad will hesitate to study and find jobs in Japan.

 

In fourth place, the fusion of industry and culture is needed. Volume and price are of vital importance in the age of global mega-competition, as are the quality, charm, inspiration and elegance of products. Japanese culture is highly valued abroad, an advantage for Japan.

 

For example, Japanese popular culture and fashion are winning the hearts of the world's young people and Japanese cuisine is booming around the globe. Advances in digital information technology have enabled us to step up the fusion of industry and culture and that of technology and art.

 

Advanced technology leads to a variety of cultural expressions, while fresh cultural desires encourage innovations in high technology.

 

In Japanese culture, the idea of respect for nature and the "mottainai (What a waste!)" awareness of the need to avoid wasting things are so prevalent that Japan has made advances in energy- saving technology and created a number of eco-related products. There exists in Japan a cultural infrastructure that can contribute to improving the global environment in years to come.

 

In this century, globalization will keep progressing while expanding a sense of respect for human value. The society that Japanese have long nurtured has the potential to advance developments in this direction. The question is whether Japanese people can succeed at this.

 

Shinji Fukukawa, former vice minister of the Ministry of International Trade and Industry and president of Dentsu Research Institute, is now chairman of the Machine Industry Memorial Foundation.

 

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THE JAPAN TIMES

OPED

IS IT DANGEROUS TO SPECULATE ON FOOD PRICES?

BY DENIS DRECHSLER, GEORGE RAPSOMANIKIS AND ALEXANDER SARRIS

 

ROME — The prices of many staple foods increased dramatically during 2007-2008, creating a food crisis for many poor and developing countries. International prices of maize, rice and wheat, for example, reached their highest levels in 30 years, causing political and economic instability — and leading to food riots — in many countries.

 

Several factors contributed to the crisis, including high oil prices, high demand for crops from the biofuel sector, falling global stockpiles of food commodities and lower cereal production. Strong economic growth and expansive monetary policies further boosted the trend, as did protectionist measures such as export restrictions.

 

While these factors undoubtedly placed upward pressure on food prices, they alone cannot explain the steep hikes. Some believe that the crisis was amplified by speculative trading in commodity futures.

 

Commodity futures are formal agreements to buy or sell a specified amount of a commodity at a specified future date for a specified price. They thus provide an important instrument for hedging price risks in commodity markets. By entering into a futures contract, both buyer and seller gain certainty as to the price of their subsequent transaction, independent of actual developments in the market.

 

Commodity futures are generally traded before their expiration date. Indeed, only 2 percent of contracts end in the delivery of the physical commodity. Thus the market attracts investors who are interested only in speculative gain.

 

The growing presence of noncommercial investors has provided important liquidity to the market, as speculators assume risks related to commodity prices that hedgers wish to avoid. But their presence has also raised concerns that speculation in commodity futures could increase price volatility.

 

In the short term, an investor might be attracted by the increasing price of a commodity, although the price is not based on any fundamental data. These speculative investments can further strengthen the trend and push futures prices further away from market equilibrium, especially if many investors follow suit or those who invest have sufficient funds to influence the market.

 

Index funds are an example of such powerful investors. They have become key players in the market, holding about 25 to 35 percent of all agricultural futures contracts. Besides investing large amounts of money, they hold futures contracts for a long time, which might make them less likely to react to changes in market fundamentals.

 

For each study that finds a significant connection between speculative trading and market volatility, there is at least one that claims the contrary. There are three main reasons to believe that speculation was not the main driver of the recent food-price surge:

 

• Although index-fund investments are important compared to the positions of other futures participants, their behavior is predictable, as they publicly announce both their commodity portfolio and the timing of their transactions.

 

• Price volatility has also been high for commodities that are not traded in futures markets (copper, iron and ore), or for which these markets are not important (steel and rice).

 

• As excess demand in well-functioning futures markets can easily be met by sufficient supply (such as by issuing new futures contracts), the effect of speculation on the equilibrium price is relatively small and short-lived compared to price swings of a physical asset, for which supply might be less elastic or even fixed in the short term.

 

Given these findings, trading in futures markets seems to have amplified price volatility in the short term only. Longer-term equilibrium prices are ultimately determined in cash markets where buying and selling physical commodities reflect fundamental forces.

 

Futures markets have evolved historically in response to market participants' need to manage price risks. Limiting or even banning speculation in futures markets might therefore be costly and have unintended consequences.

 

Proposals to create an international fund to counteract price hikes in futures markets might divert speculators from trading and thus lower the market liquidity available for hedging purposes. Moreover, such a fund would require exorbitant resources to be operational, not to mention the tremendous challenges in determining a price level that would trigger its intervention.

 

Regulatory measures should aim at enhancing confidence in the functioning of the market. This can be achieved by increasing transparency and the amount of available information on futures trading. Recent initiatives by the U.S. Commodity Futures Trading Commission point in the right direction.

 

Denis Drechsler is a policy analyst at the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization. George Rapsomanikis is an economist with FAO's Trade and Markets division. Alexander Sarris is director of FAO Trade and Markets. © 2010 Project Syndicate (www.project-syndicate.org)

 

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THE JAKARTA POST

EDITORIAL

LESSONS FROM THE WORLD CUP

 

The world saw Spain emerge as the 2010 World Cup champion. La Furia Roja became only the second country after France to win the Euro Cup and World Cup titles in the same season.

 

The festivities are over, vuvuzelas (meter-long plastic trumpets) thrown away and 12 soccer stadiums in South Africa were left behind by fans who had flocked to the venues during the month-long soccer extravaganza that ended Sunday (early Monday Jakarta time).

 

South Africa answered global questions on its ability to host such a big event — the second largest after the Olympic Games — by attracting almost 3 million people to the stadiums. The country is now eyeing a bid for the Olympics — and may propose Durban as a host city for the 2020 games.

 

South Africa's success in hosting the quadrennial event, despite some missteps, shows that FIFA president Sepp Blatter's idea of rotating the host city from one continent to another works. South Africa's icon Nelson Mandela showed up at the closing ceremony and praised the organizers for boosting the national pride, while Columbian chanteuse Shakira performed the World Cup's official song Waka Waka (This Time for Africa).

 

As in any good story, spectators hope for surprises.

 

The World Cup met that demand, albeit in ways some supporters found frustrating. 2006 champion Italy and runner-up France made first round exits to the shock of many.

 

England and Argentina succumbed to Germany's young squad but Spain clinched its reputation as a soccer powerhouse thanks to its beautiful offensive performance including a 1-0 final match victory over the Netherlands.

 

The tournament itself was not without criticism. The 145 goals scored by teams this year was lower than the 2006 total of 147 and 2002's 161. Many players disliked the Jabulani ball, saying it often went wild in the air and forced goalkeepers to work harder.

 

This year's World Cup showed Europe's domination in soccer. All three top finishers — Spain, the Netherlands and Germany — show that solid domestic leagues and long-term development programs are the best formula for success.

 

Another secret? The three countries exported players to the best leagues in Europe, such as the English Premiership, Italy's Serie A, Germany's Bundesliga and Spain's La Liga where they could exchange knowledge and gain experience.

 

The world governing body FIFA gave away US$250,000 bonuses to every member, including the Indonesian Soccer Association (PSSI), during the World Cup thanks to the body's $196 million profit in 2009. PSSI is expected to wisely use the bonus for soccer development at home so that we, Indonesians, can support our national team competing at the World Cup.

 

Almost 60 PSSI officials witnessed the South Africa's extravaganza last week. Hopefully, they understand our dream, learned something from the winning teams and will work hard to make it true.

 

With four years to go, Indonesia should not crash in the first round of the qualification for the 2014 World Cup in Brazil. Otherwise, Indonesia will remain on the sidelines of the World Cup.

 

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THE JAKARTA POST

OPINION

RUSSIA, ASEAN AND INDONESIA IN THE REGIONAL CONTEXT

VICTOR SUMSKY, MOSCOW

 

Not taking Russia into account in discussions about East Asia's present and future has been a feature of conventional wisdom for the last 20 years. For me, it is a boring sign of traditional, inside the box thinking.

 

An easy way to start thinking outside the box is to dwell on Russia's fundamental aspirations and on its probable contributions to the region in the process of successfully pursuing them. But how, in the first place, did the former superpower manage to become just barely visible in this part of the world?

 

In the late 1990s Indonesian analysts coined the term krisis multidimensi to define the state of the 
nation after the fall of Soeharto's New Order.

 

This is exactly what Russia had gone through in the first post-Soviet decade — a multidimensional crisis. Since in our case it manifested itself not just in the collapse of the old political structure and repudiation of official values, but in an abrupt and radical overhaul of a socio-economic system, its impact was even more painful than in the case of Indonesia.

 

Reforms through shock therapy produced depressing results: in the popular mind, the notions of market economy and political democracy became associated with disorder, corruption and yarning social gaps. Suspicions that Russia would follow the path of the Soviet Union and disintegrate spread widely in the midst of war in Chechnya.

 

Introspective at the time when globalization was becoming a household world, abandoned by former satellites and subjected to new geostrategic pressures by the West, Russia looked like a hopeless loser in the post-Cold War world. Rich in natural wealth, but neglected Far Eastern areas of Russia were in a state of disarray.

 

To say that between 2000 and 2008 president Putin changed the face of Russia beyond recognition would be an exaggeration. But he had certainly done a lot to arrest the trend towards decline and to lay the foundation for reconstruction.

 

During his years in Kremlin, order visibly prevailed over chaos. Improvements in governance went hand in hand with positive economic changes: on the average, annual GDP growth exceeded 6 per cent.

 

Peace in Chechnya has been restored.

 

On the international arena, Putin proved to be a versatile and skilful player. He consistently promoted the interests of Russian oil and gas exporters, paid much attention to building stronger political and gas exporters, paid much attention to building stronger political and economic ties with China and India, looked for compromises on strategic issues with the West, but was never afraid to call a spade a spade (like he had done in his famous Munich speech in February 2007), and succeeded in restoring Russia's great power status to a sufficient degree.

 

Although the beginning of Dmitry Medvedev's presidency was marked by Georgia's armed adventure in South Ossetia with all its well-known consequences and the start of the Global Crisis, these trials had not led to anything catastrophic. Yes, industrial production declined in 2008-2009, and declined considerably, but on the whole the situation has been a far cry that of 1992 or 1998.

 

In fact, the crisis has alerted the authorities to the urgency of modernizing the national economy and increasing its innovative component.

 

The Far Eastern regions also get their share of attention fro the authorities: no other part of Russia (with the possible exception of Sochi, the sight of 2010 Winter Olympics) is visited more frequently by former president and now Prime Minister Putin.

 

Oil and gas development on the island of Sakhalin, construction of pipelines from the oil and gas fields of Eastern Siberia to the Pacific Coast and into China, building of new modern shipyards and automobile assembly plants, revival of aircraft construction, creation of a new launching site for spaceships and Earth satellites — many of these and other projects designed to give new life to the Russian Far East have been brought to various stages of implementation.

 

In Vladivostok where APEC Summit is scheduled for 2010, a whole number of infrastructure projects is under way.

 

On the whole, the Russia of 2010 is clearly different from the Russia of 1992. Nonetheless, its belonging to East Asia is not something that the bulk of regional pundits would easily and happily confirm. 

"Although Russia's trade with the region is consistently growing, it grows much slower than that of China and India."

 

Why so? Presumably, because Russia's progress is eclipsed by other, more crucial developments and challenges — such as the dramatic rise of China and India; the prospect of US — China and China — India rivalries; the possibility of ASEAN's marginalization as a result of being unable to manage these dangerous trends, as well problems of domestic and bilateral character.

 

Although Russia's trade with the region is consistently growing, it grows much slower than that 
of China and India. In the mean-time, economic situation in the Russian Far East is only starting to improve.

 

Last but not least, Russia's image in global media remains predominantly gloomy and unattractive.

 

Apparently, signs of our recovery are not good news to everyone — in the arrogant West as well as in the upwardly mobile East Asia.

 

How about ASEAN's perception of Russia? The fact that in April 2010 ASEAN spoke in favor of inviting Russia to East Asian Summits seems to be telling in itself.

 

This, by the way, would not be possible without a significant shift in Indonesia's position: Five years ago Jakarta, along with Canberra, openly objected to Russia's membership in that forum.

 

Integration with East Asia will be a truly rewarding process if only Russia is able to add to the region's dynamism — and to help in sustaining it.

 

What Russia does not need under any circumstances is regional conflicts — not to speak of a major war or direct involvement in it.

 

Too many of Russia's late 20th century misfortunes are linked to the terrible losses and damage of two World Wars. Even a distant glimpse of such upheavals can ruin East Asia's dynamism, seriously diminishing the chances of Russia's modernization.

 

If such a scenario starts to unfold, a country of Russia's proportions and resources may be drawn into it even against its own wish.

 

Therefore, Russia's best strategic option is to try to preempt scenarios of this type and to coordinate activities with players who have similar views and intentions.

 

A recent document of the Russian Foreign Ministry that was slipped to the media and into the web points to the necessity of developing a well-balanced system of bilateral and multilateral partnerships in the Asia Pacific. Excessive dependence on relations with any single partner should be avoided.

 

Among other things, it means that, for the sake of greater freedom of maneuver, progress in relations with one particular partner must be matched by progress in relations with others.

 

My final observation will be very brief: once you start thinking outside the box, the ties of Russia and ASEAN — just like those of Russia and Indonesia — will look more important and promising than they do to "insiders". Hopefully, the need to develop both pairs of relations will be equally felt by all the parties.

The writer is director of the ASEAN Center at MGIMO (the Moscow State Institute for International Relations). This article is based on a paper he presented at the Joint Indonesia–Russia conference held recently in Jakarta to commemorate the 60th Anniversary of bilateral relations.

 

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THE JAKARTA POST

OPINION

BALI TIGER MEETING, THE CHANCE TO BE A CONSERVATION LEADER

ZULKIFLI HASAN

 

The on going high level officials meeting on tigers in Bali is an occasion for Indonesia to help forge an unprecedented agreement for cooperation in the conservation of this vitally important species during a meeting of representatives from the 13 countries that still have tigers.

 

We believe that Indonesia can help drive, in Bali, the creation of this ambitious plan to save this global icon and revered national symbol.

 

Additionally, this is an opportunity for Indonesia to build on last month's commitment to preserve biodiversity when government leaders announced a major agreement with Norway to reduce emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD+) in Indonesia's forests and peat lands.

 

Tigers are in trouble. With a worldwide population of as few as 3,200 tigers in the wild, they are on the brink of extinction.

 

Indonesia's subspecies, the Sumatran tiger, numbers around 400, representing a significant 12 percent of the worldwide population.

 

The road to saving this global symbol of strength and pride runs through Bali and to the heads of the Government Tiger Summit in Russia in September where world leaders will decide the tiger's fate.

 

Already, the Forestry Ministry has pledged to implement a moratorium to stop giving new concessions to non-forestry activities in natural forests, peat swamp forests — all crucial habitat for tigers.

 

In making these decisions, it is critical that leaders remember that when we save the tiger, we save so much more.

 

A strong tiger population is a good indicator of a healthy forest because tigers need vast amounts of habitat and good prey populations to survive so if tigers are doing well then it is thanks, in part, to a healthy forest.

 

Healthy, thriving forests in Indonesia also provide clean water, food and medicine and as one of nature's most efficient carbon sinks, they also help trap the gases that cause global warming, providing clean air for our fellow citizens worldwide.

 

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has shown invaluable leadership by helping to secure last month's US$1 billion from Norway to ensure that Indonesia's forests thrive. This is a stepping-stone for Indonesia to now help save tigers globally and become a leader in efforts to preserve biodiversity.

 

In Sumatra, the only home for Sumatran tigers, the president's commitment has been bolstered by further political commitments to implement ecosystem-based spatial planning, restore critical habitat areas and protect high conservation value areas. These come from all governors of Sumatra and were further endorsed by the Forestry, Environment, Public Works and Home ministries.

 

Deforestation is a constant threat not only to Indonesia's tigers, but all species that make the country such a unique and special place.

 

Despite some positive developments, legal and illegal forest clearance is still an everyday threat, and pressures on places such as Sumatra from unsustainable development are increasing.

 

Pursued vigorously as a business opportunity, a new "carbon" commodity could lead to coexistence, where both tigers and human communities thrive, providing benefits on local, national and global scales.

 

While habitat destruction has taken a heavy toll on tigers, we are now confronted with another threat — the rampant poaching of tigers to meet demands for tiger parts for use in some traditional medicines, health tonics, decoration or even for fashion.

 

The lucrative black market trade has thrived, even occurring in some big cities in many different countries — including in Europe and the US.

 

The situation is so critical; therefore the commitment to fighting the tiger trade will not be enough 
by 13-tiger range countries only, global efforts are the key to protect the species.

 

At this tiger meeting in Bali, we — the tiger range countries and its partners — have a chance to rise to the

occasion and piece together a meaningful global response in the race to save the tiger from 
extinction.

 

Indonesia, for its part, is pledging to strengthen tiger law enforcement and conflict mitigation units, and to create a legal basis to protect tiger habitats outside of protected areas.

 

Indonesia will also strengthen a long-term biological monitoring data on tigers and their prey as a scientific-based evaluation tool for conservation actions, and explore and mobilize domestic and international funds to ensure the long-term protection of tiger populations.

 

We are calling various stakeholders and partners to support the Indonesian government in implementing these pledges every step of the way.

 

We urge all tiger range and supporting countries to join us with a similar pledge and produce a viable agreement that will spur all of us into immediate action to protect tigers.

The writer is the Indonesian Forestry Minister.

 

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THE JAKARTA POST

OPINION

LESSONS FROM GREECE DEBACLE

ANWAR NASUTION

 

Indonesia is of course not Greece, but we should draw lessons from its problems. Without helping hands from European Union (EU) and the IMF, Greece cannot service its matured debt amounted to ¤20 billion (US$25.2 billion) last April-May 2010.

 

Indonesia has a higher rate of economic growth than Greece and lower twin deficits of both the budget and the current account of the balance of payments. As a result, Indonesia has lower ratios of government debt-to-GDP as well as external debt-to-GDP.

 

The twin deficits in Greece reflect mismanagement of its economy. The budget deficit in Greece had been continuously in deficit by an average of 6 percent GDP during the past three decades or two times of the permissible Maastricht criteria of 3 percent.

 

At 2.6 percent in 2009, the ratio of the annual budget deficit to GDP in Indonesia was lower than the Masstricht criteria.

 

Finalized in December 1991, the strict pre-entry convergence Maastricht criteria should need to satisfy members of eurozone starting January 1999.

 

Like in Indonesia, in reality, Greece concealed the unsustainable large budget deficit by a combination of bookkeeping manipulation and financial engineering in its antiquated fiscal system.

 

In 2009, the Greek economy contracted by 2 percent while Indonesia grew by 3.5 percent.

 

Indonesia's growth rate is below the minimum required rate of at least 5 percent per annum to absorb the new entrance to the labor force.

 

The ratio of the current account balance deficit to GDP in Greece was over 11 percent as compared to positive 0.3 percent in Indonesia.  

 

The ratio of government debt-to GDP of that country was 115 percent, nearly twice as much of the Maastrich limit at 60 percent and nearly four times that of Indonesia at 31.1 percent. As a ratio to GDP, external debt of Greece in 2009 was 170 percent in contrast to around 29 percent in Indonesia.

 

The first lesson from the present Greece debacle is that to avoid a fiscal crisis, Indonesia has to continue to adopt the present macroeconomic stabilization policy more forcefully.

 

In addition to the banking sector and trade policy reforms, the macroeconomic stabilization policy was first imposed by the IMF when Indonesia was under its program in 1997-2003. 

 

"The  crisis in Greece indicates that to enable the country to service its external debt the country 
has to accumulate both budget and balance of payments surpluses."

The macroeconomic policy consists of (i) monetary rule and (ii) fiscal rule. The monetary rule has two elements, namely: (a) to replace targeting the foreign exchange rate with inflation target of monetary policy and (b) to replace the heavily managed exchange rate system with a more flexible one.

 

There are three components of the fiscal rules. First, ban financing of the budget deficit through printing money. Second, to cap the budget deficit to no more than 2.5 percent of GDP. And third, to reduce the ratio of government debt-to-GDP to sustainable level around 30 percent range.

 

The second lesson is on the exchange rate management. As a member of eurozone, Greece has more national money and therefore there is nothing to devalue to improve competitiveness of its economy in international market.

 

Improvement in competitiveness is particularly needed in manufacturing sector outside the traditional shipping and tourist industries that are not sensitive to currency devaluation.

 

The only option available to Greece is to do internal devaluation by introducing an austere fiscal 
program, deregulation of labor market, and improvement in business climate.

 

The objective of the fiscal consolidation is to reduce budget deficit from 13.6 percent of GDP in 2009 to below 3 percent in 2014.

 

The austerity program includes cutting military expenditure, freezing salaries of civil servants and, reduction in social benefits including education, healthcare and pension funds. In addition, institutions should be improved to protect property rights, enforce contracts and correct market failures and externalities.

 

In contrast, the policy option for Indonesia is wider than Greece because it is not a member of monetary union and its export sector is also wider.

 

Because of this Indonesia can adopt both internal and external devaluation to improve its international competitiveness.

 

The management of exchange rate in Indonesia should be directed to achieve two twin objectives. The first objective is to offer financial incentive for improving its international competitiveness.  

 

The second objective is to promote internal structural reforms by encouraging movement of economic resources from low productivity non-traded sector of the economy to traded sector with higher high productivity.  

 

The third lesson from Greece is on modernization of fiscal system to make it more transparent and accountable.

 

To end bookkeeping manipulation, the fiscal reform in Greece is now closely supervised both by the EU and the IMF.

 

The modernization of fiscal system includes programs to end proliferation of extra budget, the use of Treasury Single Account, reform and privatization of state-owned enterprises.

 

The reforms also include measures to increase tax revenues by strengthening tax administration, enlarging tax base and improving tax collection and battling tax evaders and transfer pricing. 
As shown by Gayus Tambunan's tax swindle case, our system is rotten to the core as the crime implicates tax officials, police officers, prosecutors, judges and lawyers.

 

The fourth lesson from Greece is that to be able to service the government debt, the borrowing country has to accumulate both budget and balance of payment surpluses.

 

The buyers of Greece's government bonds are mainly financial institutions in other countries in the same eurozone using the same Euro currency, such as Germany, France and Spain.

 

Greece cannot absorb its sovereign bonds because it has a low saving rate for its domestic long-term financial institutions such as pension funds, and insurance companies are not rich enough.  

 

Unlike in Japan, Greece also does not have a Postal Saving Bank to absorb the securities. The present crisis in Greece indicates that to enable the country to service its external debt the country has to accumulate both budget and balance of payments surpluses.

 

The problem is more acute in the case of Indonesia because its external debt burden is prone to exchange rate movements.

 

The writer is a professor of economics at the University of Indonesia.

 

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THE JAKARTA POST

OPINION

STATUS QUO IN MUHAMMADIYAH

AL MAKIN

 

There is no doubt that Muhammadiyah, as a social religious organization like Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), has played a significant role in building the nation's cha-racter. Muhammadiyah's contribution in education and public service has been written with a golden pen in the pages of Indonesian history.

 

However, after the reformasi period — in which political parties have taken a greater role in the national leadership —  mass social organizations, such as Muhammadiyah and NU, have had to reorient their visions and missions.

 

Unlike in the New Order period, in which the military dominated national leadership and the birth of leaders from civil society were hampered, the reform period welcomed civil leaders to appear in the stage. Against this backdrop, Muhammadiyah has to reconsider its position in the national arena — whether the organization should play a role similar to that of political parties or recommit to education and public service by, consequently, distancing itself from short-term political maneuvers.

 

However, from the organization's recent national congress held in Yogyakarta the aforementioned mission seems unclear.

 

The top tier of Muhammadiyah remains in the hands of Din Syamsuddin, a former Golkar activist who has never managed to completely cut ties with politics. Perhaps, due to his pragmatic political consideration, Syamsuddin's position in the eyes of the public is often ambiguous, if not confusing.

 

For instance, in a move likely to detract votes from the National Mandate Party (PAN), established by former Muhammadiyah chairman and the head of parliament respectively Amien Rais, Syamsuddin lent weight to the birth of the Nation's Sun Party (PMB), which failed to reach the threshold at the last general election. And in an apparent attempt to widen his audience among various Muslim groups, Syamsuddin attended and spoke at the "caliphate conference" held by the hardline HTI (Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia).

 

Lately, Syamsuddin has delivered statements on Muhammadiyah's position vis-à-vis the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Literally, the content of the message seems trivial. However, the implication of the statement seems to suggest that the government should take Muhammadiyah into account in the government's political decisions, which would effectively place the organization in the position of a political party.

 

It is true that Muhammadiyah has given birth to the motor of reforms, Amien Rais. In this way, this religious organization played a role which political parties during the New Order Golkar, PPP (United Development Party), and PDI  failed to take.  The three political parties did not initiate reforms, far less recommend that Soeharto, who ruled  the country for more than three decades, step down. It was social leaders outside politics such as Amien Rais, Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid , Nurcholish Madjid, Gunawan Muhammad, Sri Bintang Pamungkas, Emha Ainun Nadjib, and many other intellectuals who led Indonesia to reform.

 

However, after reformasi was carried out, daily political agenda was rightfully returned to political parties, whose performance unfortunately is still disappointing.  

 

Social religious organizations, such as NU and Muhammadiyah, should return to "barracks" to guide the Islamic community with the spirit that Ahmad Dahlan (Muhammadiyah) and Hasyim Asy'ari (NU) projected.

 

The two leaders, together with their colleagues, founded the two organizations without hoping for immediate political reward or positions from the Dutch colonial government.

 

For the sake of religiosity and the betterment of the fate of the country's Muslims, the two organizations were established and later infused with politics.

 

Now, with Din Syamsuddin at the helm, many wonder whether political pragmatism will prevail in Muhammadiyah in the next term. If so, the status quo will win. Serious change in the direction of the organization is hard to expect.

 

Muslims, on the other hand, are hoping the presence of religious leaders with sincerity and vision, who forget short-term political gains. Otherwise, the community would fall prey of radical ideologies, which have never based their dogma on the Indonesian way of life. Ironically, radical ideologies have slowly   but surely penetrated into the body of Muhammadiyah. Some with radical ideologies have room to broadcast their ideas in the organization. They often attacked their fellows in the organization with the brand of being "too liberal". Radicals have also taken over certain mosques, leaving some Muhammadiyah activists to keep complaining.

 

Muhammadiyah has enough capital with intellectuals, facilities and other resources. Muhammadiyah, together with NU, can fight back. Forgetting rivalries which often marred the old days, the two should share the fight against the new common enemy, radicalism.

 

Muhammadiyah together with other organizations of same and different faiths should always stay in the front row to continue the task of protecting this nation's diverse cultures, religions and ethnicities.

 

 Din Syamsuddin, who wore a complete traditional Javanese suit and hat during the opening ceremony at the Mandala Krida Stadium in Yogyakarta, reminded us that Muhammadiyah is the sun which enlightens the earth. He should be reminded that in this galaxy there are millions stars, including the suns, which exist side by side in harmony. Any crash or collision would mean the end of the world as we know it.

 

The writer is a lecturer at Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University, Yogyakarta.

 

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CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

EXERCISE RESTRAINT

 

The pending joint naval exercise by the United States and the Republic of Korea (ROK) on the Yellow Sea is gradually drawing widespread public ire in China.

 

The drill is a threat to China's security and risks escalating tensions in the Korean Peninsula.

 

The joint military exercise is reportedly intended to deter the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) in the wake of the Cheonan incident. The ROK's military made this point again July 6 when it announced that the drill, originally scheduled for June, would be postponed after likely UN action against the DPRK over its alleged sinking of the warship March 26.

 

A presidential statement released by the UN Security Council on June 9 called for peaceful settlement of the dispute and the resumption of direct dialogue and negotiation between the DPRK and the ROK.

 

Instead of resorting to any drastic moves, concerned parties must exercise restraint and calm in light of the UN statement.

 

The public outcry in China will turn stronger if the US decides that its nuclear-powered aircraft carrier USS George Washington is to participate in the exercise. The vessel's likely presence, whose combat radius can reach the nation's eastern coast, is nothing but a provocative action aimed at China's doorstep.

 

Washington's persistent reconnaissance and surveillance on China's mainland have long brewed indignation among the Chinese. Its joint naval exercise with the ROK would only fan more antagonistic sentiment against Uncle Sam. Admittedly, even Washington would not like to see such an outcome.

 

The US move will be a new roadblock to the resumption of normal military ties between Beijing and Washington.

 

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CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

DIFFICULT ROAD

 

Easing housing price pressures indicate that Chinese policymakers have managed to arrest for the moment at least the recent reckless surge seen in property prices.

 

It is far too early, however, to claim a substantial price adjustment will ensue that will safely defuse the housing bubble. Policymakers must be ready to resist both furious complaints by developers and premature calls for policy relaxation in the face of a possible economic slowdown later this year.

 

Two months after the launch of a slew of measures to cool the sizzling property market, housing prices in major cities grew at a slower pace for the second consecutive month. The average home prices in 70 large and medium-sized cities rose 11.4 percent year-on-year in June, 1 percentage point lower than that of May and down 1.4 percentage points from that of April.

 

More important, on a monthly basis, June property prices in these cities fell 0.1 percent compared to May, probably marking a turning point in the overall property price trend.

 

If the trend is consolidated, China's property prices may decline at least for several months until the turn of the year.

 

Under such circumstances, many property developers will face reduced cash flow from slow sales and financing woes.

 

Some of them will doubtless try to oppose tightening measures by overstating the danger of a property market collapse.

 

Besides, the uncertain nature of global recovery has also given rise to fears that efforts to cool the property market might limit China's room for maneuver if its growth prospects turn dim amid a double-dip of the world economy.

 

These are all justified concerns. The country cannot afford to let the property market go bust. Policy back-pedaling may risk repeating previous policy failures due to half-hearted tightening measures that only sent housing prices through the roof.

 

Housing prices may have leveled off, but adjustments to the property market are far from done.

 

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CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

HEALTHY MINDSET

 

A lengthy article on cultivating a "heaLthy national mindset" in the People's Daily on Monday indicates that the Communist Party of China is worried. The nation's preoccupation with the economy and consequent neglect of the non-material aspects of life has distorted its psyche for far too long.

 

To achieve the greatness it aspires for, Chinese citizens need to pursue lofty ideals. The CPC's definition of a "healthy national mindset," as laid out in the paper, consists of self-respect and self-confidence, faith in reason and science, pragmatism and enterprise, and being open-minded and tolerant.

 

Indeed, these are fine qualities to aspire for, but the key question is, how do we get there? The People's Daily urges each Chinese citizen to start developing these qualities first - the perfect formula in a perfect world, though our world is not.

 

But the tried-and-tested approach has been that "those below follow the example of those above". What if those above behave unworthily? Since society looks to the CPC and the government for impeccable conduct, public offices have a definite impact on the nation's mindset.

 

If lying and dishonesty are widespread in public institutions, and are considered the quickest ways to success, citizens cannot be expected to behave differently. If public offices continue to chase immediate gains in disregard of long-term consequences, citizens cannot be blamed for being opportunistic.

 

The article, however, makes a wonderful point - that faith in reason and science should go hand in hand with independent thought that eschews dogma.

 

Unique ways of thinking, introspection after success or failure, rational discourse, and tolerance for opposite viewpoints or opinions are indispensable to creating a favorable atmosphere conducive to a healthy national mindset.

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CHINA DAILY

EDITORIAL

CONSUMPTION TAX RAISE HIT PROSPECTS

BY HU FEIYUE (CHINA DAILY)

 

The ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) suffered a major blow after winning just 44 seats in the nation's

Upper House elections on July 11, far short of Prime Minister Naoto Kan's target of 54. A total of 121 seats were being contested by the party in the election.

 

The main opposition Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) won 51 seats, far more than predicted and Your Party claimed 10 more seats.

 

Evidently, the outcome signals the ruling party's defeat, and victory for the LDP and Your Party. Moreover, DPJ's tiny ally, the People's New Party won no seat in the election.

 

Accordingly, the ruling party must now look for allies among smaller parties to form a new collation government. Otherwise, the Upper House might thwart ambitious legislation put forward by the government in future.

 

It is generally believed that Kan's proposal to increase the consumption tax from 5 percent to 10 percent, aimed at whittling down the ever-increasing public debt mainly contributed to his party's electoral mauling.

 

Without intra-party discussion beforehand, the tax reform proposal raised by the prime minister dominated the Upper House election. According to a national poll by the Kyodo News, the new Cabinet's public support rate plunged to 43.4 percent just before the voting from 61.1 percent when Kan took office. So it's understandable why the DPJ suffered a crushing defeat in the election.

 

From the perspective of Japanese national character and political tradition, Upper House elections have always been favorable to opposition parties. However, Kan's echo to LDP's tax reform policy was extensively criticized by the Japanese media and met with firm opposition from voters.

 

Meanwhile, the results also showed voters' denial of Kan's neo-liberal political roadmap and his irresolute stance during the pre-election phase.

 

In fact, the issue of consumption tax has been the tipping point for Japan's ruling parties. In Japan's history, there were several Cabinets, including the Takeshita, Uno and Hashimoto Cabinets, which all fell from power due to the introduction of the general consumption tax or after attempts to improve the tax rate.

 

The close relationship between Japanese politics and general consumption tax fully reflects Japanese voters' opposition to the tax, as well as its profound influence during national elections, especially the Upper House poll.

 

In Japan, a salaried person's income is mainly subject to two factors. First, whether one is employed formally and second, whether one works in a big enterprise or not.

 

The former decides whether he/she will have a stable salary and the latter determines the amount of bonuses and welfare. Official data in 2006 showed that there were 70 million Japanese with annual incomes lower than 4 million yen, accounting for 58.3 percent of the total population in Japan. This is why Japanese voters were against the consumption tax or any increases to the tax rate.

 

Your Party has clearly rejected the idea of joining the government, even as it has not ruled out voting in favor of such policies as the civil service reform law.

 

There is still uncertainty whether the Social Democratic Party, which is supported by the trade unions, will return to the coalition government or not, and whether the Buddhist-backed New Komeito will join the government.

 

The future of the LDP and the Japanese Communist Party is also cause for concern.

 

Ahead of the DPJ delegation level elections in September and a possible Cabinet reshuffle, Naoto Kan needs to communicate and cooperate with Ichiro Ozawa, the most powerful figure in the DPJ, and consider the intentions of the trade unions, DPJ's largest support group.

 

As the minority party in the Upper House, it is imperative for Kan to adopt a more modest attitude, listen to the voice of the nation, strengthen integration and solidarity in the party, and formulate and implement more internal and external policies.

 

A relatively stable administrative environment relies on Kan's sincerity and down-to-earth attitude.

 

After taking office, Kan has advocated pragmatism in policies, focusing on how to cope with various problems in domestic and foreign affairs and exerting himself in the pursuit of the policy objective of "powerful economy, strong public finance and sound social security".

 

To this end, it is hoped that Kan will play a better role in enhancing China-Japan strategic and reciprocal relations in the fields of trade and finance, and will properly handle problems left over from the past and establish close regional cooperation, especially in non-traditional security areas including food security and infectious diseases prevention and treatment.

 

The author is a professor with the Peking Union Medical College, the Chinese Academy of Medical Sciences.

 

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CHINA DAILY

EU EXCHANGE CREATES KNOWLEDGE GAP

BY DUNCAN FREEMAN (CHINA DAILY)

 

The European Union-China relationship has many dimensions, almost all of them to some degree controversial. Debates rage around issues of trade, investment, human rights and, more recently, climate change.

 

In a speech at Tsinghua University in Beijing in April, European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso appeared to seek a way past what are often sterile debates on both sides on issues such as trade and human rights. Pointing to the economic and institutional ties that have developed in 35 years of EU-China relations, he asserted: "The moment is right to expand our cooperation in other areas."

 

To this end he argued: "A fundamental task is precisely to broaden and deepen cultural understanding by fostering people-to-people exchanges, for the success of our engagement depends on understanding - on holding an open dialogue, and learning about each other and from each other."

 

The reality is that exchange of culture defined broadly as intellectual products, including science, law, social sciences, politics, music, literature and film already takes place, but the flow and learning is mostly in one direction. To give an example from the book publishing industry, in 2008 China bought the copyright for 16,969 titles from overseas. Of these, 4,011 were from the US, 1,754 from the UK, 600 from Germany and 433 from France.

 

In contrast, China sold only 2,455 titles to the rest of the world. Of these, the US took just 122, Germany, the highest ranked in the EU, a mere 96 and France only 64.

 

By this measure, the flow of culture into China from Europe far outweighs that in the opposite direction. This is evidence of what is actually Europe's enormous cultural surplus with China. While millions of Chinese are reading European works either in translation, or even in their original language, the number of Europeans reading Chinese works even in translation is no more than a handful.

 

Another measure of this cultural surplus is the flow of student exchanges. According to Eurostat statistics, by 2007 there were 117,000 Chinese students in tertiary education alone in the EU, compared to 18,000 in 2000. Chinese reports say that by 2010 the figure had reached almost 200,000. In the other direction, in 2009 there were 35,876 students from Europe studying in China. But of these, 10,596 were from Russia and the number of students from EU countries was much smaller. Of the two EU nations with the most students in China, France had 5,422 students and Germany, 4,239.

 

The point could be illustrated by other statistics such as the number of Chinese studying European languages compared to Europeans studying Chinese. The sales of music, films and other products would tell the same story.

 

This imbalance in the flows of culture of course looks good for Europe, which can see this as a success, even if it does not always directly produce measurable results in terms of sales or power of the soft or normative type that Europeans like to believe they have. Still, the EU can point to the direct influence it has in some areas of policy making in China. For instance, much Chinese legislation and policy in areas such as social welfare and the environment is heavily influenced by European models.

 

The EU has a huge and growing cultural surplus with China, but as in the case of trade imbalances, this brings with it a downside. The cost for Europe of its cultural surplus is a large knowledge deficit. In the process of cultural exchange China will learn from Europe, and also about Europe.

 

But the opposite is not happening to the same degree. While a reasonably educated Chinese is exposed broadly to European cultures, and probably in depth in his or her area of specialty, even the most educated European will have almost no direct exposure to Chinese culture or knowledge of China.

 

If Europe is to respond adequately to the rise of China, then it will have to accept greater equilibrium in cultural exchange. While many Chinese are eager to learn from and about Europe, the reverse is not generally the case.

 

Indeed, very few Europeans would believe they have anything to learn from China. Of course not all Europeans can or should learn Chinese, read Chinese books or study in China. But Europe will have to make a greater effort to redress the current imbalance. Even if Europe does not wish to learn from China, there is a need to learn about China.

 

The author is a senior researcher at Brussels Institute Contemporary China Studies.

 

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CHINA DAILY

TOUGH TASK FOR DPJ

BY ZHANG LILI (CHINA DAILY)

 

Ruling coalition's poor showing in Japan's Upper House poll means no end in sight for political wrangling

 

The coalition government led by the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has suffered a big loss in the Upper House vote on Sunday, winning only 44 seats out of the contested 121, or half of the total 242 seats in the house. The People's New Party, the DPJ's coalition partner, failed to win any seat.

 

The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), the biggest opposition group, won 51 seats compared with the 38 it held previously, and Your Party gained 10 seats, increasing the possibility that it will play a bigger role on the country's political stage.

 

After the election, the DPJ-led coalition will hold 110 seats in the Upper House, less than the 132 seats garnered by opposition groups, heralding an uphill task for the coalition government to persuade opposition parties into passing any legislation in the house

 

The latest election is expected to significantly influence Japanese politics.

 

The DPJ's below-par election result is a reflection of the dissatisfaction among the Japanese public towards the coalition government's policies, as indicated by the declining number of votes in its favor.

 

Ever since it came to power in September 2009, the DPJ's public approval has been on the decline given the setbacks the ruling party encountered over a series of domestic and diplomatic policies.

 

Former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's pursuit of tougher diplomacy towards the United States, especially on the issue of relocating Washington's military base from Okinawa, strained Japan's decades-long close ties with its largest ally.

 

However, Hatoyama finally failed to relocate the US base from the islands, a commitment he had made to the public during the election campaign, and it sparked strong discontent among the Japanese, especially local residents.

 

To boost its dented approval ratings ahead of the Upper House election, the DPJ-led coalition government had to announce Hatoyama's resignation on June 2 and appoint Naoto Kan to head the Cabinet on June 4.

 

However, the fewer number of seats it has won in the latest elections indicates that the Kan-led coalition government has achieved little in a month-long endeavor to boost its image among voters. The election result means political games and struggles between the DPJ-led coalition government and opposition forces will dominate Japan's politics in future.

 

The coalition's failure to hold the majority of upper house seats is also expected to result in such a rivalry. While the Upper House is controlled by the opposition, the Lower House is held by the coalition government.

 

Such a political landscape will make it difficult for the DPJ-led coalition government to manage the country. In order to gain the majority in the Upper House and ensure that its policies and regulations can be easily passed, the ruling DPJ has to seek a new partner to organize a coalition government.

 

Given that the People's New Party, its current coalition partner, only holds three seats in the Upper House, the DPJ will have to look for another partner that holds more seats.

 

However, it is unclear which party will become the DPJ's ideal partner and whether that party will accept the ruling party's invitation to participate in its coalition government.

 

Any DPJ failure to reorganize the coalition into a majority government will mean that it is likely to be pinned down by opposition forces on major issues and will face bigger difficulties in pushing forward some of its policies.

 

Domestic matters have long caused the most heated debates in Japan's upper and lower house elections although diplomatic issues have also quite often been a major topic.

 

In the latest upper house election, the consumption tax issue dominated the agenda.

 

The LDP-led former Japanese government once tasted defeat due to its incorrect stance on the consumption tax issue.

 

Naoto Kan's decision to raise the consumption tax from 5 percent to 10 percent on June 17 was a risky political move that failed to elicit for the DPJ positive opinion from the public.

 

The results of the latest election show the lack of support from the Japanese public for the current government's efforts to improve its worsening budgetary conditions through raising the consumption tax.

 

In addition to this long-standing thorny issue, the DPJ-led coalition government's failure to find good solutions to the problems caused by the country's economic slump, slack domestic demand, an ageing society and other issues, also became sources of public grievance.

 

Given former Prime Minister Hatoyama's setback in his pursuit of a tougher stance with the US, both the DPJ and LDP tried to avoid discussing Japan's relations with Washington in the latest election.

 

In fact, an agreement has been reached between the two parties to keep unchanged the plan signed between the previous LDP-led Japanese government and the White House on the relocation of the US military base from Okinawa.

 

Given that quite a few Japanese politicians hope to maintain friendly relations with China, whose status has been on the rise in Japan's diplomatic chessboard, ties with the Asian neighbor also did not become an issue during the latest elections.

 

The author is director of the Center of Chinese Diplomacy Studies, China Foreign Affairs University.

 

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CHINA DAILY

MODERNIZING NAVY FOR SELF-DEFENSE

BY GONG JIANHUA (CHINA DAILY)

 

Reports in some foreign media outlets that Beijing considers South China Sea a part of its "core interests" have caused concern among some countries.

 

This has happened because they have grossly misunderstood China's actions. China is a large country with huge marine resources, but it does not have enough power to protect them.

 

It is strengthening its marine strategy and its navy to protect its core national interests and not to pose a threat to any country. The People's Republic of China has never infringed upon any country's marine rights. On the contrary, other countries have violated its marine rights and interests repeatedly.

 

History shows no country can be a great power without a strong naval force. And no country in modern times has faced greater threats from the sea as China. It is thus logical for it to develop and modernize its marine force.

 

China's sea-related problems are three-fold. First, China has very complicated and intractable problems with its waters-sharing neighbors. Longstanding disputes over China's core interests in the Yellow Sea, East China Sea, Taiwan Straits and the South China Sea come to the fore from time to time.

 

The subjects of these disputes range from sovereign control of islands to delimitation of exclusive economic zones. For example, the dispute over the South China Sea involves conflicting claims of several parties in the region and interference of outside powers.

 

Second, China has some inherent internal weaknesses and faces outside threats to its marine interests. Internally, the country is yet to build a sound naval force, and its ocean strategy lags far behind its economic and political strategies. Externally, it has lost valuable resources when other powers have seized its islands and exploited its waters. It faces threats to its sea lanes, too.

 

By misinterpreting the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and basing their actions on the so-called principles of "adjacency, prescription and security", some countries have violated its rights over islands, reefs and territorial waters.

 

Third, these disputes are seriously depleting China's strategic resources. For example, it is impossible to resolve the disputes over the South China Sea to the mutual benefit of all because of the huge differences in the political stances, sincerity and tactics of the other parties. China has to use an enormous part of its economic and diplomatic resources in its efforts to settle such issues with every country that has a stake in the region.

 

Seas have played a very important role in the development of a country. And their importance has multiplied manifold in the era of globalization. In order to secure its maritime resources, waterways and national security, a country has to defend its sea rights and interests.

 

The disputes over rights and interests in the East China Sea, Taiwan Straits and the South China Sea are the remnants of the history of invasions of China from across the seas and colonial rule. But China's claims are based fully on historical facts. Its territorial sovereignty, strategic resources and trade routes comprise its core interests, and like any other country China will never compromise them.

 

Rapid economic development and rising national strength have given China the chance to make it clear to the international community that it will never compromise its core interests.

 

By adding the South China Sea to its core interests, China has shown its determination to secure its maritime resources and strategic waters. Its South China Sea strategy should thus be seen as a move to make up for its past ignorance about sea power and not as an aggressive expansionist measure.

 

China's foreign policy has always depended on a "soft, gentle" approach, and it has practiced the doctrine of "setting aside disputes and working for joint development" of the seas with neighboring countries. Its new naval development strategy is a continuation of this approach and aimed exclusively at "offshore defense".

 

While securing its core interests, China will continue to cultivate friendly ties with neighbors, increase regional cooperation and seek common development. It has no intention of posing a threat to other countries. But it has to change its backward marine strategy to suit the changing times.

 

Its strategic initiatives should not be misunderstood by other countries - something that the West often does. The West, because of its tainted glasses, sees China's military modernization as military expansionism with potential strategic aggression.

 

What Western politicians and media do not understand is China's need to safeguard its security to ensure sound economic and social development. It's a matter of perspective that the West considers a dragon as a symbol of "evil" when in China it signifies "luck".

 

To safeguard its core interests, China should increase bilateral and multilateral exchanges with the countries that have a stake in the region, and actively publicize its commitment in building a "harmonious world". It should clarify its stance and eliminate fuzzy statements; hold all-round talks with other countries and strengthen political, economic and military mutual trust to help them understand that it is modernizing its navy for self-defense and is committed to traveling the road of peace to secure its core interests.

 

The author is an associate professor at the School of Politics and Public Administration, Guangdong Ocean University.

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THE HIMALAYAN

FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION: ADVOCACY OF ZERO TOLERANCE

KESHAV PRASAD BHATTARAI

 

It was quite shocking to reflect on the Transparency International (TI) report released on June 11, 2010. As per the anti-corruption index for the year 2009, Nepal has claimed the 143rd position among 180 countries listed—it was 138th the previous year.TI also observes that political instability, lawlessness, nepotism and lack of accountability have mainly characterized this. Unfortunately, corruption has not only dominated governance at all levels, but also that an anti-corruption agenda has not become a political and social priority of Nepal.Corruption, as a great socio-political and economic evil of our society, has been the biggest obstacles to justice, democracy and overall national development.In a 2003 Global Poll, conducted by the World Bank covering 48 countries, ranked corruption the fourth critical issue of development after economic growth, poverty reduction and education.

According to an estimate of World Bank Institute (WBI), worldwide bribery totals at least one trillion dollar per year. This amount is equivalent to approximately 3 percent of the gross world product. This is just the volume of the bribes but not the impact, which ultimately goes to a much higher level. 

One of the pioneers of anti corruption movement at the global level, James D. Wolfensohn, president of the World Bank (1995-2005 ) observes that corruption diverts resources from the poor to the rich, increases the cost of running business, distorts public expenditures and deters foreign investors. His immediate successor, Paul Wolfowitz, in a similar vein, mentions that corruption is a disease that threatens the hopes of the poor for a better future for themselves and their children. Indubitably, corruption in Nepal, especially at the political level, has cruelly violated the ethos and mores of a democratic system. Buying votes as well as selling favours and opportunities has been the standard political practices maintained studiously by almost all political parties. Those who gain access to political power also bag the most wealth, which resultantly, widens the existing level of inequality to an intolerable level. This, in consequence, has produced frustrations among the youths and the common people breeding severe instability and even more corruption during such instability. In one of his highly acclaimed book, "Political Order in Changing Societies", Samuel P. Huntington has explained that societies having high capacity for corruption also have high capacity for violence. And, violence, as we have experienced in our own context, translates into terrorism in no time, this or that way.

This unquestionably is fairly understood that both corruption and violence serve the same goal; putting pressures upon the government and system to satisfy their demands in an illegitimate way. This further weakens the state, its political institutions and energizes violence and terrorism in return. The most detestable thing we have come across these days is that politics has lost its whole set of essence, ethos and mores. As analyzed by Huntington, politics has become the grand road to wealth- exchanging political action with immense economic wealth. Politics has become a major industry or business for people in power and again the wealth generated by power would bring more power and correspondingly more wealth in a cyclic way. Understandably, investment in no industry or business can give as much wealth in a short time than the investment in politics.

Corruption thrives when government and political parties are weak and inefficient to represent people with their interests, confidence and enthusiasm. But, they cannot be strengthened overnight. According to a World Bank publication 'experience and evidence show that corruption has both national and international dimension'. It has strong connection with each other.Both the national and international community has a tremendous job to do in this regard. They may effectively build pressures and encourage any country to ratify international treatise against corruption. 

The international community also need to provide financial and technical support to a developing country like Nepal build strong political and constitutional bodies to make a fight against corruption. They may also support citizens' forums working against corruption.Parliament, the most important political actor can curb corruption by ensuring accountability. Parliamentary oversights through anti-corruption agencies and empowerment of civil society and media have a most critical role in this regard to play. A strong and independent judiciary accounts much in each and every national commitment against corruption. Nothing can grow and be sustainable without strong public support. So, in the case of combating corruption, it is the public who must come to lead the nation. With confidence and strong civic actions, they can raise their voice and build effective advocacy in favor of zero tolerance to corruption at the political level. —kpbnepal@gmail.com

 

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DAILY MIRROR

EDITORIAL

RESPONSIBILITY OF BEING TNA

 

Fresh from yet another visit to the Indian capital, the TNA leadership may have their hands full in the coming days. The temptation still for some may be to look around for alternatives, in terms of peace options, processes and possible allies from the Diaspora and the international community, alike but logically, they should look inwards, both within themselves and into the larger Tamil-speaking communities and the Sri Lankan nation, where alone they can find sustainable responses to their legitimate concerns.

 

There is no denying the electoral supremacy and societal acceptance of the TNA, when compared to other sections of the Sri Lankan Tamil polity in particular and the larger Tamil-speaking polity in general. With that comes a responsibility for the TNA to shun inward-looking policies that are steeped still in the LTTE past, and provide the kind of leadership that the rest of the Tamil-speaking community in the country are ready to acknowledge, but not necessarily accept, overnight.

 

It is all about accommodation, one way or the other, and of one group or the other. For the TNA to be

recognised as the leader of the community, it has to display leadership qualities of statesmanship, as different from partisanship and bitter acrimony that have no relevance to the post-war, post-LTTE politics in the nation as a whole, and the Tamil community otherwise. For them to now say that they would cooperate with other Tamil parties so long as it did not violate the trust that the people of the North and East had vested in it is itself a narrow, if not wanton interpretation, that had its origins in the LTTE.

 

The TNA has to end distinguishing between ex-militant groups and leaders blessed by the LTTE, and those not purified thus. Credibility or trust in the post-LTTE context cannot be a relative term, as the results of the parliamentary polls have shown. True, individual leaders will have individual agendas, but as long as they are not separatist in nature, the TNA should display magnanimity, if that is what is required, or reality, as it should be accepted, to rope in elected leaders like EPDPs Douglas Devananda.

 

There are also others in the pack like Eastern Province Chief Minister Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, and even Central Minister Vinayagamurthy Muralitharan, who however has chosen his own political course by joining the ruling SLFP straightaway. If the TNA is serious about the release and rehabilitation of the thousands of ex-LTTE cadres in custody, they should not talk disapprovingly about the mainstreaming of those like Chandrakanthan, Muralitharan and even Kumaran Pathmanathan, who have demonstrated influence other ex-militants in their hundreds and/or sources of LTTE funding in the peace era as during war time.

 

By wanting them to be kept out, the TNA may either weaken their will to be in moderate politics for long or even the larger Tamil cause in ways it now may not be able to comprehend. It is another matter if the TNA wants to do business with them, but there again they have to make the distinction clear to the larger Tamil society, without allowing itself to be swayed by sentimentalist public opinion that often does not always base its conclusions on rationality. But there is truth in what the emerging other side in the Sri Lankan Tamil polity has to say on matters of common concern and interest. Led by Minister Devananda, the newly-formed Tamil Political Forum (TPF) has been talking about the need for adopting a common approach, as different from accepting a common political identity or acknowledging a common leadership.

 

Here again, the TNA leadership has to look beyond the North and the East, if it is serious about working out a sustainable political solution to the ethnic issue. Issues of unitary State and Executive Presidency need to be addressed in the larger, national-context, with the view to finding if the alternatives could be workable just because they are put on paper. The non-implementation of the Thirteenth Amendment is a case in point.

 

Going beyond the Supreme Court judgment on de-merger, the TNA also has to resolve the re-merger issue amicably with the Muslim community, which feels as much disturbed by the possibility as the Sri Lankan Tamils over-shadowing them in all walks of life as the Tamil community did when the Sinhala Only Act swooped them down in the Fifties. The SLMC friend of the TNA is already feeling restless, the less said about other Muslim parties and groups, the better.

 

The case for the TNA to talk to the Upcountry Tamils of recent Indian origin and carry their divided leadership alongside cannot be stressed more. With the weakening numerical strength of the Sri Lankan Tamil community, and sections of the Indian Tamils identifying with the larger Tamil cause over the past decades and those in the Wanni area laying down their lives along side the LTTE cadres in the end-game of the ethnic war, electoral reality, if not political philosophy, should guide the TNA to adopt a common approach.

 

Having played single-issue Opposition politics with zest through the decades of the ethnic issue, war and violence, present-day leaders of the TNA have no experience whatsoever in working with and within the Government. The long arm of the LTTE ensured a much, even before Tamil leaders began taking orders from the outfit. Post-war, the TNA leaders need to work with and within the Government if they have to take peace dividend to the people whom they claim to serve. They do not have the luxury to learn at work, when rehabilitation and reconstruction efforts cannot wait even a day longer.

 

The logical option would be for the TNA leadership to work with those sections of the polity representing all denominations of the Tamil-speaking population with ministerial experience, both to gain work experience and to expand the areas of benefits that they all could together take to their people, in the shortest possible time and through the quickest of governmental processes. This is apart from the fact that any consolidation of political policies and philosophies, if not electoral identities, would also be a guarantee against process for a negotiated settlement falling apart after a time.

 

For instance, with CWC leader Arumugan Thondaman as Minister for Livestock Development, the TNA could even now initiate a process for getting cattle-heads from a friendly neighbour like India, as a source of livelihood for the war-affected people. With the Government of President Mahinda Rajapaksa often talking about the need for re-energising the dairy industry nearer home, a beginning would have been made if the TNA and other Tamil parties adopted such imaginative and sustaining approaches the post-war developmental agenda for the individual. The possibilities are many only that the TNA, among others, will have to divert their energies to think and act in ways that would benefit their people as much immediately as on a distant date, the former economically and the latter, politically.

 

Rome was not built in a day. Nor could a political solution to the ethnic issue be found by a single generation. Post-war rehabilitation and reconstruction too is a continuing process. It could take years, if not decades, for the process to be completed. It is one thing for the TNA to point out the lacunae in the Government's approach, or even attribute motives that may be there. It is another thing for them to serve their people's interests. Given the unsteady nature of the TNA structure and the leaderships year-long, post-war unwillingness to put grassroots-level organisational systems in place to address immediate concerns of individuals on the Tamil streets, a broader base of shared Tamil opinion would serve the overall interests of the community than otherwise.

 

The shared responsibility rests even more on the Sri Lankan State, the Sinhala majority polity and President Rajapaksa. Having intervened effectively to resolve the constitutional crisis in neighbouring Maldives, President Rajapaksa owes to his nation, to think beyond the hard-liners in his camp and elsewhere in the Sinhala polity, to resolve the ethnic issue to the satisfaction of the Tamil community in particular and the Sri Lankan nation, otherwise. Peace initiatives, like charity, should begin at home, and President Rajapaksa, the mass leader that he is, knows this better than any other!

 

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DAILY MIRROR

OPINION

 

WIMAL'S FAST MESSED UP SRI LANKA'S IMAGE-KIRIELLE

 BY DIANNE SILVA

 

Q: The manner in which the incident with Minister Wimal Weerawansa was handled by the government – what do you think will be the aftermath of this whole incident?

 

This whole thing has messed up Sri Lanka's image. Without intelligently addressing these accusations by the UN, they have made a mockery of the country. The UN is not always right, they could have wrong information. For instance the UN said Iraq had weapons of mass destruction, but ultimately nothing was found. The Middle Eastern countries very intelligently challenged the UN's stance- this is the job of a Foreign Minister.

 

The government is the one that set the ball rolling for this panel and the investigation; through the 2009 joint statement between President Mahinda Rajapaksa and Secretary General of the UN Ban Ki- Moon.

 

Internationally when charges are levelled against you, rightly or wrongly you must answer them-diplomatically. Why is the government so scared of this? The government says everyday that there were no human rights violations, so then why can't we open up?

 

Q:You were the only Sinhalese from the Kandy District among the four UNP MP's elected. While seven out of the eight elected from the government were Sinhalese. How would you explain this phenomenon?

 

Well, the reason is that the Sinhalese and the Sinhalese-Buddhist in particular felt that the UNP was not devoting much attention towards the Sinhala-Buddhist in the formulation of UNP policies. I would call them Sinhalese Buddhist, but I would say mainly Sinhalese and in particular Sinhala Buddhists. Even when Mr. J.R. Jayewardene won in 1977 his campaign had Buddhist undertones. Further wherever he went, even overseas he tried to portray Sri Lanka as a Sinhala-Buddhist country, where other communities live in peace.  Even at the San Francisco Peace conference he quoted the Dhammapada. Despite this the UNP always got the support of the minority parties.

 

However, since 2005 we have been losing the Sinhala vote. I think the UNP thought that if they got about 80 to 90 percent of the minority vote and a little bit of the Sinhala vote, that  could take them through. But that was proved to be wrong in 2002, 2005 and then in 2010. Further during the period that the UNP was in power in 2001-2002 there were several decisions  taken that alienated the Sinhala majority. So the first thing the party has to do is to get a majority of the Sinhala vote. In fact I told the working committee that this has to be the top priority for the future. The Sinhalese  need  to have confidence in the leaders of the UNP.

 

Q: You say that the Sinhalese have lost confidence in the UNP. Could this be because most of the UNP Seniors are Colombo centric and Colombo is mostly populated by the minorities?

 

 

 

I would say the Sinhalese all over the country have this mutual feeling. I wouldn't say that just one person is responsible for this either, we have to all take collective responsibility for this- all those holding high office are responsible.

 

 

 

Soon after the Presidential election in 2005, particularly I and even Mr. Kabir Hashim informed the leadership of this shortcoming. Unfortunately there was no notice taken of this- neither was any steps taken to rectify the situation. And therefore from 2005 to 2010 we went the same way.  Even now, it is going the same way.

 

Q:The reforms that are now being discussed are however not to change these polices of the UNP?

 

The reforms are to democratize the party, so that those who hold high offices are elected by an electoral college. It is up to those who  vote to see to it that those who could lead the party to victory in the future are elected. Because if we go the same way that we went for the past 10-15 years it will be another six years wasted.

 

Q:You identified that it is the UNP's failure to concentrate on the Sinhala majority that has held it back from victory. If this is the case then simply changing the UNP's leadership- will it bring victory to your party?

 

We have not been able to achieve victory in the last 15 years-so that speaks for itself. It is the collective weakness because no one was trying change the thinking of the party in a serious  way. Although some tried to change the thinking of the party it was not possible.

 

Q:Why was it not possible?

 

I suppose because the leadership thought that it was heading in the right way. As I said in 2005 after the Presidential defeat I and Kabir Hashim informed the leadership that we should try to win over the Sinhala majority, but no one paid heed and there was no plan to gather the Sinhala voters.

 

Q:Considering that your ideas have been ignored by the leadership, do you think the present leadership should continue and will it  be approved by the party for the future?

 

Well, the proof of the pudding is in the eating. And even now it is going the same way- no plan of reaching out to the Sinhalese and in particular the Sinhala -Buddhist. You know you can't do that within a few months- it is the public perception of you. One can't do it suddenly, by saying I'm a Sinhala Buddhist on TV and start giving interviews and get  people to accept that. It is the perception people have of you, after you are engaged in political activity for 10 to 15 years and this cannot be changed overnight. As someone said; modern politics is not exactly what you do but what the people perceive.

 

Apart from these problems; my main qualm is that in the two years that the UNP was in power from 2001- we did not reach out to the youth. In terms of employment- the UNP always boasts that it has international support, so if that is actually the case, then we should have been able to get more investment into the country and get the youth more gainful employment during those two years. The economy as a whole improved but individually the rank and file of the UNP youth was ignored. If there was at least a token gesture towards them the situation would have been improved. The two years in which the UNP was in power they did not care for the youth. The youth has to feel that at least the government cares for them, even by token gestures. But that caring nature was absent. Not just the youth but the trade unions and the UNP activists too felt ignored.

 

Even now when we go to the villages the people still talk of the two years; did you give us a single piece of land, or jobs, or admit our children to schools? Even now they ask these questions.

 

Q:Do you think the present leadership should continue?

 

Well one must know when to come and when to go. I joined the UNP because of Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe and because he invited me, when I was an SLFP cabinet Minister. We got him a government in 2001 and it was the cross-over of so many SLFP members that provided the impetuous for the UNP victory. But I am sorry to say that he couldn't retain that government when he had the opportunity. Like Shakespeare said "there is a tide in the affairs of men" and you must sail with the tide; you will never get that tide again.

 

The UNP was very strong in 2001 and if that government had done a little bit of work then, because we got 90 odd seats- despite not having given a single job and  ignoring welfare. Because the UPFA got only 105, they got only a few more than us. So if we had done a little more work and shown that caring nature, which was very absent then we could have done better. Even in rich countries this caring nature has been decisive.

 

Q:You mentioned that you crossed over on the invitation of Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe and because of him. Then it can only be assumed that at the time you would have had a very high opinion of him - but thereafter due to the  election losses the party has suffered  what would you say are some of his main weaknesses?

 

He is a very intelligent person and I would say he has a good brain. But reaching out to people and showing  that you are concerned about them in a very personal way he cannot do.

 

One the other hand the Public Relations of the President are excellent. And seeing is believing and this can be very clearly  seen on TV. But I must say that Mr. J.R Jayewardene was not a very lovable person, yet he was intelligent enough to realize his shortcomings and brought in others to fill that gap, like Premadasa who could reach out to the ordinary people and then he brought Lalith who could reach out to the intelligent sector  and then Gamini who could reach out to the Kandyan people.

 

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DAILY MIRROR

OPINION

CHILDREN ARE ALL OF OUR FUTURE

 

In recent times we read or see often in the electronic media pathetic stories of children who have been abandoned. Mothers attempting suicide after  throwing their child into a river or well , new born babies kept on garbage heaps  or near religious institutes . We also hear of children been abused either sexually or physically often by members in the same family or by those considered as family friends. In addition instances of young children being kidnapped too receive considerable media attention.

 

While all these situations are absolutely contrary to the various religious perceptions prevailing in the country , they also show  that our basic cultural and social values have undergone a drastic and tragic change. Many years ago a child was considered as a sacred gift to be protected and cherished. However that scenario changed. Perhaps it was the effect of the market economy which created a new value ethos based on wealth and position and gathered into this circle a whole hoard of poverty stricken women seeking employment as housemaids abroad, or perhaps until very recently  it would have been the continuous war on terrorism that often caused the disintegration of families and then ofcourse the  tsunami in which many children were either orphaned. Or lost one of their parents. Whatever the reason be children from being an asset is now considered by many as a burden , and especially those in marginalized homes or those where the mother has gone abroad  on employment are seeking to place their children in state care or private run orphanages.

 

In Sri Lanka today institutional care is the fate of many children who have been abandoned by their parents. According to an UNICEF report 2007, out of over 21,000 children  (the number could be much higher now) in orphanages in Sri Lanka, one or both parents of over 19,000 of them are still alive. By definition orphanages are alternates to foster care by giving orphans a community based setting in which to live and learn . In worst cases orphanages can be dangerous and unregulated places where children are subject to abuse and neglect .

 

In most cases it is a family member who leaves the child at an orphanage. "In Sri Lanka institutional care has become the sole option for many children because their family unit is destroyed, by such things as parental loss, separation or parental conflict. Another reason may be the war and displacement factors," In the UNICEF report titled "Out of Sight - Out of Mind." poverty is often considered as a root cause with the family feeling they cannot afford to adequately provide for the child.

 

Most of the children living in homes have never known the true meaning of family. Although many homes allow parents to visit, these visits are often deliberately kept brief and highly supervised, according to the National Child Protection Authority (NCPA). This prevents  the children from complaining  of staff abuse to a parent who might subsequently lodge complaints against them with the protection authority.  Communication with parents and relatives - including letters written home by the children and those received by them - is often closely monitored by orphanage authorities, according to the Women and Children's Bureau of the Sri Lanka Police Department. The bureau, one of whose functions is to investigate child abuse, is concerned that many children are confined in these orphanages with restricted communication with parents and relatives and often with inadequate supervision or living conditions.

 

Institutionalization of  children creates so many emotional and social traumas that many of them find it difficult  to adjust to mainstream society. In fact the UNICEF in 2007  suggested that a large number of cases of child placement in orphanages could be avoided if better programmes were implemented to support marginalized families. Sri Lanka also currently lacks programmes to help reunite children with their families, according to the NCPA. The Ministry of Child Development and Women's Empowerment has said some time ago that it was planning to initiate a programme so that children can be reunited with their families but now with a change of  Ministers one wonders whether any of these plans will be realized.

 

 Essentially the Ministry can make use of the number of officers connected with this work ,and other specific officers concerned with protecting the rights of a child, attached  to  Divisional secretariats . They should be tasked to work out  the number of families who for reasons of poverty , a family member working abroad and lack of child care facilities have placed their child in an orphanage or intends to do so. This type of data could be of great value to the Ministry so that they can work out division-wise their programmes ,whether it be to increase the  Samudri payments a family receives so that they can take provide for the child in the home, whether day care centres are needed to care for children whose parents especially the mother has gone for employment abroad and whether elders in the area can assist in this matter for a small payment.

 

The Ministry too should  obtain information of families who would like  to foster children , there may be many who would like to volunteer to look after a child and Ministry officers in the Divisional Secretariat could monitor the child's progress. At the moment most children and babies who have been abandoned are usually sent to state or privately managed homes, as orphanages are euphemistically called, and once  media attention concerning the abandoned child or baby ceases and the cooing hospital and police officers go back to their own work  the child sent to a home is forgotten and becomes institutionalized with no one really to care of provide him/ her with the affection and care a child needs to emotionally develop into a well adjusted person. In fact all of us seem as Tauscher says "Worry about what a child will become tomorrow, yet we forget that he is someone today'  and that someone has the inherent right to parental care and the security of a home.

 

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DAILY MIRROR

OPINION

SAVING PAUL THE OCTOPUS

 

If Paul the octopus feels threatened in Bavaria (Germany) he is always welcome in Barcelona, so says Barcelona midfielder and hero of FIFA 2010 Andres Iniesta, whose goal sealed the victory for Spain at FIFA finals on Sunday.

 

While Paul's prediction on a Spanish victory made him the darling among the Spanish fans, his correct prediction on the German doom at the hands of the Spanish at semis had made him a virtual villain among a section of natives. Some threatened to throw him into a shark tank and worse some others wanted to roast him alive.

 

Shifting bases therefore may not look that bad for Paul.

 

But there's a small hitch.

 

Calamari, made out of a relative of the octopus family remains a hot favourite dish among most Spaniards. Pro-Paul Germans point out that the temptation will always  be there on the Spanish side to fry Paul to make a special Calamari and therefore want the octopus to mind his own business at the Oberhausen Sea Life aquarium.

 

Telling the truth always has its own perils especially in situations where strong emotions take the upper hand over wisdom.

 

Quite a few who tell the truth end up becoming an enemy of his or her own land. A section of this becomes celebrities overseas for the very same reasons they were despised locally. Then there are heroes who tell untruths to woo overseas audiences and end up becoming villains at home.

 

Either way the truth remains that however much hostile people may turn against a person, there's always a

section of the public to hold the opposite opinion and support a generally unpopular man in the homeland.

 

In the case of Paul, the Spanish offers that came his way had been quite tempting.

 

Spanish Prime Minister Jose Zapaterois has reportedly said 'I am concerned for the octopus ... I am thinking of sending him a protective team".

 

Paul for sure will not go to parliament and is unlikely to be flown to Kenya for a Commonwealth summit. So one may say that he should grab the Spanish offer. After all he is in for a heroes welcome there. Paul certainly should not pay much attention to the cynics who swear by animal experts that octopuses are naturally attracted to bright colours and hence Paul's attraction to red and yellow Spanish flag against all others.

 

But then there's that threat of Calamari! Well in an unknown territory one never knows what the future will hold for poor Paul after the FIFA fever dies down. For instance even World Cup winning cricket heroes have turned to zeroes elsewhere.There is still a strong section of Germans that adore Paul. Before the semi-final prediction he was everybody's favourite there. Life is so unpredictable. Who knows, his days of glory may return in the most unexpected hour.

 

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